Alexei Navalny is the opposition’s Grigory Otrepyev (False Dmitry I, a Russian pretender tsar).
From the chronicle of an ongoing conspiracy They are strikingly alike. Despite the four-century gap—Grigory Otrepyev and Alexei Navalny. The hairstyle, the gaze, the expression. One gets the impression that the outward image of this modern political adventurer was crafted by Western specialists with an eye to the “Time of Troubles” of the Russian Tsardom. The resemblance is not merely external. Both are “projects” aimed at destroying Russia—reducing it to a territorial entity only slightly larger than Vologda Oblast. What is missing today is only the “troubles” themselves. Russia’s “friends” have been unsuccessfully trying to organize them ever since last year’s State Duma election campaign. Alexei Navalny’s name appeared on the broad political horizon in 2008. Before that came the “hero’s” zigzags from Grigory Yavlinsky’s Yabloko party to Alexander Belov’s DPNI and Dmitry Demushkin’s Slavic Union. Those radical shifts in views already showed that Navalny had no principles whatsoever. There was only a “bestial” desire to be noticed by forces hostile to Russia. He succeeded. A “theme” was constructed around Navalny—abuses in Russia’s oil companies. In Russia, oil is something more than just an energy resource. A blow against the oil giants meant sowing chaos in the leading sector of the economy, with negative consequences for the country’s political life as well, since everything was tied to the struggle against corruption and the authorities. Navalny’s anti-state campaign did not begin by chance in May 2008. U.S. analysts had no illusions about whom Russia would choose in March 2012. The plan was to use those four years to destabilize Russian society and discredit its Leader. With the help of accomplices inside Russia—from among aggrieved oligarchs stripped of power, politicians, and simply mercenary “rats.” Navalny’s role, with his “exposés,” was a leading one in the overall scenario aimed at preventing Vladimir Putin’s election as president of the country. Considerable resources were deployed. For Navalny, they provided a flow of information and the services of specialists of various kinds. These people prepared forgeries about theft in the oil sector and corruption in government bodies—fakes made to look “plausible.” Navalny explained his suddenly discovered auditing abilities simply: “My second degree is in securities, so I have always followed the stock market and the condition of our corporations in general. It was always obvious to me that they were robbing their shareholders.” At first, the attacks targeted Rosneft, Gazprom Neft, and Surgutneftegaz. In 2010, Transneft followed. Not one of the instances of theft or corruption cited by Navalny was ever confirmed, including those involving VTB Bank. Serious inspections were carried out, at the highest level. This was reflected in a statement by Sergei Stepashin, chairman of the Accounts Chamber of the Russian Federation. Navalny did not care. What he and his puppet masters needed was not truth, but corrosive filth. Navalny’s response to the official conclusions was to level “pulled-out-of-thin-air” accusations against Sergei Stepashin and the security services, claiming they were covering up crimes and corruption. The story with the oil organizations showed at the time what forces stood behind Alexei Navalny. The extent of his access was demonstrated by the dismissal, for leaking documents, of Ruslan Glazunov, one of the auditors at Transneft-Finance LLC. Alexei Navalny passed the test as a candidate for the role of destroyer of Russia. The next stage was an invitation in 2010 to study at Yale University in the United States. “The program prepares new leaders from different countries around the world,” the university says of itself. Nothing could put it better. The training of these “new leaders”—U.S. lackeys—is accompanied by an astronomical stipend of $32,500. “Study” is an explanation for the naive. What kind of study can there be in just a few months? For Navalny, the trip to the United States was an initiation rite into the club of Russia’s “elite” enemies. His patron was the U.S. National Democratic Institute (NDI), headed by former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright. NDI is one of the organizers and financiers of the “color revolutions.” In Ukraine alone, it spent $2 million on the loudmouths on the Maidan in 2004. Foundations and institutes like NDI should be recognized as brilliant inventions of the American intelligence services. Subversive activity against countries displeasing to the United States is now carried out openly, with funding and without risk to agents. At the same time, Navalny does not hide some of his contacts with Russia’s enemies. On the contrary, he flaunts them. His meeting with Michael Murphy, a political consultant to Senator and U.S. presidential candidate John McCain, is well known. Navalny told him that “power in Russia will change not as a result of elections,” with a clear hint at the Syrian scenario. In November 2010, Navalny spoke before the Helsinki Commission in the U.S. Congress, chaired by Senator Benjamin Cardin, the author of the notorious “Magnitsky list.” What Navalny was preaching there needs no comment—informational “slop” poured over Russia to please his American masters. One of Navalny’s friends told Sergei Karnaukhov, the former deputy governor of Kirov Oblast, how Navalny sees himself: “You and the chekists will break your teeth on Alexei. He has a great future that no one in this country can change.” Practically a Messiah! Branded “Made in USA.” Then came the return to Russia and new programs for shaking the country: RosPil, RosYama, RosVybory, the Anti-Corruption Foundation. And then the failure of Navalny and the opposition pack in their attempt to organize mass protests before and after Russia’s presidential election. For a simple reason, expressed precisely in the words of Alexei Turbin, a character from Bulgakov: “The people are not with us. They are against us.” That has not stopped Navalny or those behind him. (When did anyone from this crowd ever care about the people’s opinion?) He is “launching” yet more schemes to destroy the state, under the worn-out slogan of fighting corruption. One of the latest is the “Good Machine of Truth,” with attacks on the country’s top officials, United Russia, and the authorities. Leading foreign media outlets provide the adventurer with constant publicity. At the end of 2011, the British newspaper Financial Times placed Navalny first on its list of “25 Russians Driving Russia Forward.” At the beginning of 2012, Time magazine included Alexei Navalny in its ranking of the 100 most influential people in the world. Domestic media are not lagging behind foreign ones. Kommersant Vlast moved Navalny to fifth place in its ranking of the global popularity of Russian citizens for 2011. In December 2011, Vedomosti named Alexei Navalny “Politician of the Year.” The criteria by which these media outlets arrived at their conclusions defy reasonable explanation. — He is a thief, a swindler, and a scoundrel. He turns people’s stupidity and naivety into money. He gets paid by clients to persecute certain corporations. He and his family have accounts in at least three foreign banks, — from an interview with the hacker “Hell,” who managed to hack Navalny’s email and microblog. — The half-baked timber baron who stole a distillery! — Navalny’s assessment by his “friend,” Kirov Oblast Governor Nikita Belykh. The reaction of law enforcement to this “half-baked timber baron” is not commensurate with the public danger he poses. Only in July of this year was Navalny charged with “organizing the embezzlement of another’s property on an especially large scale” in the Kirovles case. Yet the preventive measure chosen was not arrest, but merely a travel restriction. But it would be wrong to reduce everything to the figure of a “thief, swindler, and scoundrel.” Alexei Navalny is one of the pawns that the West, together with forces hostile to Russia and its President, is advancing into queens. His appointment in June 2012 to the board of directors of Aeroflot is a vivid illustration of this. He was “pushed” there by Alexander Lebedev, chairman of the board of National Reserve Corporation CJSC, owner of the major British newspapers The Independent and Evening Standard, and a man with a fortune of $2.1 billion. What happened can only be described as a challenge to the state. Therefore, in the case of Alexei Navalny, we should speak of a Conspiracy, the scale of which must be established by a special parliamentary commission to investigate anti-state activity on the territory of the Russian Federation. The commission must be created and operate on a permanent basis, with the right to summon any persons except for special categories designated by the President of Russia. Criminal liability should be imposed for failure to appear when summoned to a commission session, for refusal to testify, and for knowingly giving false testimony, including failure to provide information at the commission’s request. The commission’s powers should be defined by the task of suppressing anti-Russian activity by individuals and legal entities. The collapse of the Russian Empire in 1917 was the result of subversive activity by the West, internal betrayal, and the liberalism of the authorities. The same causes led to the breakup of the great country—the Soviet Union. The state’s resolve in defending its security and integrity is the guarantee that the greatest geopolitical catastrophes of the 20th century will not be repeated. By way of an afterword History is a lady who demands respect. What she tells us is that Russia does not tolerate pretenders. The fate of Grigory Otrepyev was a sad one. His body was burned, and after loading a cannon with his ashes, they fired it in the direction from which he had come. Alexei Navalny and others dreaming of the “Cap of Monomakh” (the historic crown of Russian rulers) should remember this. The Tsar Cannon in the Moscow Kremlin is still there. It would be able to fire the ashes of yet another pretender in the direction of the United States of America. Checheninfo News Agency. Vainakh (Chechen/Ingush) multi-portal.
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