Autumn Tour. Rally in Kaliningrad. Part 3

That works out per citizen.

For every citizen of Russia, whether an elderly person or an infant, it's 3,100 rubles.

Are you ready to hand over your 3,100 rubles for this?

To save these bankers?

That's why I say that what

the Central Bank under Nabiullina is doing is

a massive scam, corruption on a monstrous

scale.

If these bankers went bankrupt, excuse me,

they went bankrupt. If one of us

goes bankrupt, we'll have to sell off

our property.

So let the bankers first sell their houses,

sell their hotels, sell their yachts.

Let them become poor people instead of

“going bankrupt,” right? But we're told, wait a minute,

they've gone bust, so all of you should

chip in 300 each.

We'll help them. No, that's not how it works, and it can't be that way.

This is an outright, brazen

corruption scheme. Another question, Alexei.

Here's my question: will you restore here

the status of a people's governor? That's the first question. The second

question is: what changes in the housing and utilities sector

are you planning? I'm the chair of a building council.

My name is Alexander Koltsov.

We have the highest rate in the city.

In Kaliningrad, the authorities hide this in every possible way. We

went out to rallies. It's 23 rubles per square

meter for housing maintenance. We have 49

apartment buildings and 88...

People are suffering, and legally speaking...

People are suffering. As for the legal norms, look, as I

already said, against the backdrop of all this,

your budget cuts spending by 30 percent

on housing and utilities, the tariff keeps rising, and they're still

cutting more. What would I do in the housing and utilities sector?

Demonopolization. Demonopolization is needed

because right now these

management companies, these housing-and-utilities

monsters, have dug in there and are making

huge amounts of money, while the authorities keep

trying to convince us that this is how it should be, that the tariff

has to go up and that we have to pay for it.

Demonopolization. And second—it's no coincidence

that you asked me about the courts in your very first question.

When I become president,

I will make sure that you can win in court against

me. It's simple: I will stop appointing

judges until every citizen

who is in the right can win a case against

the governor, the mayor, the president—otherwise, damn it,

excuse me, nothing will work. That's the only way. It's clear

that once you become president, if you

free the courts, things get worse for you personally—but otherwise

nothing will work. Question. Hello.

Alexei, I'm very glad and happy

to finally see you. And you know,

what is your attitude toward independent journalists

and a free press? What's happening here is

terrible. They want to shut down the last independent

newspaper, Novye Kolyosa, and its publisher Rudnikov—against him

there's an attempted murder charge, and now he is in

Lefortovo (a Moscow detention prison).

It was clearly a provocation, absolutely everything about it.

It all followed the same pattern—a provocation. They wanted

to destroy him. Nothing has been decided yet, but the judges,

the courts at every level—everything has been bought.

And so on. It's страшно to watch. What do you think about this?

Well, I want to say that

I know the situation, and among other things

people from our campaign office tried to organize

actions in support of Rudnikov.

And they are not granting permission for these actions, and I

can see that your mayor and your governor

are terribly afraid of him. He is, without question,

being politically persecuted. He is a

political prisoner.

And he has all my support. Let's

give a round of applause to this major journalist.

If someone can pass it on to him,

tell him that people came out to support him. That means

if there really are claims against him,

then, I don't know, let them at least give him

release pending trial, publish everything, and

let him keep doing great investigations. But judging by

everything, there is really nothing against him.

He has simply gotten under their skin, and they are trying

to silence him.

Question.

Ilya is shouting for help over there.

Go ahead. Alexei, here's a question: the war in

Ukraine and the war in Syria—do you want

to pay for war?

I will end the war. I want you to be

richer, to have more money.

This is pointless, some kind of stupidity.

They show us this footage from thousands

of kilometers away—someone there is firing at someone,

launching rockets. The Americans are rich—let them fight wars.

As for us, we're not going to fight. First

we need to solve our own problems. No wars—we

should be prospering. Question. There is an opinion

going around, an opinion that you are supposedly

not a real opposition figure,

because real opposition figures have been through

terrible things—jail terms, 20-day detentions, and all that

sort of thing.

They say that in our terrible system, you would have long since

been killed, or you would already have been sitting

in a camp somewhere far away, cutting timber.

Please tell us, what can you say to that—

to the claim that you are a project of the

Kremlin?

It may seem that way, but listen, I'm often asked

about this. I can simply say: sorry that

I haven't been killed and that I haven't been locked up forever.

It's a strange thing to say. And I think they would not

have refused to do either one or the other,

and I don't feel any

happiness or joy at the thought of it. But

I know there is one main thing that

protects me, and I'm looking at it right

now. I have already been jailed, and thanks

to you and people like you, I was released. They

locked me up and then released me the

next day because people all across the

country came out into the streets. Absolutely.

I'm going to bring them up here on stage and expose them.

Put them behind bars—do you think they like hearing that?

Of course they don't want to lose their

billions.

But they know that I have real

support. This support—you don't know

how long it will protect me. For now,

whether I'm being protected by a Kremlin project or not—

a Kremlin project.

Judge me by what I do. Have I ever done anything

that looked like I was working for the Kremlin?

No. What have I done that anyone could

reproach me for?

Have I ever lied to you even once? Have I stolen anything? I

have always done what I do. I'm not afraid.

When I was coming here, they said: everyone will be arrested.

If you come to Moskovsky 83, they'll grab all of you.

But I came. I wasn't afraid. I do what

I can do, what I believe is necessary, and

I hope that, looking at what I do,

you'll judge it fairly and decide for yourselves:

am I a Kremlin project, or am I yours?

Your project. Right—so, as someone who

works on the internet, I'm concerned about

something like Roskomnadzor (Russia's federal media and internet censor). What will happen to it?

You know what I'll say. I love

this question, thank you. You all know, but

I won't deny myself the pleasure of saying it again:

I will disband Roskomnadzor.

I'll fire every last one of them. A classic example of a crowd of

parasites who take our money

and make our lives worse.

They dragged in this Yarovaya law (a package of anti-terror laws expanding surveillance), this Yarovaya law

that says each of us

has to pay 100 rubles more per month

for what? So they can read our messages. And

if I don't want them reading my messages,

well, then they want to know yours too while they're at it.

Do you want to pay for that? No. That's why I

will scrap the Yarovaya package and repeal it. And Yarovaya too.

Question? Where? I don't see—go ahead, yes.

Hello, I wanted to ask what

you will do with enterprises

that were privatized, and with privatization in general.

Look, here's the interesting thing. From

a formal point of view, Gazprom, a bunch of

state-owned, state-owned

Rosneft—they're state-owned.

Rostec is state-owned,

and all the others are state-owned too.

So the point is, you may have carried out

privatization, but in the end everything still

supposedly belongs to the state. But if it's

state-owned, that means you influence that

company. Which means you allowed

Sechin to receive 5 million rubles a day,

you allowed it. You allowed Miller

to receive 3 million rubles a day. You

allowed them to buy these teaspoons for

15,000 rubles apiece.

So first of all, we need to restore

order in those formally

state-owned companies. There's no need for that kind of

nationalization there; there's no need to revisit the results of privatization.

You don't need to undo it—you can simply

go into these formally state-owned

companies that in reality belong

personally to Putin, Sechin, Miller, and all the rest of

that crooked crowd, and put things in order there. And

I assure you, I can do it. For many

years I've been dealing with these guys. Next question.

Here's a question that came to me about

something that probably concerns all citizens of the

Russian Federation.

I wanted to ask: domestic

policy is clear enough—corruption and all the

problems. But on the foreign policy

level—relations with the U.S. and so on. Listen, I

get it. Excellent question, and my answer is

simple. Alexei Navalny, on questions of

domestic and foreign policy, is guided by

one simple principle in both:

I evaluate everything by

whether it will bring you more money or

not, whether it will make the country richer or not.

So my answer is: I want to trade with Europe and the U.S.

I want to trade.

That brings in money, right? I'm not planning to

go to war with anyone. Right now, for Russia,

this is a fortunate time: we don't

have to fight anyone, unless we ourselves

want to. So let's be friends with everyone,

make money from it, and grow richer.

Next question.

[music]

What are you going to do about healthcare, because

the quality of medical care here is poor,

it's inaccessible, and doctors' salaries are very

low. What are you planning to do about

healthcare in general? For our

country, it's the issue of all issues, especially here, yes.

I've already spoken about the oncology center—it's

a disgrace. And it's not just the center here, as

you'll tell me. Everyone asks me the same question. Isn't it

interesting—how much time do you have to spend here

to get a free

ultrasound? Two weeks? A month? Two months? And

a CT scan?

How long do you wait for a free CT scan?

Half a year? What happens to a person who

gets sick, has a medical indication for a scan, and

has to wait six months? They'll die,

or their cancer will progress from stage two

to stage three. That's why our

healthcare system needs, first and foremost,

money. And in my program,

spending on education and

healthcare will be doubled, and doing that is

easy. It costs 6 billion rubles—

just 6 trillion rubles.

As I already said, that's how much is stolen through

state procurement: 6 trillion. Add to that

aid to other countries, bank bailouts,

and so on and so forth.

We could, right now—even tomorrow—

seriously increase spending on

healthcare, and

this really shouldn't even be up for debate.