Alexei Navalny on the show “Cactus” on “Navalny LIVE”

[music]

Good morning. My name is Lyubov Sobol.

My name is Alexei Navalny.

Hello, you're watching us, as you do

every weekday morning on the Navalny

Live channel at 9 a.m. From 9 to 10 we have

a live broadcast, and recordings can be watched at any

time. Subscribe to our channel,

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share this video among

the residents served by your housing office, as people say these days.

We have a new feature:

today we're going to try putting on air

tweets with the hashtag #Cactus that you

post on your Twitter. We'll

pick some and try today to put on

the screen the best tweets

during this live broadcast.

Everyone was really waiting for you, Alexei, to get out

of the detention center. Every day

we got tired of sitting with you in that detention center in spirit; we

were bombarded every day with questions: what

is new with Alexei, what has changed, how are you

feeling, does he need anything

passed on to him, and so on. Can you tell us

at least briefly how you spent that

time? Nothing new happened there.

It's just that yesterday they served rice porridge, and

today millet porridge. A detention center is

basically like a dormitory

where they also simply lock you

in. You lie on your bed all day and

read, and three times a day they take you out

to eat, and once a day they take you

for a walk. So, for people

who don't get enough sleep or just want

to lie around and read, it's just a great

place. Highly recommended.

And it's pretty easy to get there too: you can

go be rude to any police officer

and you're guaranteed to end up there for five days and

catch up on sleep.

We're already getting a lot of comments.

Someone perked up and writes, damn, they're going to scold me again

for fooling around at work

during working hours. Good thing our boss here is for

Navalny, otherwise I'd be fired. But this kind of thing is actually the most

proper thing to do. What else should you be doing

during working hours if not watching

Navalny Live and wonderful Lyubov?

Yesterday, a clip spread

at lightning speed on Twitter and

social media showing how the actor from Harry

Potter, the one who played Harry Potter,

Daniel Radcliffe,

spoke about Alexei Navalny. Let's

briefly watch that video.

The blogger, the young lawyer Navalny.

I read a very interesting article.

Navalny in our country is like

Voldemort — his name must not be spoken.

[applause]

Actually, it's old, yes, that's right.

I understand, it's from 2011. I don't

know why you decided to show it. Decided

to show off on your broadcast? I decided

to show off. I actually kept thinking

yesterday that it was a new video, and then I

found out it was old. Because really,

nothing has actually changed.

Still, of course, it was worth

showing. In fact, nothing has

changed since 2011: they still don't

want to invite you onto television, and

they still don't want to say your name.

To this day, neither Medvedev nor Putin nor

Peskov ever says the surname

Navalny. In that wonderful

comment of his about compote, I don't remember

him naming you. He said it was an excellent

solid investigation. Well, then there was compote from

nonsense, little papers, and a lot of other things.

He said a lot, but I don't remember him naming you there.

There were actually many terms: 'this gentleman,'

'these individuals,' 'the convicted citizen' —

lots of all sorts of interesting epithets.

They come up with them for me, but by surname

indeed, no one called you that. But

despite even this blockade, still

even Daniel Radcliffe knows about you, about

our work, about the Anti-Corruption

Foundation (ACF).

Then we'll definitely win. Uh-huh. And let's

talk. There are a lot of comments. A little

later I'll read through them all, I'll try

to read as many as possible. Let's talk

about the March 26 rallies. How do you

assess them overall? Were they successful? Because

there was a lot of information about

detentions, but in fact this was

some really big and impressive

moment when people took to the streets. It

was probably the first time since the 1990s that so many people

in the regions came out.

It really seemed that people

were not indifferent. And probably we should also talk about what

to do next, because there are a lot of

questions about that.

Well, of course, I assess the action on the 26th as

very successful, first of all because

uh,

it reached almost the entire country, and that

really, since the 1990s, even

compared with the protests

of 2011–2012, this was larger in scale

if we look at the spread across the whole

country. Since the 1990s, this was the first

such simultaneous action across

all cities, which is very important. In

most cities, people came out to

unauthorized, uh, rallies. Although

'unauthorized' is the wrong

word — illegally banned by the authorities,

let's put it that way. People assessed this correctly.

They said: this is an unlawful ban,

and they went out into the streets anyway, and they

spoke out against corruption, which

has now, of course, become a political issue.

the backbone of the state, that is, they

essentially came out against this government

against the way this government is built, all of it

for 17 years. Of course, this was a very important action. I

am very grateful to everyone who came out to

in fact, despite how much they

tried to intimidate people by saying everyone would be detained

and jailed. Look, in Moscow there were

a thousand people detained

and placed under administrative arrest. Yesterday I

went over to our lawyers and checked with them

and so far there are about 86 people on the list, so in

fact, despite the fact that the authorities

are trying to scare everyone, Medvedev and the rest of them

keep talking about some kind of repressive

police machine, we can see that they really

can’t do much to those

who take to the streets. Yes, some people

were arrested, some spent 15

days in jail, but out of the tens of thousands of people

who came out, that’s just a negligible

percentage. For example, in my own

exercise yard, everyone I met

were people detained at the rally too

and arrested. Every one of them was at a protest

for the first time in their life, at their very first

rally, and they were all jailed for 10 days, mostly

and every single one of them said, ‘We’ll

definitely go again.’ And that is the most

important thing, the most important thing. People are saying that

we need to keep coming out, we need to keep

doing this work. That answers—sorry

for the long answer—your question about what

needs to be done. We need to work, because what

were we doing

before? I mean overall, was there

a large political movement,

an anti-corruption movement in Russia? There wasn’t.

Yes, the Anti-Corruption Foundation (ACF) has existed

for quite a long time, but we hadn’t seen such a mass

movement in the regions. But that’s exactly

what needs to be organized. We need to

keep spreading these videos,

we need to keep explaining things to people, and I

assure you it will have an effect. In my cell

a little anecdote—and I take back those words—

there was a guy from Ivanovo in my cell

who had served 19 years

and the last time he got a 12-year sentence. And

for five days he listened and listened while we

discussed all this, listened about Medvedev,

listened about Usmanov, listened about all of them,

and then he just came over and said, ‘Alexei,

if people in Ivanovo knew about all this,

then 80% of people would vote for you.’

That’s the truth. The truth is that to this day nobody

really knows anything. Everyone knows there is

corruption in general, but we need to go out and

talk about very specific things

and give very specific

recommendations: what to do, who

to vote for, and what kind of money to use.

Alexei, apparently you’ve already convinced

a number of the people watching our

live stream, because right

now someone is writing in the comments, ‘I signed

for Navalny,’ and also writes

something very sensible: if on Navalny’s website

you tick the box ‘I want to be

a volunteer,’ then stickers should be sent out. A lot

of people are writing about signatures and about

stickers. Indeed, while you were locked up,

Alexei, in the special detention center, the campaign headquarters, in support

of your movement, launched

the opportunity for anyone

who wants to become a volunteer, who wants

to be useful to the campaign, to get these

stickers for a computer, for a car,

for a car, for a phone, and so on. You can

get them completely free if

you register on the website

2018.com, go through all the verification steps,

confirm your email and phone number, and place

an order. Order stickers—this really is

actually very important, and I’m very

grateful to everyone who puts up

stickers. Why? Because it’s one of the

most effective forms of campaigning,

possibly the most effective. In 2013

we did all sorts of things, from, I don’t know,

billboards—we had very few of those—to

these car stickers. And

then after the campaign we conducted

a special survey and simply asked

people, voters, which kind of campaigning

they remembered most, and stickers on

cars came in first. So

everyone who put a sticker on their

car should know that you have

turned into a highly, highly effective

campaigning tool, an object and subject of agitation.

And so, in the comments, Alex-fa

writes a question for Alexei: How do you feel about

the opinion that the internet has defeated television,

expressed by Yulia Latynina in

a program? I would like that to be true,

but unfortunately, for now it isn’t. Just look for yourselves.

Our film—we’ve been showing it for more than

a month already, and it seems like everyone has

watched it a million times and the whole country

knows about it, but in practice, 18

million views on YouTube—I checked this morning—

is a lot, it’s

far more than any single

most popular television program, but

it’s more than one television program. And

if they run their

propaganda ten times a day on every channel,

then of course television is still

more effective. But we are looking for new methods and

new opportunities in this situation. And on that note,

I’d like to say to you

a huge thank you, and a huge thank you to everyone

who watches Navalny Live, this

program. Before they jailed me, you had

how many views—what was it,

12,000 or 13,000? Then 15 days pass, I come out,

and our Lyuba has turned into a star, you could say.

To say that the internet is buzzing no less would be an understatement.

Each episode gets 120,000 views, uh...

It’s really cool that you went live after

that.

That notorious one, because they banned

the broadcast of that roundtable on the 26th, and...

Leonid Volkov was detained, and you went on air

from the office—they wiped away the fingerprints here,

the ones they took during the search, wiped them off. No, well, their own

positions—they wiped off exactly what had been left behind.

Some unclear people came through here,

carried out searches here as part of the so-called fight against

corruption. So, well, it just turned into

a complete farce: they banned the broadcast on the 26th,

but afterward people still wanted

to know the truth, so naturally they tune in.

If television doesn’t tell them the truth,

it isn’t mentioned.

Lyubov Sobol talks about me on

air. In fact, people want to know the truth, but

it was also necessary the next day,

when all the equipment had been taken, to go on air,

and then do these broadcasts every day,

using 3G. We didn’t have Wi-Fi because

they had switched off the router, and we were going live over 3G with

the sound dropping out, but still, a huge

thank you to everyone who watched. I even know

one secret story—Lyuba will probably

get mad if I tell it, but I’m

going to tell it.

She thought she wasn’t on air and swore, and

it went out live—but nobody

saw it. Now they’ll probably go look for it,

but that was exactly when the sound dropped out again, and

everything was actually a mess.

People just want to know the truth. That’s why

if they don’t talk about Navalny on

television, if they don’t even mention his name,

then people will google it on

the internet, watch videos, because everyone

wants to know. The point is that

there’s no normal information at all, and

the internet plays a huge role here. And these

live broadcasts—when people used to

treat them ironically, everyone thought, well,

it’s a livestream, maybe 3,000 people watch it,

but now every one of your episodes

is watched by 120,000 people—that means

your reach is already bigger than that of

the overwhelming majority of Russian media outlets.

It’s really great that you’re doing this.

You’re doing an amazing job. Honestly, I’m even

worried that you’ll soon become too

popular and start competing with me.

If you keep showing up for every broadcast,

you’ll become too popular if necessary. But that’s

unrealistic, because right now you’re heading off to

work—you’ll be traveling to the regional headquarters.

I think you all basically won’t

be appearing here at all. We’re trying

We’re trying to divide our time, after all, and, uh,

we intend to stick to this schedule

of opening two or three headquarters a week, even when

I wasn’t there—everyone did a great job, traveled around, and opened

headquarters in Rostov-on-Don, Krasnodar,

Voronezh, and Stavropol. In the near future

we’ll open headquarters in Tyumen and Chelyabinsk. And

at the same time, of course, I’ll continue working

here as well, although there really is

less and less time.

People are asking about Alisher Usmanov.

What’s the news there—that he

commented and wants to file a lawsuit against

Alexei Navalny? Indeed, at one in the morning,

literally last night, news appeared

that Alisher Usmanov, a major

oligarch, is planning to sue Alexei

Navalny, and all of this is connected to

the investigation He Is Not Dimon to You,

the Anti-Corruption Foundation’s investigation,

Alexei Navalny’s video investigation.

According to it, Alisher Usmanov gave

Dmitry Medvedev a house on Rublyovskoye

Highway worth 5 billion rubles,

and this is official information, because there are

extracts from the Unified State Register of Real Estate, and they were presented in the video

investigation. Anyone can google it

and access it publicly, just as

the ACF did.

It says that

he is a criminal and was a criminal. That’s

the first point. Second, yes, of course, I continue

to accuse him

based on the documents, and I believe that he

paid a bribe to this whole system

of charitable foundations that

belongs to Dmitry Medvedev. But it is a

legal fact that he

gave an estate on Rublyovka worth 5 billion

rubles to the foundation

Sotsgosproekt. There is a document from Rosreestr (Russia’s state property registry),

and it says “gift.” That just doesn’t happen—

people don’t just go around gifting

mansions to obscure foundations that

don’t publish reports. Yes, I believe that

this is a bribe. More than that, to be honest,

the fact that Alisher Usmanov has only just woken up to this now

is odd. Many years ago I released an investigation

about Shuvalov. Well, I can’t say that

it was entirely my own investigation—it was based on

materials from an investigation by The Wall Street

Journal, the American newspaper, about how

Alisher Usmanov, together with Roman

Abramovich and other oligarchs,

paid Shuvalov bribes totaling around 100

million dollars, and back then I said that

he was paying bribes to Russian officials.

And I continue to maintain that now,

based both on our investigation and on

investigations by foreign media, including

them. I find it interesting that Medvedev, in this

situation, isn’t suing or saying anything at all,

but Usmanov is. Fine—let

him. He said something very interesting:

that he is filing a lawsuit and submitting a complaint to

law enforcement. My

assumption is precisely that

he is more likely to use

the law enforcement agencies for some kind of

pressure on me and on the foundation, as usual

will open a case, and as part of that case they’ll start

conducting searches, but I’ve seen this many times already

and the last search of that kind in

my apartment was also in connection with a case about

"defamation," in quotation marks, against, well,

police officer Pavel Karpov. I’m very

interested in how they all keep trying to say

that Navalny is a slanderer, but at the same time they

don’t explain

what the real story actually is. But

tell us, Alisher Usmanov, why did you

give away this property on Rublyovka (an elite residential area outside Moscow) worth

5 billion rubles. Why did Navalny lie and you

tell the truth? Well then, explain the details. In exchange for what

benefits did you give this to a nonprofit

organization whose beneficiary

is Medvedev?

Yes, of course, he explains it. Well, he lies. It’s

some papers and so on. Not papers—

these are data from the official websites

of Rosreestr and the Unified State Register of Real Estate

the official Russian real estate registry

absolutely. So, he gave this interview

Well, he could have said: you know, Navalny is such a

scoundrel, he slandered me, but I transferred

this estate worth 5 billion rubles and we set up

an orphanage there, and here are photos from the

orphanage with the children. But there’s nothing like that

there, so all they can say

in their defense is: well, Navalny is a

criminal, and the Russian law enforcement

agencies will deal with him. Well, Russian

law enforcement agencies, unfortunately,

are busy protecting

corrupt officials from anti-corruption campaigners

And another interesting thing—I wanted to say about Usmanov

He said in his statement there

that Navalny is a criminal, that he crossed

a red line, while I’m such a wonderful

person, creating hundreds of thousands of jobs

and giving millions to charity

What a brazen bastard. He hasn’t created a single

job. Everything Alisher Usmanov has—

the foundation of his

business empire—is Soviet-era

mining and processing plants. They were

created back in the

1970s and 1980s; he simply privatized them

or stole them or otherwise acquired them

as property, but he created absolutely

nothing. What, did Alisher Usmanov create the Mikhailovsky GOK (a major mining and processing plant) or something?

That’s just ridiculous

He just takes money from it, he

underpays his workers, he doesn’t

pay enough taxes, and because of that he

uh

gets rich; that’s how he bought his

famous yacht Dilbar for 400 million euros

you can watch a video about it on our channel

specifically about that. That’s the basis of his

wealth: the state. And he hasn’t created any jobs

and has had no positive effect on the

economy. He’s simply an

oligarchic crook and bribe-giver

Alexei, yes, everything you’re saying is correct, but

I feel like I could just get up and

leave this broadcast, because when I ask the

next question, I think you won’t be

stoppable at all, and we’ll be on air until

6 p.m.

About work—I was reading, and I want

to talk about jobs, because people watching us

about jobs are literally

writing: here I am hiding out somewhere at work and

watching your broadcast right now because Ivan

Matveev is asking Navalny a question

Please briefly outline your presidential

program. And there are a lot of questions about

the presidential program—if there are some

main points, briefly. Alexei, if you could

go over them once again, although you probably often

First of all, there’s the website Navalny 2018

Second, the points of our program

are fairly simple. First and foremost, we stand

for ensuring that the nation’s

wealth in Russia is distributed

fairly. It’s a broad concept, but it

is filled with concrete measures, for example

those same oligarchs—since we were talking

about Usmanov—they should pay

compensatory taxes on the results of

privatization; in general, they should pay

more taxes

We support raising the minimum

wage in Russia to no less than 25

thousand rubles, and we believe, and we have

calculated, that the Russian economy

can afford it. I’ve become ten times more convinced of this

after

opening regional campaign offices and seeing

that people just come in and their

salaries are 18,000, 15,000, 12,000 rubles

These are young people, not even pensioners, not

people working at some kind of

old Soviet-era enterprises where

you can’t earn more. These are, these are

young people working in the new

economy, and this new economy cannot

pay them more than 12,000–15,000–20,000

rubles at most, and it’s impossible to live on

that money. And of course, one of the foundations

of our corruption—uh, one of the foundations

of our program, sorry, is the fight against

corruption. We support the immediate

adoption of a law on illicit enrichment and

measures to combat illicit enrichment. We

support adopting all those laws

that you, among others, have written

concerning transparency in public procurement. We

generally believe that the money

that the state and society can

save by fighting corruption

is one of the drivers of

economic development, because in public procurement here

1.5 trillion rubles are stolen every year

—and, by the way, that’s according to Medvedev

in public procurement, in orders placed by state-owned companies

and under state oversight, there are another 7 trillion there

being stolen every year, so this money

this is exactly what the economy could

grow from

I’ve briefly listed a few points, well

in general, go to the Navalny 2018 website

everything is laid out there in quite a lot of detail, and

it will be explained in even greater detail

it explains in detail not only the fight

against corruption; other important

things are covered there too, including the fact that we have a draft law

on housing and public utilities that explains how

utility rates should be set, that is, various

pressing problems have answers

there are draft laws written out that

could already be applied now and which

would simply make life in our country

better as soon as tomorrow if Navalny becomes

president unexpectedly, unexpectedly

or expectedly through elections, but I just wanted

you know, to say that our program

has in many ways been hard-won, because

the Anti-Corruption Foundation (ACF) has for quite a long time

been operating as a foundation, and for even longer it worked

in a simpler form; there was just embezzlement there, and those

draft laws and ideas that we wrote down

come from practice, they come from real

life. Well, we’ve encountered

corruption in housing and utilities, we’ve encountered the fact that

utility rates rise in a completely

non-transparent way. We drafted a law that

could help with that, but then you try

to take this law everywhere, and they

tell you, “Why do I need it?” and others

say it’s not needed at all because it won’t

let us make money

The utilities monopoly will earn

less, so now we understand that

only a political movement, only

victory in elections will make it possible

to implement these laws. But all of them come

from real life, they come from specific problems

and we wrote them all ourselves

Stan Major writes: “Sobol, don’t”

interrupt the president”

for now, still a candidate. So you may

interrupt. Mimo Fetochka writes: “Alexei,

hello from Voronezh, please check our

Christmas tree, the Christmas tree that cost 7 million rubles

Please.” I don’t know about that tree, I haven’t

heard about it. For New Year they put up some kind of tree

for 7 million rubles. We’ll take a look

and I’ll even talk on air about what

actually happened there

A Christmas tree for 7 million rubles really is

a lot. It seems to me that for

Voronezh, such a rich city, that’s quite an expense. People are writing

a lot about Milonov and just about

talking about him

and instead of

Milonov is wonderful

of course, but I really love Milonov. He is

one of my favorite deputies because

he clearly has in his head

some hellish set of

sexual and other perversions, and one

of those perversions is that

he simply gets enormous

pleasure from seeing his name

constantly appear in the news, especially

in the craziest stories. Well, that’s what

it’s so nicely called in your

little internet

he just jumps onto some

popular topics, spouts complete nonsense, and

it works out perfectly for him

so the channel grows, and I understand

that it has already turned into some kind of

sinister video blogger, because now the language is

things like, “I invited this person and then the

hype started.” What hype? I invited someone

because I want them to be on my program

that’s who I want on the program. I’m not going to

tell your secrets; under that

there’s hype, with this one we’ll do a battle, with that one

maybe. Alexei, how long have you

been hosting this program? Two weeks? Two

weeks, and you’ve already turned into this kind of

really

with all this strange vocabulary like

“hype.” They say I’m a nerdy lawyer. Well,

now, now mine too. I don’t

mind being a nerdy lawyer who

creates hype on the internet; that’s much

better, I like it. Well done. As for

Milonov, it’s actually great. He

comes up with absolutely idiotic initiatives

and their idiocy is obvious to absolutely everyone

as far as I understand, even United Russia

has now distanced itself from them, but even so

it’s very convenient for us to use this

in campaigning, because to any person—I don’t

know whether they support me or not—

whether they support me or not, to any even

somewhat reasonable person, if you

show them Milonov and tell them about his

initiative, tell them that he represents

the United Russia party, the party of Putin and

Medvedev, and

any normal Russian will say they’re

idiots, they’re simply harmful

They get paid out of our taxes

there are hundreds of millions of rubles there, and they

are busy with this kind of nonsense, proposing that

everyone should register

retirees on Odnoklassniki and students

on VK using their passport details. Well, this

idiocy is wonderful. Let United

Russia bring all its idiots and

halfwits even further into the front ranks

it will only make our work easier. And for you

it will be easier to work too. Actually, I’m not

sure that this is just one of those

initiatives thrown out there. I’ll explain

my position, because sitting here

in your place on Friday was—no—Kamikadze was

here on this broadcast, and he was saying that

And then first there was the bill saying that

children under 14 would be banned from using the

Internet, and access to the Internet would require

a passport. He says, well, that can't be right,

it's completely unrealistic, and he told me

it was unrealistic because it had already been

introduced somewhere at the legislative level

in a region — it was in Leningrad Oblast

and now it's already at the federal

level. I said, wait a second. Well, nobody

thought the Yarovaya law would be passed either

everyone says it's unrealistic, it's

impossible to implement, technically

impossible. It's rationally impossible, and

yet the Yarovaya package laws

were still passed. It's the same thing here. I'm not sure

this is just some kind of throwaway

from Milonov. Maybe they're testing the waters. I'm

not saying it's just a trial balloon. Let's ask

ourselves a question: would the authorities want

all of us to access the Internet only

with a passport? The answer is obviously yes. They dream

of it. They dream of being able to

track every single person. Any

local governor, some petty little prince,

just dreams of being able to find everyone who wrote there

that our governor is an idiot or

a crook, so that person could be

identified by passport and then have

the police sent after them. Of course they really

want that, but that doesn't make the initiative any less

idiotic. The fact that Milonov is the one proposing it — well, he

just makes it look even more stupid.

So I think there is definitely such a

threat. I think absolutely — well,

you can't deny it, you can't argue with it:

our authorities are pushing the Internet

in that direction —

toward registration, blocking, and generally

curtailing internet freedom in every form.

But at the same time, that doesn't cancel out the magnificence

of Milonov, because his stupidity

is obvious to anyone. Why do I think this might

also be some kind of testing

of public sentiment? Because I looked at

a VTsIOM poll published on April 10

— a survey saying that

such an initiative to restrict, to

ban children under 14 from going online

is supported by 62% of Russians. We know perfectly well

everything about polls and how they

are conducted — Putin gets 146% and everything

is just wonderful in the country, nobody

knows anything and nobody wants to

go out into the streets and ask questions

about Dmitry Medvedev's corruption. But still,

it seems to me that some kind of movement

has really begun. I think they're genuinely asking what else

can be banned. I'm sure they're sitting right now

somewhere in the presidential administration

talking about how to restrict these

people so they stop coming out. They're

sitting there role-playing: you're Putin, I'm Medvedev.

All right, you be Putin.

They're sitting there saying, damn, what's going on,

Vladimir Vladimirovich, people are out in the streets,

pouring out there. We ban rallies, and they still

come out and shout, stop lying to us, and

they call us by name and curse at us.

We need to somehow make them

stop coming out. And you're asking me

how they're organizing? I say, well,

they create VKontakte groups.

Then Dmitry says to me, or

then Vladimir Vladimirovich says,

I told you, we need to ban

VKontakte. We need to do everything so that

registration on the internet

becomes harder. We need

to block things. Yesterday there was news that they

blocked a radio app that

truck drivers use for work,

that lots of people use, that

search-and-rescue teams use,

and this vile move was done just to

spite the truck drivers. It

blocks a radio service used by

rescue workers, you understand? Shameless people.

Of course they're going to do it. Of course

they will keep trying to restrict the internet and

go further.

Apparently, this will be a big part of my

election campaign, because

I'll be gathering people online

and saying: let's unite the party

of the internet against this party of crooks

and thieves. And I also wanted to say that everyone

focused on this initiative

to ban children under 14 from going online

and require passport-based registration. Possibly

this bill will, in some

later form, perhaps somehow

be changed. There are also many other

initiatives there that theoretically

could be introduced. That is, they could

remove the most odious parts from it but

leave some other things in, for example

bans on

taking screenshots and posting, I

mean, screenshots of correspondence, and other

screenshots — posting screenshots of

other people's messages when they have not

given you consent for that

screenshot to be published. But right now

screenshots involving Solovyov are spreading, showing how he

changes course mid-flight, first

supporting Trump and then

suddenly flipping — jumping on whatever is trending, a living example of someone changing shoes mid-stride (a Russian idiom for abruptly changing one's position).

He switches sides instantly. And you — you were in a detention center,

the comparison is fair, everything came out — remember

the memes? And

so, that is, right now all these

old messages are surfacing, from when Solovyov

— Vladimir — supported Trump. Now we

can take screenshots of all the nonsense

Solovyov writes on Twitter. I

am sure we can do all of that, but

possibly this bill — well, that is —

a little deeper and with somewhat different

long-term plans than what everyone is discussing now

these most odious

proposals will be removed, and then in some

cut-down form, these internet bans

will actually end up applying to

because that’s usually exactly what they

do: they introduce a bill that contains

two or three points that are just

completely idiotic, everyone discusses those points and

a scandal erupts, so those two or three

points are eventually removed, and it was planned in advance

that those two or three points would

be dropped, while all the rest of the nonsense

just less glaring, less obvious

gets implemented. It’s a constant

practice the Kremlin uses. And I really

like how all reasonable people

are reacting to this initiative. And Yevg-

the press secretary of the social network VKontakte

commented on it yesterday

absolutely brilliantly. Meduza published his response

to the bill on its

website: “We consider the proposed measures

not restrictive enough, and in our

view the document needs serious

revision. It should ban children from watching

cartoons if they haven’t done

their homework, leaving the house without a hat,

and so on.” Just brilliant. I

described vividly that my

daughter would be the first to run to a

rally against Putin and the current authorities

if they ban going online. She’s three

years old, and she watches Peppa Pig on the

internet by herself. She

takes my mobile phone and just

sits there googling things on YouTube, and YouTube

is also a social network, so now all

children are on social networks from the age of two

and that’s completely normal

in this new technological age. It’s wonderful

by the way, before I forget

something else, but

it’s nothing serious

and let her have free access to

information

You can’t shield her and plug her ears when people sitting nearby

are shouting obscenities or doing something else. You just

have to explain what is good and what is bad

so that she herself starts to think critically

even at such an early age

By the way, about Milonov, I suggest

wrapping up this topic with a wonderful

comment from a psychiatrist I

spoke with yesterday about this topic. It’s the right

kind of show for it, so who else could we get

to comment on Milonov? Well,

it’s impossible to ask some reasonable

people for comment about him because

he is a completely unbalanced person

So yesterday I spoke with Igor

Lazarev and recorded his comment

let’s listen to what he told us

[music]

on any topic, for example, such people

try to bring everything back to some kind of their own

agenda

[music]

everything that does not fit his rigid

is emotionally charged, that is, again

the characteristic here is this kind of emotional

intensity; he will, uh, speak in this euphoric way

about his own

desires

that corresponds to his, well,

you see, these kinds of manifestations

does this need treatment, or what, or what

can be done, how can one counteract it

[applause]

And Deka Maikop asks Alexei, Alexei,

if you become president, will you begin

repressions against Cossacks

veterans, and other activists

who oppose you? There are a lot of questions about the Cossacks right now

I’ll answer about the

Cossacks in a moment, but I can’t help sharing a funny

moment. Well, this is my first time on the show

right now, and I’ve seen it the same way

you have, on the internet. It looks very

cool, but behind the scenes some very funny

things are happening. The police stole

all our equipment, and for example, sitting there is

Lyosha, the director of our program. When he

switches smoothly from one shot to another, he

knocks on the wall and tells us

— I don’t know why I’m revealing our

broadcast secrets — but it’s very funny. I’m

saying this because I’m very, very

happy that, well, like this,

you can put together a great

show on the fly that lots of people watch. And

as for the Cossacks, well, yes, Maidan and

everyone else: when I become president,

freedom will finally come for them

because right now they are absolutely

marginalized. Well, okay, there are some people

who don’t like me and apparently never

will, whether I’m president or

an opposition politician. The question is whether they

have the right

to speak out against me, whether they have the right

to write on VKontakte, whether they have the

right to protest against me. Well,

of course they do. There are, of course,

some hooligans there, just, well, simply

crooks paid by the authorities who start fights

or

stage provocations, try to break into

campaign offices, smash things, wreck stuff. Our

guys went to open an office, and they threw

an airsoft grenade at them. And the police

sit nearby, just looking out the window and

pretending not to notice anything, even though

they are simply coordinating the actions of these

hooligans. Well, hooligans should be dealt with

as hooligans: they should be

locked up for 15 days, they should be

fined, but of course any people

who speak out against me now, they

will continue to have the opportunity to speak out

Because that is how democracy works, and

only in this way will we be able to defeat

corruption, including only through

political competition, only through

people’s right to take to the streets and

speak out against the authorities. And if you cannot

speak out against the authorities in the street

while standing with a placard, then that means this

democracy and this state are worth nothing

Let’s move on to the next topic

I’ll read out the questions a little later. There are a lot

of questions, and on air

Yesterday we discussed it, but here the only thing is

Stanislav Belkovsky, a political analyst and columnist

and we were discussing the news that Russia

will extend a loan to Belarus of one million

dollars, and maybe—no, one

million

dollars, maybe

Sorry, one billion dollars, but

Alexei, you understand this better than I do

I wrote this story down again, that

you host the program every day at 8

but at the same time terrible news keeps appearing about

what is happening in Russia right now, that

the population is constantly getting poorer, there are

these surveys—the Higher School of Economics

published information that in 2016

41% of Russians could not fully afford

food and clothing in the

country, and over the weekend I also saw

a terrible video about the condition of the federal

highway that runs between

St. Petersburg and Karelia, where around

thirty vehicles got stuck in the mud. There, the

mud is literally knee-deep, and huge trucks

not small passenger cars—huge trucks

got stuck. Let’s watch this video about

that—what condition

the federal highway in our

country is in right now

Federal Highway A-121 Sortavala

A passenger car is wondering whether it should drive into this mud

or not

the car is worth more

over there, someone tried to go around it; in the distance

you can see a VAZ tenth model to the left of the white

truck, just standing on the shoulder because

you can’t get through on the road, and on the shoulder

either

Federal Highway 121 Sortavala, more

to continue

the ruts are knee-deep

another knock on the wall, which means we’re back on air

So we’re on air. Alexei, where is the money? Where is

the money that was supposed to go to

the federal highway between St. Petersburg and

Karelia

We already showed where the money is, including in

our film. It’s not a bottomless barrel

There is only so much money in the budget, and that

money mainly comes into the budget from

the sale of oil and gas, and if for the purchase of

this palace, 5 billion; that palace,

5 billion; overall there, one

Medvedev carved out 80 billion for himself through

state procurement, a trillion was stolen, procurement

by state companies—7 trillion was stolen—of course

there won’t be enough money left to build roads. And

this is one of the things that simply

sorry for the word—drives me crazy

It is 2017, the 21st century, and Russia cannot solve

the issue of building roads with

proper surfacing. This has been solved throughout

Eastern Europe, it has been solved in many

African countries, it has been solved in Latin

America, and certainly in all

European countries, in Western Europe, in Asia, in

most countries the issue of

proper paved roads has been resolved

and only in Russia do we

still have roads like those from a hundred

years ago. It’s astonishing when

you open a campaign office

and opposite the office there is a picket line

of some NOD activists or Cossacks, and they

are standing there with signs saying “Navalny, go away”

“We don’t need your program,” and they are standing

in a pothole. Damn it, they are standing, they are standing on

a horribly broken road in the center

of the city, standing in a pothole with signs saying

that we don’t need any fight against

corruption and we don’t need any

reforms. This perfectly shows the state

of what is happening, that the authorities

cannot solve right now even

the most basic issues. Yes, there are difficult

questions in healthcare that require

a great deal of money; there are complex issues in

healthcare, education, pensions

that require enormous sums. But roads? People have been building them

for thousands of years. It is clear how to build them

technology has advanced, and now it has become

cheaper to build, easier to build, you can

build in any climate conditions

the whole world builds proper roads, only

in Russia we cannot manage to do it. This

shows that this government, which

has been in place for 17 years, and by the way

under Yeltsin

under Gorbachev, in those “cursed nineties”

we built far more paved roads

than during all of this

Putin era. This shows that

they are incapable of solving even, even

the very simplest issues that

are successfully dealt with in African countries. During

the entire Putin era, despite the fact that the price of

oil was at peak levels and high compared

with those same 1990s

that Russia has oil, gas, and all of that

selling very well, and still we do not

get any of it. And yesterday I asked, um,

Natalya Zubarevich late in the evening, she

gave a brief comment—she is a doctor

She is a Doctor of Geographical Sciences and a professor at Moscow State University.

She told me about how money is spent

from the road fund in our country.

the physical city of Moscow.

Third place goes to Sakhalin: 10 million rubles.

Sakhalin is far away, everything there is expensive, so we can

assume that next come four

remote regions that are also very expensive. I

won't dwell too much on that, as it were.

But then Moscow

Oblast, per kilometer of roads, spends only

just

1.7 million rubles. Again, I don't know whether this is

pothole patching or new construction.

But that is exactly 10 times less

per kilometer than in Moscow, and there are a huge number

of regions that spend such

pitiful amounts that it's simply impossible

to hold it against them: about

15,280,000 rubles per kilometer.

Kalmykia, Ingushetia, Khakassia, North

Ossetia too, and not only them—Altai Krai as well.

[music]

Absolutely nothing is happening with the roads.

The conclusion is:

There are places where, per kilometer,

a lot of money is spent in principle—the question is

on what, and

how. But in Russia there are more places where money

is simply spent in large amounts. And that is why, when it comes to

pothole problems, these stories in

Karelia, we have to say a simple

thing: there is no money, but hang in there.

Natalya Zubarevich, a professor at Moscow State University and a Doctor

of Geographical Sciences, has just

told us what? She told us that

in subsidized regions, budgets do not have enough

money for road repairs. Regional budgets are impoverished, and

there isn't enough not only for

roads, but for healthcare, education,

or the social sector in general.

At the same time,

where there is enough money, like in Moscow,

it is spent very inefficiently: 17 million

rubles are spent on 1 kilometer of road, and that includes

pothole patching as well, meaning

they never repair the entire road in one continuous stretch.

Instead, they do some partial

patching. So where there is

money, it is spent inefficiently—

it is squandered, eaten up by corruption, and so on.

He said that where there is money—and

that is essentially just one single region,

Moscow, which can spend as much

money as it likes on roads, where

in practice all road contracts are awarded above the threshold and without real competitive bidding—

all road contracts are handled that way—and there

road repair has simply turned into

an instrument of corruption, simply a mechanism

for looting this road money. In all

other places, there is simply no money. And that is

staggering, because until quite

recently we had 17 donor regions; now we have

7 donor regions. Soon, apparently, we will have

only two donor regions left:

Moscow and Tyumen.

Why is this happening? Simply because

the ugly, disgusting, criminal

financial system turns

regions into paupers—any regions. A region

may have been wealthy quite recently, may have been a

donor region and sent money to Moscow, and could

support itself, but now they have

changed some laws there, taken away

some excise revenue, taken away a bit more of the profit tax, and

bang—the region already has to

go somewhere, to some Kremlin cash desk,

and beg for the money that

it earned itself. This is also one of the

examples of why nothing can

develop. How can a

region develop if it is normal, wealthy,

earns money, but all its money is

taken away to such an extent that it cannot even afford

to fix the road on its main street?

Enough.

Stop feeding the Moscow crooks. Because

from all this money flowing

into Moscow, what do we Muscovites—you and I—

actually get besides higher prices?

Do Muscovites somehow become

richer because of it? No. It's just that everything here

becomes 10 times more expensive. And the money

that is stolen here in Moscow

materializes in the form of wonderful houses

on the southern coast somewhere in France and

in other lovely places. Look at

the official statistics showing that

most of the real estate in London

worth more than a million pounds

is bought by whom? Russian officials,

Russian oligarchs—and by now you can't even

tell whether they are officials or

oligarchs. Take Usmanov—is he an official or

an oligarch? Well, something in between. He is simply

part of this criminal ruling

clan, where all boundaries have already been erased. He is simply

someone close to Medvedev and Putin—

and that closeness allows him to enrich himself. That's

all. And Muscovites get nothing from these colossal

sums sucked out of the rest

of the country either.

People watching us from

the regions think Moscow is swimming in

luxury and so on. I live not far

from the center, but in our courtyard there are just loads

and loads of potholes that I keep trying to get fixed

from time to time with this kind of pothole

patching, but these ruts keep ruining

my car's suspension. Are they interested

in fixing the pothole in your courtyard? No, they are interested

in awarding a huge contract for two

or three billion, so that from those

contracts, two or three billion could

immediately yield one and a half billion siphoned off

to some offshore account. That's what's attractive. But

fixing the issue in your courtyard for 100,000 rubles

—of course that's very interesting to me, Alexei.

A lot of people are asking questions. First of all, who

was still in the special detention center after you? And

Nikolai Lyaskin was still there, yes. The person

whose place I’m taking now—Lyaskin, he

got 25 days. Interestingly, by the way,

under the administrative code,

a punishment of more than 15 days exists only

for a rally. You can drive drunk

at the wheel, you can get into a fight with a police officer,

you can tell everyone to go to hell, you can fail to

pay taxes, have large

debts, commit any number of

offenses, drive in the oncoming lane,

but the maximum sentence—

25 days—is only for a protest rally. And

damn it, I saw the video.

[music]

So as I understand it, he has 9 days left.

People sit in the detention center and do nothing.

In principle, you can rest, but on the other

hand, all my colleagues, and

Alexei, are workaholics, so they

live for their work. Kolya Lyaskin too

really wants to get out and start

doing something. Just sitting there like,

I don’t know, like an amoeba in this strange

room—whatever it’s called. He got us a radio. We

had a radio in the cell, but it wouldn’t pick up Echo of Moscow,

so it was impossible to understand what

was going on at all. But Kolya had this really cool

radio, and he gave it to us for a few days

to listen to. So that’s the kind of guy he is—

good man.

Let’s discuss the news about the Finance Ministry, about

companies, sanctions, and so on. We also

had that news—though I guess you were in detention then, so

I don’t know whether you know this or not—

that Putin signed a law that

allows people who ended up on the

sanctions list not to pay.

And now, literally yesterday, news came out

that the Finance Ministry went even further and proposed

allowing selected companies to pay

their taxes late. Enterprises on the list

of strategic companies would be able to qualify for

a tax payment deferral, even if they are in good

financial shape. And on that list,

for example, there is the wonderful company

Rosneft, which is astounding. Honestly,

I read this this morning and

I still can’t believe it. Is this

real news? Yes, it is real news.

The Finance Ministry officially published it on

the regulatory draft portal.

Just imagine: you have

a car or, say, a dacha (country house). You have to

pay property tax on it or

vehicle tax, and you didn’t pay it

on time—you were a little late—and they’re already after you.

They send you letters, they charge you

penalties, and soon a bailiff will

come to your door, and some debt collectors

will show up and start splashing paint on

your door. We have millions of people in

this country who are just a little overdue

on a loan payment, and they’re simply driven mad

by phone calls at 5:00 a.m. over some

debt of 5 rubles. The entire state

machine and the commercial banking

machine—from debt collectors to the police to

bailiffs—are all set against

them. Whereas when

they wanted to slap me with a civil

claim in the Kirovles case,

bailiffs came to inventory

my property at night, which is explicitly prohibited,

and they said they would list everything,

right down to the children’s toys. And what do we

see now with Rosneft and Gazprom? If

they don’t pay taxes,

the state says: that’s all right, guys,

just wait a bit, please. Please, Igor

Ivanovich Sechin, no need to rush to pay

your taxes. First pay yourself your salary—

3 million rubles a day—then

and remember, Igor Ivanovich, you and

your wife bought yachts for 200

million dollars. Think about whether

you might need some new

diamond-studded steering wheel or, I don’t know, silk

sails. Spend your money on that first,

and only then pay taxes. This is just

some kind of—I don’t know—first of all, the final

stage of the state’s degradation; second,

it is the final transformation of the

state into private property,

because there are a few people who

have also decided: well, let’s not

pay taxes either, and they’ll give us a deferral on

tax payments. It’s outrageous. It

directly violates the law, because it

creates inequality between different persons and

legal entities and individuals. How are my rights

or your rights different from the rights of

Rosneft? If you have to pay taxes and

they have to pay taxes, like any

ordinary citizen,

then why should Gazprom and Transneft—why, why should they

have such a privilege? These are people

who are simply swimming in money,

who pay themselves fantastic

salaries, whose management lives

like Arab sheikhs. Why should they

have some kind of deferral on paying

taxes or anything else, while a person who

earns, I don’t know, 15,000 rubles for a full

month of work, of which 4,000 rubles go

to housing and utilities,

and who has a debt of 5,000 rubles, or 3,000 rubles, or

500 rubles—will be chased by a bailiff

trying to seize his car

or, I don’t know, the cabinet in his home. This is, of course,

outrageous. I hope this will not be

adopted.

If it is adopted, of course there will be protest against

it. It was officially published—

there is a portal for publishing

drafts.

All draft laws, every bill that

comes from the government, is published

on the official portal of legal

regulatory acts. You can go online and

find it — it’s the official website run

by the Government of the Russian Federation,

and by law all draft legislation is published there.

That’s what we should be talking about. Our task is precisely

to explain to all these poor people who are being chased

by debt collectors and court

bailiffs that, guys, while they’re after

you, while things are hard for you, you should know this:

companies like Rosneft, Gazprom, and

Transneft, and all of Putin’s friends, are

getting tax payment deferrals and

paying whenever they feel like it. And another piece of news

reported yesterday by the business media

was that the number of personal bankruptcies in Russia

rose 2.5 times in the first quarter, that is,

compared with March of last year.

In Russia, in the first quarter of 2017,

more than 5,000 citizens were declared bankrupt. Yes,

and the number of bankruptcies is increasing.

Let’s look at the data on

overdue loans, let’s look at

the data on loans in general, and on

overdue loans in particular.

30 million people live below the

poverty line. They have no other option

but to keep taking out loans at

insane interest rates. Because if you can’t

buy your child a pair of sneakers

so they can go to school, of course you

are going to borrow money at 500

percent annual interest, 1,000 percent annual interest,

the kind of rates at which

consumer loans are issued here. Then people

can’t repay them, naturally, and then they’re chased

by those same debt collectors, and they declare

bankruptcy. This is only going to grow.

We recently opened a штаб (campaign office) in the city of

Biysk, Altai Krai.

The whole city is plastered with ads: lawyers

to fight debt collectors, lawyers for

bankruptcy, lawyers for this and that. And I

was driving around, looking at it, and thinking: damn, all the advertising in

the city just shows how people live.

They live paycheck to paycheck,

they don’t have enough, they run around taking out

loans just to survive, and then

debt collectors come after them, then they’re

driven into bankruptcy, and this is completely unstoppable.

It’s swallowing up the population, and there is no other

way to fight this except through

A) economic growth and B) raising

the minimum wage. In that same

Altai Krai, people earn around

13,000–15,000 rubles a month — you can’t live on that — and

some country like Argentina,

which is generally poorer than Russia,

can pay an average wage and a

minimum wage of $500,

but we’re told that no, in Russia

you can’t pay 25,000 rubles. But that’s nonsense — you can,

and you have to, because

a person earning less than 25,000 rubles in

this country simply cannot live decently.

That’s just the reality. And Leonidova writes to us:

“Sakhalin Oblast is one of the

richest regions in Russia, the spawning rivers

are blocked off, gasoline costs 45–47 rubles,

tomatoes are 400 rubles. Please conduct

an investigation, because the new

governor, just like Khoroshavin, is stealing

no less.” It’s astonishing, really, that on

Sakhalin, where they built plants for

liquefied natural gas, where there is such a

huge raw-materials

base from which the federal

budget gets so much, people are complaining

that gasoline costs a crazy amount of money — uh,

astonishing, simply astonishing. This is exactly

an example of a region that, when we

take a look at it, when we examine it, we

say: my God, this region is full of

wealth, and by every rule, by

every standard, by every indicator

and calculation, this region ought to be super-

rich and prosperous. But in reality it

isn’t. Even if, as on Sakhalin, as I

understand it, the average salary there is fairly

high, prices are so insane that

it still leaves people poor, and that is

a direct consequence of the budget system

that has been built over 17 years.

We’re already running out of time to discuss the news

we wanted to talk about. There are lots of questions

about Sokolovsky and about the arrest of

a 19-year-old resident of Irkutsk who is

accused of offending the feelings of believers.

Mediazona and other outlets wrote about it yesterday,

because this is beyond absurd.

How can you arrest a person when he

did nothing? Fine, he wrote

something, maybe even some nonsense, I don’t know

what exactly he wrote or why he’s being

arrested. If he wrote nonsense, then go to

his comments and write: “Dude, you wrote

nonsense,” and that’s it.

Maybe it was nonsense and rubbish. But this person

gets detained automatically, and automatically they

shine a flashlight in his face, officers

pin him down — the whole thing was

complete madness. The same thing is happening with

Sokolovsky,

or with all the others who gave and

took bribes in connection with our Medvedev

investigation. Sorry, I keep getting

interrupted. That’s all right, Alexei, I

understand that you haven’t been able to speak

with me and with our viewers for a long time, so

you want to talk, but it seems to me that

first, this is absurd, and second, it

shows how our police work.

Instead of protecting us, our

rights — and law enforcement agencies, after all,

are agencies that are supposed to uphold the law —

they are engaged in this quota-driven

The system now has—there is now an article on

insulting the feelings of believers in the Criminal

Code. This quota-driven system forces them

to open criminal cases

and conduct investigations into them.

Investigating corruption is either forbidden to them, or

they are afraid, or they simply do not want to. Instead,

they torment nineteen-year-old residents

of Irkutsk, forcing them through

searches. At these searches, some

huge number of

law enforcement officers are present, and they

are paid from the budget. Every time

there is a search at my place, for example,

I look at it and think: how much does this

all cost? I mean, I don't know, maybe three

investigators, eight operatives, and then

20 OMON riot police officers guarding my

building entrance at that moment—if you just add up their daily

wages, you realize how

idiotically and pointlessly money is being spent in

our country—money allocated for

law enforcement salaries. It would be better to

raise those police officers' pay, or

buy one of them another apartment or do

something useful for them. Just now they were taking me

from one court to another as well,

each time in some kind of motorcade, with flashing lights

blazing, and the police officers themselves just, well,

roll their eyes, understanding that they themselves

are going crazy from the senselessness of

what is happening, but they carry out their stupid

orders.

The last question for us is:

Ilya Yudin asks: when Navalny

wins, will Cactus continue

to air?

You—

I'll send the OMON here who carried you

out of the live broadcast. But of course it will.

It will continue. Any government needs

criticism. If no one criticizes those in power,

if no pressure is put on them, then that

government very quickly degrades, and we

are watching that happen right now. Therefore any

normal president—and I would certainly like

to be a normal president—

needs to be

constantly criticized by officials and others, somehow

kept on his toes, with red flags set up around

him and pressure applied

so that he tries to become better. I

want to do something in such a way that you

would praise me for it rather than scold me, so that

another candidate would get fewer votes

than I do. That is what politics is about, and

that is exactly how democracy leads

to better people becoming

presidents, while worse people do not become

presidents. In our country, it works exactly

the opposite way.

Yesterday I invited Nikolai

Sobolev, a popular video blogger, onto our broadcast. And

after that I got a lot of comments

under the recording of yesterday's

broadcast saying, why are you giving him

airtime? He's someone who is just promoting himself.

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I think that if a person has

a sufficiently large influence, if he has

millions of views, then it is interesting to know what he

actually thinks. He goes on Channel One

(Russia's main state TV channel),

he appears on air with Dud, with the editor-in-chief of Sports.ru. He

said that he would vote for you.

It is interesting what this person actually thinks

in general.

Nikolai Sobolev, thank you very much for

the support. I watch the blog—I need to watch

the blog more—but what I mean is, guys, you

can write to him in the comments and ask him

to come on my broadcast. I will also

ask him questions.

He is not coming to my studio, but that is exactly why I

am saying: guys, if you want, just like I do,

to understand what is going on in this

person's head, what he thinks about politics, about the

issues that are happening in our society

and so on, then ask him a question so that I

can read it to him live. Invite

him in the comments under his videos and

tell him to come, not be shy,

not be afraid. Neither I nor Alexei Navalny bites.

Well then, let's wrap up this

broadcast. Have a good day, everyone. Watch us

every weekday at 9:00 on the

Navalny Live channel, or watch the recording at any

time. Like and subscribe to

our channel. Thank you very much.

Let me give you a hug.

It's wonderful that you host this program.

It is developing very well on our channel.

Several programs will be coming out. I

am planning to host one myself—I will become your

competitor, by the way, and jealously count

who gets more views.

I'm not ready for such heroic feats. I

plan to host once a week, to do it

once a week, and we have several

interesting, good people whom we are

also persuading to host shows on our channel.

So subscribe and watch. We

must defeat the zombie box (a slang term for propaganda TV), and right now we

basically have everything we need for that.

We have cameras, we have

a wall that people knock on and say,

"You're live now." And we will defeat this

zombie box simply because, once again,

people tell the truth here. Subscribe to

our channel.

Make sure everyone sees it—if you have seen it, then definitely

share it, spread it among

the residents served by your housing office (ZhEK), since you like doing that. Yes,

that was a sensation.

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