Roundtable at the Moscow City Duma with Alexei Navalny

A party, a representative of the party of pedophilia,

not just a party of crooks and thieves, but we

know that all United Russia members are not

just robbers, criminals,

scoundrels, but also, undoubtedly,

pedophiles. They have repeatedly been caught at this.

And I

very, I very much doubt it. I am very

sorry that you came here and, being

a representative of United Russia, are behaving

like this, just somehow, uh,

indecently and basely, and talking about how

you represent Moscow's Tverskoy District

of Moscow. In Moscow's Tverskoy District, your

party suffered a humiliating defeat.

Do you understand? Because the residents of Tverskoy

District,

I don't know who Zachenko is, I know about your

party. Your,

your party consists of

utter, complete scoundrels. Let me

answer your question. I can

answer your question. You asked me, I

am answering it. So please,

listen. You're the one who can write briskly on Twitter

about something, and then

Danikhaylov. So what about him?

7,300,000

your campaign chief. You asked a question,

say the word, period. You asked a question.

So, Denis Mikhailov, our chief

of staff in St. Petersburg, was completely

illegally fined by representatives

of your party, representatives, unfortunately,

Unfortunately. I'll finish answering him now and

by representatives of your party for the fact that

he held a peaceful rally, just like all

the other people, like Sobol, who

is sitting here, like me, like many

other people, they were fined enormous

amounts completely illegally

by representatives of your party, which

is afraid and hates

to help, right? I will help all

the people of Russia free themselves from you and from

your party. United Russia, thank you very

much, young man. You are a United Russia member,

of course, United Russia member,. And you are ashamed

of your party. The whole point is that

you are ashamed of your party. 7,300,000 you

can raise this money. You can

people, Shuválova did not invite you. Leave

the office. I repeat once again that we

believe that all those fines that

Prigozhin supposedly won from us, the Moscow Main Directorate of Internal Affairs

of Moscow, and the National Guard

that's all of it.

I don't know who Kazachenko is. I know

that you are a representative of your party. This is

Russia. No. Soviet, which is your

yours.

They've finally been escorted out.

Yes. Since we have this kind of situation here again,

I saw it. Mercury.

Who is that?

Mercury. Mercury.

Can you imagine?

All right, all right. It's Mercury.

We're all surprised.

And who was that?

Wait.

He has a first and last name. It's

the tall bald guy. Yeah, I've known him all my life.

He was just always behind the beard. He

just put on a cap, I didn't recognize him.

Oh, come on.

Why is Volodyka with Bryulosy?

Bresy. And now, yes, look, I

will show you. Right now, these provocateurs,

who were staging a rampage near the Moscow City Duma

yes, they are still continuing there.

Look, they broke the door to

Elena Shuvalova's office. Nice,

right? This here, you see,

the lock here doesn't work, the screws here

are gone.

And here, look please. This is

a broken lock. This is from some kind of

lock pick, a mark.

There.

And now it doesn't work, it doesn't

move. The latch

doesn't work now either.

Let's close the door.

You've already been escorted out. Goodbye, questions,

young man.

That's it, goodbye. We've said goodbye to this one.

Mercury, or whoever he was there, I don't know. And

even though we didn't end up having some kind of

planned dialogue, basically, they were

simply offered a dialogue with

representatives of the police department, the mayor's office, and so on.

But I think it would be right

simply, well, not even to turn it to

our advantage, but simply while we tell

everyone how it happened, and that

in itself will already be such a

remarkable political fact,

which tells Muscovites what

United Russia really is, how it behaves

in the Moscow City Duma—they break down doors. I mean,

even we did not imagine in what kind of

environment you work here, but now

many more people will learn about it. We

have seen that, well, it is not the opposition

that is refusing dialogue, but rather

United Russia is really just throwing a fit

every time they are offered a chance to

talk about something. I think that this simply

will all have negative consequences for the Moscow mayor's office and for

United Russia, ultimately, for them

themselves. Because,

first, everyone will see it. Second, I

think that, among other things, the Anti-Corruption Foundation (ACF) has not done enough on

the front of investigating

Shaposhnikov's assets, in

particular, and all the rest of these

wonderful United Russia members. Their fear, in

including because, well, the deputies

are beginning to interact with the SFC. Nevertheless,

we will continue this cooperation. I

am sure that, one way or another, we will hold the roundtable,

right? Well, we will

look for a format. It is absolutely obvious that

they will not give us the opportunity

to use the Moscow City Duma for the purpose of

inviting a lot of people. You, perhaps,

will not be allowed to.

It’s true, people on the way out are very

upset that the Duma session time has ended. I

tried to explain that the rules are

what they are.

But in the end, the Moscow City Duma is where

the deputies are, not where the building is.

Right? So I think that if they

are not letting people in here, it is entirely, entirely

possible that you, as deputies, will simply go to

another place, and we will hold

this roundtable there. In any case,

this conversation will be important. And we will turn all of this

to our advantage together, not only

in some narrow sense for ourselves, but

we will also use this

boorishness of United Russia for demonstrating

and once again explaining that the

people who are now in prison, the

people who are being subjected to

illegal criminal prosecution, are

suffering so that United Russia can

behave rudely this comfortably and so that

everything goes its way. That’s it. And I

think that, really, we should not,

well, perhaps those who want to can now

speak. Uh, we should not

discuss too much substance right now,

but instead really plan a proper

large event that we will hold

later

an even bigger event, even more politically

powerful. We will simply hold it somewhere else,

perhaps already in the new year. And in any case

we will achieve our goals. Once again, for my part,

I want to say that, uh,

I have not regretted for a single second that

the Anti-Corruption Foundation (ACF) made, even if only

a small one, some contribution to helping

all these deputies get elected. Everything

that is happening now shows

my God, how absolutely

right it was, from the first to the last

step, to go after United Russia in order

to help all the other deputies.

You acted absolutely correctly, and in

the next elections, and the elections after that, we will

act exactly the same way, because

if United Russia is afraid, that means we are

acting correctly. That is all I wanted

to say.

Well, I can add something. You know, I have

spent many years in politics, including already

my sixth year within the walls of the Moscow City

Duma. But I have never seen anything like today.

And as Alexei said,

we had not known each other until now,

and I am very glad that we have met.

And since,

well, let me say right away that I am very deeply

outraged by the behavior of some of my

colleagues.

You know, during the election

campaign, they all gladly

accepted support from the Anti-Corruption

Foundation (ACF).

And moreover, [clears throat]

it was clear that the main goal was, uh,

to keep United Russia from getting through,

and the choice was among those candidates who had been

registered.

But as soon as the elections were over, they

began to disavow that support. I

think that is very dishonorable. The first

to disavow it was Nikolai Nikolaevich Burbenko.

And today, a very sad

event took place for me, because I am a member of the CPRF (Communist Party of the Russian Federation)

and I do not intend to leave it,

because I stand for social

justice.

But the head of the faction withdrew

his approval for holding today’s roundtable.

The Duma’s rules allow him to do that.

And so I believe that he

also, uh, in a way, showed

ingratitude, if you like, toward the

support that was given to him in the

elections. And disrespect toward Muscovites who

came today to the walls of the Moscow

City Duma.

And that is why I say, once again,

why I am glad that we met.

Because,

of course, you know,

well,

there are a great many insinuations in the

mass media, but today I

saw this with my own eyes—this

provocation.

It was simply, you understand, such an

unstoppable

bandit-like behavior was unfolding. An utterly

unstoppable desire

to provoke a person. And, well,

accordingly, you understand perfectly well

that since there were detentions, this

threatens long prison terms. Here is who came to us.

We all know these people.

Yes.

Greetings to everyone

everyone. Good. All right then, all right.

Just please close the door behind you.

So the provocation was obvious,

and it was simply impossible

to stop it. Really, it was impossible.

There was nothing to be done. So I decided to lead Alexei

to where our checkpoint is, where

the guards are stationed, where the

security staff are, in order to protect him.

And I bitterly regretted it, because

as it turned out,

and at that moment I was thinking: "My God, why

is everyone so desperate to get into this Duma? Why did everyone

run here? What's going on?"

They're breaking down doors. Why didn't you even want

to be deputies?

Because, as it turned out, while he was standing there,

while he and I were standing outside, [snorts] we

had protection in the form of Muscovites. But

when we entered that building, where

there were only police officers and security staff,

we found ourselves completely

unprotected against what I consider

to be simply a gang that was getting

physical. They were shoving both Alexei and me.

What I feared most was that he would now

start trying to defend me. I was barely able

to hold him back with my whole body. I

could barely hold myself back too, uh, you know, well,

I understood perfectly well what

all of this was for, you know? I stood

between them because, uh, I knew that

they were provoking him. And at the same time they were shouting

things like, who am I, your lackey or something?

Is that it? I mean, it was obvious,

you understand, that they were trying to provoke

him into some kind of response.

I understood what provocations are and what they

do at every public event.

You see, I turned to one of the

security staff, Dmitry Nikolaevich.

Dmitry Nikolaevich, please calm these

people down, detain them, for heaven's sake.

Nothing was done. Then we

frantically, at the same time, were trying to get

a pass issued so we could go inside.

Despite the fact that the request had been

submitted in the proper way, the pass

was not being issued. You see, apparently they were

consulting, probably all the way up to

the Presidential Administration. Alexeyevich

said quite rightly that in any

case, an event did take place today, and it

took place because it was organized by the

security staff themselves, the staff of

the Moscow City Duma. And when at last they apparently

got the go-ahead from the very top—fine,

let them in, [clears throat] he won't do

anything,

it turned out that the people who

were attacking him

had permanent passes to the City Duma. They

followed us.

They followed us. We went into my

office, and I closed the door,

and they started breaking it down.

And they broke it. I have now called

the police

and, accordingly,

I hope that there will now at least be

an investigation into who these people are, whose

assistants they are; someone here saw them on

the lists, right? They say, apparently, that

they are representatives of the public,

of the Public Chamber (a state-affiliated civic body).

Well, in a certain sense, maybe that's

even good, because at this round table we were supposed

to explain to the deputies

the conditions under which the Anti-Corruption Foundation

(ACF) works. And this way everyone saw it for themselves,

because part of our daily life

has now appeared before you in all

its full ugliness.

This government truly is not only

a government of crooks and thieves, but of occupiers as well,

people who are enemies of

Muscovites who are defending their

rights, who want to express their political

views, and who have committed no unlawful

acts. And in exactly the same way

as they acted in Moscow this summer, the

authorities acted now. They try

to ban things, and when that doesn't

work, they become like this,

staging their own provocations. But again,

we are within our rights, we have the right

to speak out. We have the right not only

to be the opposition; we have the right to express our

political views, and to do so both in the

street and within the Moscow City

Duma. And we will continue to do so. I would also

like to join Alexei in expressing

deep gratitude to all the deputies

who are here, to all the deputies

who not only work every day on

various issues specifically at the local level

in their own districts, but who are not afraid

to truly be political

representatives of Muscovites. So

many [clears throat] thanks that these

issues of political repression have not

been left somewhere back in September, you know, and

have not somehow dropped off the agenda, and that

the deputies of the Moscow City Duma

raise these issues every day—

the political repressions that are now

taking place in our country—every day, and

were trying to do so now within the framework of

this round table. But we all live in

Russia, in Moscow, where indeed

right now United Russia members are simply trying to

use force against all normal, reasonable people.

That is exactly what they were doing in plain sight. This

was demonstrated once again today.

But once again, for my part, many

thanks to all the participants and

organizers of today's round table. And

again, of course, this is not

where it ends; we will continue to act

together, and

And I would also like to add.

Dear friends,

today at this round table, besides

the fact that confirmation

was given by the Moscow City Security Department

of its participation in the round table, besides

the fact that confirmation was also given

confirmation

from the Main Directorate of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs for the city of

Moscow,

and they simply provided the surnames of those

people who would be coming.

Yegorova sent a letter saying that she was on

vacation; she sent it personally. The prosecutor's office

was deemed unnecessary.

For some reason, Popova

did not come; the Interior Ministry and the department

of security

did agree, though. [clears throat]

But besides these official

representatives of the authorities, there were also supposed to

be a number of other people present.

very prominent and very well-known as well,

in public and economic

life. But I can't name them right now,

because, you understand, this concerns

property, that is, it concerns the

scale of people's assets. This is a new way

of dealing with those they find undesirable.

Bank cards are being blocked,

huge fines are being issued, they come and take away

all the equipment, the computers. Here,

people present here even

told me that they took away

albums of childhood photographs,

can you imagine what it means for a person

to lose an album of childhood photos? Well,

just imagine it, right? You can't

get that back. There may be parents in them,

grandfathers and grandmothers.

In short, all of this is seized, or

a business is forced into conditions

in which it is impossible to operate, or a case is filed

in court and that property is taken away,

because, uh, as I see it,

[clears throat] our courts legitimize

often, and as a rule very often,

illegality, yes, and once there is

a court ruling, any illegality

is then, in effect, considered legal already in

official terms, and we cannot undo it.

That is why

there are some very serious people who

have now come under these sanctions, under

this confiscation, and they were also planning

to take part. Well, pressure on them

began yesterday

late in the evening.

Late in the evening, uh, they called me back,

these people, and said that this and that had happened,

this, that, and the other,

this, that, and so on. Believe me, they were not afraid.

They sincerely wanted to come, but they were

put in such a position that they

could not come, and they informed me of that

yesterday. In other words, this pressure was already underway

yesterday, and this morning I learned that

the head of the faction I belong to,

Zubrilin,

withdrew the application.

You understand, the fact that he spat on, as

I see it, me personally. The head of the CPRF faction

(Communist Party of the Russian Federation), it turns out, suddenly decided overnight

to re-

reverse his decision. And why is the faction involved here,

some of you may be wondering,

because two years

ago, well, about two years ago, the rules of procedure

of the Moscow City Duma were changed.

Previously, any deputy could submit an application.

So if I had submitted it personally,

this event with all of you would have taken place. But

already two years ago they understood that

things were sliding into terror and that from then on

things would be different. And they came up with this

rule that an application for a round table cannot

— they write there that yes, someone may request it, but

the actual application can only be filed by the faction or

a commission. Well, no commission is going to file one for us,

but there had never yet been a case

where the faction did not file it for us

in the CPRF. This time, of course, I was worried,

uh, [clears throat] because it was a very

important and, mm, sensitive topic, but everything

went normally. A month ago

Nikolai Zubrilin

signed my request to hold

the round table and submitted the application,

and there were no questions. He himself

signed it, this application for the round table being held,

and then suddenly, on the night before the

round table, he wrote back.

We will push either for them to replace

the faction leadership. [snorts] And,

by the way, I think we do still have

the right to raise the issue of changing the leadership

in Moscow.

So. But in general, this situation actually makes me very

happy, to be honest,

because this is

madness.

They have completely lost their minds.

And that is a sign of the end. The end is approaching.

I hope their end will come soon.

So if they are going mad, that means they

can feel it.

It's also important to add here, right, Oleg,

that in fact, through these

actions, the authorities are now showing us

that regardless of which

political force stands against them,

the authorities are now the main enemy of that

political force. That is, we understand

even from the elections, right: first they did not

allow liberal candidates to run, and

then what happened, once this

procedure had seemingly taken place, they started

removing Communist candidates

who were on track to win in their districts.

So this is being done harshly and openly.

Well, accordingly, [clears throat]

we, we understand that

The authorities will spare no one. Anyone who

tries to adapt somewhere,

accordingly, well, that is заранее

playing, so to speak, a game of giving in to it will

lead nowhere good. Uh,

so, well, at this stage,

of course, we need to show that we are civil

society, and that we have our rights, including

political rights, and that we must exercise

those rights, including by means of

round tables, at least in this

case. Yes, they will not even allow us that,

just to sit down and talk. What kind of

threat is there in sitting down and talking here?

So, uh, well, I think that now

there will be a corresponding response in society.

And in any case, this is another

reputational blow to the Moscow mayor's office,

probably first and foremost. Here

100%.

Well, you know, in fact all the methods

of bureaucratic struggle against the opposition,

both on the part of officials and of United

Russia, actually end up turning

out to the opposition's advantage.

They smear us, they do us dirty. We

just become more famous. Take today's round table.

We would have gathered, talked,

made some decisions,

and posted about it on our social media, that's all.

But look at what they did. Their

cowardice creates a scandal.

It leads to people starting

to watch and take an interest. And now everyone is watching our

Moscow City Duma session. People in my district

meet me and say:

"We saw that there, your amendments there, you said

this right, that right."

People who had no idea that

there even was such a thing as the Moscow City

Duma are now watching the sessions, if not

live, then as recordings.

And they find all of this interesting; they are aware of all

the events. So it turns out the authorities

are doing the opposite: whatever they

do, these officials, these United Russia members,

actually ends up working in favor of all of us.

Why do they do it?

[clears throat] Probably because of their own

stupidity, foolishness, I don't know.

So. And as for us, all we can do is

rejoice—let them write even more,

we'll become even more famous and will,

accordingly,

win the next elections.

Yes. There's one more thing I'd like to say.

You see, this foolish, utterly

dishonorable act by Nikolai

Grigoryevich Zubrilin. I would not want

it to turn against the Communist

Party of the Russian Federation, because

you can see that here there are four

deputies,

five, five, five,

five, five—five deputies, five

from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation

faction.

Today, in front of the Moscow City Duma building,

there were many of my comrades,

Communists.

Uh, and the position of those people who

want to divide all of society, as they

put it, into liberals,

[clears throat] Communists, and

others—we are now doing one common thing,

solving one task. That is, [clears throat]

to make sure that our city and

our country are governed by people who are not

mired in corruption and who act

in the interests of

working people.

Right. And no, I call oligarchs those

who stand close to [clears throat]

power and enrich themselves through that power.

So we need to understand clearly that

as a political force, as a participant

in election campaigns,

I do not think that, uh,

the Communist Party of the Russian

Federation gained any kind of

benefit as a result of the actions of Nikolai

Grigoryevich Zubrilin. I think that

we should not jump to hasty conclusions.

Right. And

we still need to determine who

set him up to do this.

Whether it came from outside or from within. I mean,

who was it? It is obvious that Zubrilin is not

an independent figure; he received

instructions from someone. We need to understand

who gave him those instructions.

And, of course,

this incident must be investigated,

when the door to my office was broken down. Those

people who staged

the provocation, who, well, you know,

they got physical with Alexei,

with me, with Ruslan,

constantly trying to hit and shove us,

and who had passes to the building and came

to break down my door as well—it is essential

to find out,

but at the same time, those who came peacefully and to

ask questions [clears throat] were immediately

put on some kind of blacklist and

not let through.

Alexei Anatolyevich, this new

ACF investigation—whose side did it take? And I

By the way, I would like to support

Yelena Anatolyevna on this important

point, because people came running up to me here,

and you saw that all these

RT representatives were asking in a leading way, like,

"So the Smart Voting candidates

voted for the budget. And

no,

first of all, we understand that

the Communist Party is not

some monolithic, unified structure,

but we do know one thing: nothing like this had ever happened before

in the Moscow City Duma. There were

There have been good deputies, and there have been not-so-good ones,

but this is the first time in the entire history

of the Moscow City Duma that, as I sit here and

[clears throat] I can see that the deputies really are

the people. Usually, deputies are

some kind of people a little above everyone else, they

speak a little more carefully,

more softly. They’re somehow separate, while

the people are separate. Now I see that

the deputies are one hundred percent representatives

of the people, because they speak exactly like

the people we meet every day

on the street. That is very important. And in

that sense, I am sure that this

internal conflict of some kind,

will be resolved. And once again I want

to confirm that not for a single second did I

doubt the correctness of our tactics.

And now I can see that we acted

correctly. And it was absolutely right

to say this: right now there is no

division in society into, say, these are

liberals, these are leftists, and these are right-wingers,

that does not exist. There is the government—disgusting

crooks—and there is the people, normal human beings. And

this round table—we have a table, we have

pleasant company, it has all taken place.

It will show us very clearly. So then,

you, the deputies, beat them in the elections.

Muscovites mostly came,

and voted for opposition

candidates. And how do they respond?

United Russia came and broke down a door. That

is United Russia’s answer. That is the limit of

their abilities. Fine, they broke the door,

which now, apparently, will have to be repaired with

taxpayers’ money. Muscovites

will pay another 500 rubles for whoever

repairs that door. Fine, let everyone

know about it. I think that’s excellent.

Our—well, at least, I don’t know,

maybe someone else will speak now. I

would propose the following informal

resolution of our improvised

round table. First, to express

gratitude to all the deputies, and to all

the Muscovites who came to this round table.

Second, to express disappointment

with the actions of the Moscow City Duma, the Moscow City Duma’s

leadership, and

United Russia, and to regard their actions as,

quite simply, insulting to Muscovites as

a whole, who believe that

the Moscow City Duma is a place where

discussion is conducted by any elected deputies.

And third, to confirm that one way

or another, such a round table will

be held. We will invite everyone there, and this

discussion will continue. And now

Muscovites know for certain that in the Moscow

City Duma there are representatives

of their interests who are not afraid

to speak, including about the problem of

persecution, political repression, and

corruption. Those are the three points I propose.

Once again, for my part, I want to say

that, honestly, you’ve really done well. I’m listening

and thinking: at last we have lived to see this

in this city. I’ve been here many times, and this is the first

time I’ve been here and felt this.

Elena Anatolyevna, may a civic

position also be heard directly—Alexander as well?

Yes, I would like to say a few words.

I am Alexandra Andreeva, a deputy of the council

of deputies of Lefortovo.

Yes. What was supposed to take place here?

A round table. That is, people came,

talked; a round table does not adopt

any legal decisions. It cannot

order anyone, “Do this or that.” It can

can

voice a problem. People came, talked,

and left. And what do we see? Simply

a hysterical reaction. We’ll do anything,

whatever it takes: set up a cordon there, call in

provocateurs, break the system of round tables

in the Moscow City Duma. Well, it’s roughly

the same as when federal laws are changed personally just because of Navalny,

simply so that he cannot

do anything. We’ll break down a door, but

we won’t let people discuss things. In other words,

a hysterical fear that people

might discuss something, that anything at all,

that some words might be spoken. They are panic-stricken

by words. The same thing is now happening all across

Moscow at public

hearings. Public hearings are being held on

new developments, on the demolition of good, solid

low-rise buildings, on the expropriation of

private property, and on turning

all of Moscow into concrete boxes—that is,

into a city unfit for living. And in

Lefortovo, at two public hearings,

for the first time—though across the whole

city people are having their arms twisted, people

are simply not being allowed into these exhibitions,

people are being carried out by the police.

We have that well documented in our records.

It’s everywhere. It’s not only in your

records. In Lefortovo, at

public hearings, for the first time in many years,

no ordinary people were simply given

the floor. It’s not even that they tried not

to let people into the hall—they simply gave the floor

only to their own people, and to no one else,

including deputies. Even though public

hearings in our system are,

or rather, holding them is mandatory, while

their outcome is only advisory

in nature. That is, no matter what people

say at public hearings,

legally that opinion can be

ignored. It is a panicked fear that

these words might be spoken at all, that

words might be spoken saying that people are being crushed

by fines, that words might be spoken saying that we have

corruption, that words might be spoken saying that

Sobyanin is selling our city to the construction

big construction business and

is destroying our city. This is simply a threat

to national security. It is

a betrayal of the state's interests.

And this falls within the FSB's remit, and whoever it is there

who deals with this, I am speaking now

seriously. That is, they are panic-stricken by

words, and that means the words must be

spoken as much as possible and as widely as

possible, because the era of universal

accessibility, of the universal internet, is

leading precisely to this: the more we

say the right words—and there is no need to

tiptoe around it carefully, no, we must speak

plainly, as it is. Construction is destroying

Moscow. It is a threat to national

security. Pulling the entire country into

one city. Overcrowding is a threat

to national security, it is

the destruction of the state. The more people

learn about this, the greater the

result will be in the next elections.

Well yes, they are afraid of making it legitimate to call

everything by its proper name. That is exactly what needs

to be done. Yes, Elena Anatolyevna, this

civic stance and this kind of

appeal to the deputies of the Moscow City Duma,

who are here today. And you

are people's representatives, you are truly elected, for

real people voted for you thanks,

among other things, to Alexei Navalny's Smart Voting

campaign. Ah, ah, keep

defending these rights of Muscovites,

the rights of the people. There is no need to be afraid, and,

as for United Russia, because here they are all

fakes. They are fake independent candidates. In fact,

no one really voted for

them. And do not take them

seriously, because the main thing, the real

authority here is you; they, they are all fakes, they are

Kremlin bots, they simply need to be

banned here. Vlad Zhukovsky won't let me

lie—I helped him with his

election campaign. We went around together

exposing all these so-called independent candidates.

in the neighborhood, yes, and where I live in Tushino I

was exposing this Sabina Tsvetkova, because

she had it written there in plain text

saying: "Received awards from the Moscow mayor's office

of Moscow." I made videos about it. Then, two

hours later, some police officers showed up.

The volunteers said that supposedly I had

been overturning their tables there, but none of that

happened. I quickly posted all of it on the

internet, put tags everywhere. And,

well, apparently they understood it was better not to

do anything now, otherwise there would be a big uproar

and a major commotion. That is my kind of civic

position. So do not be afraid, they are pimples,

they need to be squeezed. We, the people, will help you.

Let's ban United Russia.

Yes. I'll say a few quick words about myself.

I am a self-proclaimed people's deputy,

Sanya on the internet, a blogger. I run

an opposition blog. And I'll explain why.

Because our authorities have long since, you know,

been using this concept of

self-proclamation. They

self-proclaim republics, deputies,

their own presidency—they have

self-proclaimed it. I thought, why can't we

do the same as they do? So

I just went ahead and did it. A people's

self-proclaimed deputy. I am from

Kostroma Region, from a village, I

know Russian soil. From Kostroma

Region, from Vokh... the settlement of Vokhma. Vokhma

of the Ascension.

Let me say something too. I wanted to give

an official speech, but everything has somehow already become

informal, and that's fine. But I wanted

to say something important. First of all, I

can imagine how funny it will be when

deputies—good people's

deputies like these—are in the majority.

Can you imagine how they will cling

to those offices, to those door handles, and

how they will hold on to those handles, while we

will be prying them loose from the

doors by those handles. Second, well, like Mitelsky

packing up his things. Second, I want to say,

well, they really ask: "So,

do you like the deputies who are now in the

Moscow City Duma—communist, non-communist?"

I really like what is happening

right now. I really like these

deputies who are here. I think

that Nikolai Grigoryevich too, perhaps, will

understand that, well, in fact, everything, everything

is going great and everything will be fine.

We'll see. Right. And third, ACF is ready

to help fully. ACF is ready with

lawyers, and, if needed, even with some

design-related things, whatever

is needed. It is a pleasure to help

deputies like these. We are fully ready. Thank you

very much. Well, I just want to say

to those people who may be

writing on social media right now: "Oh, we

elected so many of you, how could you

and now someone has gone over to

the other side." But that's life; without that it

doesn't happen. There is always a traitor in life,

but there is always room for heroism in life,

yes. Right. And I believe that [clears throat]

what happened

in the elections to the Moscow City

Duma was, as they say, a fundamental

turning point. It was a fundamental turning point. In any

case, there is already a little fist there. This is no longer

just one or two people, as it used to be, but

already a little fist,

that is really acting and that

is making itself heard. On the one

hand, yes, what's the big deal—a round

table, why are you making so much of it? But on the other

hand, if they made so much of it, that means they were afraid. If

they were not afraid, then today they would have

this was not agreed upon,

Right? So, dear friends, well, I

think it’s probably time to wrap things up.

Let’s go take a group photo just to spite Shaposhnikov.

Let’s all take a photo together. We can.

A procedural proposal. Here

Alexei’s proposal about

a resolution was raised, but since we’re not your

...ism here, let’s vote on who is in favor

of adopting the resolution.

Maybe even some kind of

public council made up of city residents, of

residents, which would

be present.

Yes, everyone is in favor unanimously.

Tell us, what do you think about

today’s

impromptu roundtable?

Well, you see, the authorities did everything possible

to make sure this roundtable did not take place.

They really do not want uncomfortable topics

to be voiced here. And they do not want

people who are inconvenient for them, yes, to come to

the Moscow City Duma. For example,

Lyubov Sobol, yes, yes. You would not have

allowed her, accordingly, to

become a deputy of the Moscow City

Duma. But nevertheless, she still

has the opportunity, as an ordinary person,

to attend all roundtables. And now she

is already being put on blacklists, she is not

being allowed in. Well, and when it turned out that

Navalny himself would come today, well,

you see, yes, I believe this is pressure from

the chair of the Moscow

City

Yes, I believe that directly,

of course, this is my assumption, but I

assume that it was Shaposhnikov specifically

who somehow managed to pressure

faction leader Zubrilin and

forced him to withdraw this, because

we know Nikolai Zubrilin as

such a passionate deputy; he is constantly

going to all the construction sites and rallies. He

supports the residents. I am surprised, to be honest.

We ourselves are surprised and simply

shocked, because

we did not expect this. We did not expect it

at all.

Nevertheless, the roundtable still

took place in a mini format, around a small

round table. We still discussed everything

we wanted to. And by doing so,

Sabchennikov only created a bigger scandal and

drew more attention in the Moscow City

Duma. In other words, the whole roundtable

made a splash,

right? It’s making noise on the contrary; everything is kind of

backfiring. Yes.

got through

the participants of the roundtable today.

Moscow City Duma.

Yes.

And who’s taking the picture? Yes, look. Yes.