Autumn Tour. Rally in Kursk


Thank you very much for coming today.
The weather is really not great, but you
are awesome for being here. We’re very glad
to see all of you.
We’re starting our rally. And first, I’d like
to invite onto the stage an activist from
Navalny’s campaign headquarters, Dmitry Khobotovsky.
I clapped, but I’ve got an umbrella.
Hi, everyone.
Hi.
Great to see you.
At
I know many of you.
Ah, but as Bilbo Baggins said, a good
half of you are worthy. No, a good
half of you ought to be known better
today this film.
Well, I’m very glad too; I was very pleasantly
surprised to see that so many people in
the city of Kursk are ready to come
and support one another. Thank you
so much.
And you all know how our deceitful
city administration tried to obstruct us,
didn’t want Alexei
Navalny to come to our city.
And for two months straight, we kept filing
notifications, and then we
were practically living in the courts. And all of this
was aimed at one thing: to
stop us. Us.
We were told that they didn’t want to give us
a convenient venue in the city center,
they wanted to send us as far away from
the center as possible, and all of that was aimed
solely at disrupting our
event. But we won, we
proved that we deserve to gather
here. And now here we all are together.
Thank you all for coming.
Thank you. We are gathered here as people with
completely different political
views, but we are all united by one thing.
We all clearly understand
that we can no longer trust this government.
We want to live in a better country. We want
a better future for Russia. And that is why
every day we gather at the campaign headquarters
for exactly that reason: to make, at the very
least, we are trying to make life in our
city—and life in our country—better.
And only one candidate,
only one candidate is capable of helping us
with that today. This is a candidate who
is not afraid to tell the truth. This is a candidate
who is ready to act—and
to act in our interests.
That’s why I’m here today for this candidate.
And you should join
our headquarters too, which is located on
Rodishcheva Street, 40. Be sure to come by.
Together we will win.
We will win.
Thank you.
Let me give another plug for the headquarters:
40 Rodishcheva. Please come by if
you have any questions. Behind my
back right now are volunteers from our
campaign. You can meet all of them at the headquarters.
And now we move on to the most important
part of the rally. And I invite onto the stage
the candidate for president of Russia, Alexei
Navalny. Lyokha.
Hello, Kursk.
Hi, guys. Risky situation. I
read that all your schools
organized special
discos today. Right.
So that no one would come here.
Who has run into things like this, when
they tried to intimidate you, said you couldn’t go,
that you’d be expelled? Raise your hands if you’ve
dealt with that.
Raise your hand.
Interesting,
but why is your government,
your governor Mikhaylov—how many votes did he
get in the last election?
Nobody chose him, but he got some number
anyway. But if they’re so powerful,
United Russia, Putin, huge percentages—then
why are they afraid of our rallies?
What was it he said about the rallies on March 26
and July 12?
The fifth column has gathered.
The fifth column is holding rallies. And this
rally, probably for him, for them, for
all of this government, is a rally of the fifth
column.
And that raises a question: Mikhaylov has been
in power here for how many years?
Twenty—eighteen years, since 2000. Right, just like
Putin.
How exactly is the fifth column stopping him? How have we
gotten in his way so much?
I came in through the metal detectors, and there are puddles
up to your knees and mud everywhere.
So why couldn’t he fix that in 20 years?
Are we the ones stopping him?
Twenty years.
Tell me, please.
Yes, and roads. What about the roads in
the city of Kursk? Are they normal, great,
good roads? Even in the official
United Russia ranking of road quality,
Kursk Region is in seventy-
eighth place, which basically means there are no
roads in Kursk Region. Are we the ones
stopping him from fixing that?
No.
Vodka.
So this government
drinks vodka
has been sitting there for 18 years, and in those 18 years it has already proven
through its actions alone that it can do
absolutely nothing. It is a gathering
of idlers and crooks. Not only are
they crooks and thieves, in the literal sense,
they're also incompetent, and
This government needs to be changed. Do you agree
with me?
How much longer can we put up with the fact that in a
huge, very rich country, we are still
seriously, in the 21st century, in 2018,
constantly discussing roads, puddles, and
mud. In countries all over the world, even in Africa, these
problems have largely been solved. And only we
at every single election have a governor come here
and say: "I'll solve
your road problems, buddy."
And what were you doing for 18 years?
I'll come and solve pensioners' problems. And for 18
years, what were you doing?
Stealing, obviously,
because here in Kursk Region,
in Kursk Region it's very easy to answer
that question.
Boo!
As I understand it, that's a little group of United Russia members
of four people. They're shouting at me: "Boo!"
Great,
guys, I invite you onto the stage. Maybe
Mikhailov is with you? Come on, get up
here, old man Mikhailov. Do you want a debate with
United Russia members?
If you're not afraid, I invite any of you onto the stage
any one of you. And while you're deciding
whether you're afraid or not, I want to
tell you what a candidate will do
who isn't afraid, who
came here to Kursk Region in order
to speak with you, unlike
all the other candidates. First, let me
ask you this. Has
Gennady Andreyevich Zyuganov come here to see you?
No.
Grigory Alexeyevich Yavlinsky.
No.
Sergey Mikhailovich Mironov?
No.
Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin.
No.
Ksenia Anatolyevna Sobchak.
Amazing, isn't it? Supposedly
there's an election campaign going on
right now, but nobody is doing anything. So
I am doing something, and that's why they ban
everything for us. Because, guys, our
campaign is simple. We talk about
basic things that we can
achieve, that we can solve.
Here, in Kursk Region, it's very easy
to answer one question. Which one?
Roads. Not roads,
jobs, money. Where is the money? Where did they
steal our money to? You have here
that splendid estate in Mansurovo, right?
Built with money stolen
by Medvedev.
Who here has seen the film He Is Not Dimon to You?
Then you've probably seen that
remarkable footage where the drone flies over and
shows the devastated region. It
looks as if our planes
made a mistake and, instead of bombing ISIS,
bombed everything around it. And then suddenly there is
this magnificence,
palaces. And you and I understand that this is
stolen money, right?
And the whole country understands that it's stolen
money. And the FSB guys guarding it
know it's stolen money. But
the authorities stay silent,
The Duma stays silent, the prosecutor's office doesn't just
stay silent—it helps them. The Investigative
Committee doesn't just stay silent either—it helps them.
So our campaign is about
saying: "Enough, it's impossible to
put up with this any longer." Right? How much longer can we tolerate
these thieves and this corruption? Everyone can
plainly see that they have looted the entire
country. It can't just be a coincidence
that all of Putin's classmates became
billionaires, all his former colleagues became
billionaires, his dacha neighbors became
billionaires. Is that accidental? No,
a coincidence?
I don't think so.
I don't think that's a coincidence. That's why,
guys,
I'm running in this election to fight
corruption. And when I talk about corruption,
I'm not speaking vaguely, like, well, I won't
name names so as not to
offend anyone or so they won't sue
me—but I'm perfectly clear. Let them sue
me—they sue me all the time. I
say honestly that all these people,
whose names I mention, I will put in prison. Do you
want that or not?
Do we want to do this or not?
Then we will put them in the dock
and try them properly. They must be tried
by an honest court. Right?
They've pushed the whole country to the limit. And these
people living in poverty look at
the constantly growing number of
billionaires in Russia. You've probably seen
articles with statistics saying that, yes,
real household incomes are falling
for the fifth year in a row, but the wealth of Russian
billionaires has grown by 20%. Russian
year. They're not Russian. Thank you very much.
That's right. They're not Russian. Because
all they do is siphon
money out of here and take it to their yachts. And this
is protected by the authorities. And it is organized by the authorities
here, in Kursk Region. It's especially important
to say this because you are not just
somewhere in central
Russia in a poor region—you are sitting
on money here, right?
One of the richest resource
regions. That's right.
My favorite, Alisher Usmanov, who, as
you may know, once replied to me: "Pah, to hell with you,
Alexei." And then: "Shame on you once
again."
But he makes money off your
Mikhailovsky GOK (a mining and processing plant), among other things.
Right?
Well, you have to admit, it’s a bit
of an abnormal situation when, in the region
where he pulls all this out of the ground and sells it
abroad, there is poverty and roads like these, while he
buys himself the most expensive yacht in the world.
Is that normal?
No, of course not.
And I want to be the candidate who,
for God’s sake, for the first time in the last 20 years
of election campaigns, will actually say this
out loud. Everyone keeps quiet about it. Not a single
official candidate ever talks about
it. Sure, everyone whispers about it behind the scenes,
but I want to be the candidate
who comes here, stands right on stage
and, excuse me,
shouts himself hoarse about it. I’ll say it on
television, I’ll say it at the debates,
because I believe people want
to talk about this. Right? Yes.
Yes.
How is it that there is such
staggering equality? How does it
happen that they are so rich, that they are
richer than comparable capitalists abroad
who are in the same
business? Why?
Why are they like that? For two reasons.
First, they don’t pay taxes.
Second, they underpay wages.
That’s it. What’s the average salary here
for you? Let’s not even take the whole Kursk
Region—just the city of Kursk.
Okay, I’m hearing 10, I’m hearing 15. 23.
10.
And over there are the United Russia people whistling.
What’s the average salary?
Ten—the United Russia people are saying ten. What’s the
average salary?
Ugh.
Ugh. Well, I agree that this is the right
assessment of your salary: ugh. Absolutely.
Ten and fifteen are definitely ugh.
What is the salary? So tell me,
does anybody know?
No. 15.
25.
The average salary. All right then. Let me
quote Governor Mikhailov then and
say that, well, this really is a
fifth-column rally, because, well,
obviously, the State Department hired all of you. You’ve
all gathered here for American money.
You’re not afraid of the rain because
you’ve been paid, right?
Because you’re here,
well, all slandering the flourishing
Kursk Region, because—go to
your governor’s website, to the region’s
website, and it says there that the average
salary in the city of Kursk is 27,000 rubles.
I can’t repeat what you just
said from over on this side. Let’s just say
he’s lying,
you see, folks, and it’s like this in every region,
in every city. And what is
26,000 or 27,000 rubles? It’s a poverty
wage. And even about a poverty wage
we all understand that it’s a lie.
It’s a lie. A complete, absolute lie,
and everyone knows it. Putin knows it,
Medvedev knows it, the governor knows it. You know
that all of this is false.
And you see, they lie and prettify
reality. They say: "Sure, everyone
gets 15, of course, but let’s
lie
and say they get 27." And in that alone
is reflected
Russia’s catastrophe. We have to lie about
a salary of 27, because it is still
a poverty wage. I always use
Estonia as an example. You know it? Yes.
And have you heard about the Estonian magnetic
anomaly?
No. Estonian oil, Estonian gas.
Have you ever heard anything about Estonia’s natural resources?
And the average salary there
is 75,000 rubles when converted.
Do you understand? 75,000 rubles in a country where
there are no natural resources at all.
We’re sitting on them. We like to say that
Russia is the richest country. That’s simply
true.
Russia is the richest country, but here we are
lying about having salaries of
27,000 rubles. Is that normal?
No,
is that really what we deserve?
We built our Russian civilization,
our Russian one, call it what you like. Look, basically,
we’re pretty impressive,
right? The women here are saying, "We’re
pretty impressive." Did we launch rockets into
space?
No.
Well, hello there. Really now.
In the Soviet Union. Yes,
well, fair correction, but still. In the
all right, in the Soviet Union. Yes. We built nuclear
power plants here too, right.
We produce physicists, chemists, we win Nobel
Prizes, and it would seem
that we are quite an advanced
nation, right? We’ve got everything going for us. So
why have we ended up in a situation
where we dream of a salary of 27,000 rubles?
The average salary in Russia is now lower
than in China. And 10 years ago we laughed
at China. The average salary in Russia
is now lower than in Kazakhstan. And
once upon a time it seemed to us that, wow,
Russia was far more impressive than Kazakhstan.
I’m going into this election with a simple message about
the fact that
the enormous resources we extract
even at today’s oil prices, are
enough to provide
a decent life for our country. We just don’t
need to do one thing. What is it?
We need to stop stealing. They have literally looted everything,
because 80% of their working
time is spent stealing, and in the remaining 20%
they can’t get anything done, because
even if you have money, you still can’t
repair roads or fix housing and utilities services
— you can’t do anything at all.
And as for taxes—let’s talk about
taxes. Are you satisfied with the situation
when it comes to taxes?
No.
No,
no. Someone’s shouting that they are.
They’re shouting, nobody’s crying.
A deputy is telling me—I don’t know, how did you
manage that? A deputy came up and said:
“Navalny is the best.” And which party are you a deputy from?
A deputy.
Well, thank you very much. I’m very pleased
that there is a deputy in the Kursk Regional Duma
who tells me I’m the best.
I hope he won’t add, right now, something like,
“well, that’s not entirely certain.”
So, guys, here’s a deputy, and he’ll
confirm it for you: 60% of the money
collected from you gets sent
where?
To Moscow.
To Moscow. To Moscow. And in Moscow it
ends up in people’s pockets. How is it possible
that your city’s budget is—how much?
Someone help me out—7 billion rubles. Right.
The budget—the budget of Kursk. And in Moscow they spend
6 billion on lighting up Christmas trees. Well, sure,
if there’s money to burn, then
maybe you can spend it on lighting
trees for 6 billion. But if it turns out that
the whole country is living in poverty,
then maybe it ought to be distributed
a little more fairly, right?
I really want you to support me
so that I become the
one candidate who is talking
about this. I don’t understand why they
stay silent. Your governor, Mikhailov, by
all logic, if he were really defending
people’s interests, he would go to
State Council meetings, he would go to meetings with
Putin, he would go to the Duma, to the Federation
Council, to any official
events. And whenever they were discussing
something there, he would listen and listen,
stay quiet and stay quiet, and then he would suddenly bang
the table, stand up, and say: “Excuse me,
what the hell is going on? Give the money back
to my Kursk region. I can’t repair the roads.
Why is it that I have the Kursk Magnetic Anomaly
(a major iron ore deposit), I have mining and processing plants,
I have industry—why are you taking all
the money? I represent the interests of the people of Kursk,
the interests of the region’s residents, and I demand it. My
deputies are introducing a bill so that
this money is distributed more fairly in the
budget.” But he stays silent. Well, that’s because
he’s an appointee, because he does not
represent your interests. Right.
How much with Dimon and booze?
The United Russia party represents your
interests. Boo.
The governor represents your interests.
And yet United Russia makes up 90%
of your city and regional assemblies. So
what you end up with is a bunch of
bureaucrats sitting there, and they do not represent
anyone’s interests at all. The people are one thing, these freaks are another, right?
The people are separate. They are separate. And this
has been going on not for one year, not two, not three, but nearly 20
years already. So yes, I know
for an absolute fact that no matter how much they
lie to me about their 84%,
that 99%
of people across the country will support me
if I propose a fairer
redistribution of taxes. Do you support
that?
Everyone supports that. Any grandma sitting outside her apartment building
or any professor at a table
supports it. Everyone supports
the fight against corruption.
The Periscope stream should be on, right?
Please,
What prospects are there at all in your, well, in your
region?
Wow.
None. Give me a rough idea.
Who here is in college? Who is studying at
school or college? Raise your hands.
Or vocational school. Doesn’t matter. If,
let’s say, you study very
well. I hope so. And you—terribly. Why
terribly? Fine, well. Let’s suppose this is
an experiment, a thought experiment.
Answer me this. You study
well, everything goes well for you,
you graduate, and you land a good
job. By average Kursk
standards, everyone around you would say that
you’ve done well for yourself. What kind of
salary would you have?
10,000.
No, not 10. Ten is not good. I mean really
landing a good job. How much?
A good one. How much?
Fifty grand.
Well, no, I mean if
you really landed well. You come home and say, “Mom,
I got a job at this place.” Good for you. 40.
20
Well, I did hear 40–50 after all.
Well, I heard fifty right away.
Let’s go with 40–50.
All right, guys. Look,
you hear 40–50 thousand rubles (about $430–540), and most people
say, "No, we don't believe it."
So basically, it means there are no prospects at all.
It's a dead end. We've reached a dead end. If in
our country a young man
or woman who has done well for themselves
on 40–50 thousand rubles, because on 40–50 thousand you can't
buy yourself a home, right? No kind of
mortgage either. On 40–50 thousand, it will be practically
impossible to support your children. Have two
kids, and that's it — everything
is over for you. On 40–50 thousand, nothing
good awaits you. You can't even go away once a year
for a proper vacation. You've become poor. You just can't.
It can't be done.
Officially, 20% of the country is poor, and you,
it turns out, your life has gone
well in Russia, and you've still become poor,
joined the ranks of the poor. But is this really the
country we want? Is this the future we see for ourselves?
And that's why, when people ask me, "So
why are you running around, speaking out, Alexei, what
are you doing? Why can't you just sit still?" Well,
the answer is simple: "I'm 41, but I
want to live in a normal country. I know
that Russia can do better." All the indicators
for Russia show it. You just take an economics
textbook and look at what we have:
an educated population, natural
resources, a good geographic
location — we have everything. That means
Russia should be, well, maybe not
the richest country in the world, but certainly a fairly
prosperous, confident, wealthy country. But I
have lived my whole life watching a poor
Russia.
And from what is happening, I understand that
it will remain poor. And my children
will be poor, and their children will be poor,
because those same people want to stay there forever
in power. He's been sitting there for 18 years. Come on,
do you really think he'll leave?
No.
It'll be like in those futuristic horror movies.
Just a head on top of a bionic body.
He'll walk around saying, "Vote for
United Russia, stability above
everything. We don't need Maidans (mass protest uprisings like Ukraine's Maidan) and all
the other phrases they keep repeating,
and will go on repeating. That's why, that's why I
am running in the election, because, well, I don't want
to spend my whole life in such a poor country.
I'm running in the election because,
I assume,
you guys pay quite a lot for
housing and utility services.
How much are the utility bills for a two-room apartment
— what's the rate?
In winter? Six thousand.
Six.
Five to seven thousand? How much? When your salary is ten thousand
Seven. Well, seven is pushing it. It can't be
as much as seven.
Seven. Ah, well, then you basically have no salary left at all.
It can.
So your salary is 20 thousand or less, and you have to pay seven thousand for utilities
— but then it's impossible
to live. And do utility rates
go up or down?
Up.
So there is manipulation, there is cheating,
isn't there? There is. Here, if I'm not mistaken,
back in 2011 there was
that story when a whole lot of apartment buildings,
half the buildings in Kursk, were handed over to some
newly created management companies.
They raised the rates. That happened here, right? Yes,
it was canceled, but only after a huge
scandal. But in general, officials
are wired this way — they thought, "Well,
let's just dump these people around like serfs
and make them pay more." Meanwhile, in
America electricity has become cheaper than
it is here. Gas has become cheaper than it is here. Who
here has a dacha (country house)? Raise your hands.
Right, now tell me,
please, who has a dacha? Who has one
that is connected to gas?
Is that Mr. Boss or what? Who keeps shouting
in that voice all the time over there?
A provocateur. Don't feed him, just speak
less often. All right. If your dacha is gasified,
how much does it cost here in Russia to connect to gas?
Here in Russia?
150 thousand.
To tap into the gas line, to connect it — 150,000 rubles.
What plot size are you talking about? This year it's already 150 thousand.
That's what it costs.
Oh, right, that's the right
figure.
But turn on the TV, and they show you that nice
commercial: Gazprom is the national
treasure.
On TV, of course.
And that raises the question:
Why is Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin,
the man who says everyone here
supports him, saying the week before last
that Russia would allocate
200 billion rubles to Kyrgyzstan for gasification?
Just a Kyrgyz spy, right?
There it is — the fifth column. People who
don't care about any of us. If our
country itself isn't fully gasified,
if some old woman is paying her last money for
that gas cylinder and has to choose what
to do — buy medicine or buy a
gas cylinder? And we're allocating money to some
Kyrgyzstan. Why do we need that?
Why do we need that? Who needs it? Why are we handing out
our money left and right? What I want is
this.
She's about to finish.
Russia wants to show that it's good.
Then let it show that to us.
I want — that's an excellent slogan — I want to become
the president who will show his own
to his own people that the president is good, and
that he will spend all the money on him, because
otherwise what we get is a kind of spectacle of
unheard-of generosity. We gave them
money. We gave them money. And I,
guys, this is an important issue for me, because
I no longer have the strength to watch stories about how
Cuba was forgiven its debts, this one was forgiven
its debts. So I want to give you
a campaign promise:
President Navalny will stop
forgiving other countries' debts. This is our
money, right? How much longer can this go on? Yes, we
love Cuba, we love Venezuela, we love, I don't
know, Aleppo, Palmyra, and everything else.
Why should we have to pay for all this
out of our own pockets? Do we want to do that? No.
No. I know that 99%
of the country's residents do not want to sponsor
other regimes, but for some reason the authorities
keep doing it. When I become president, I will
put an end to it. And over there, in the puddles and the mud,
police officers are standing there.
And I want to say to them, dear
police officers, please look
over here.
Your presidential candidate, the best one
for you, is named Alexei Navalny
Anatolyevich. Because when I become
president, I will not waste time on this
nonsense. They were driven here at 9:00
in the morning. They are standing in the rain, guarding
this peaceful rally, which causes
absolutely no problems at all. Why
is this necessary? Do we, as taxpayers,
want them doing this?
Or do we want them dealing with
crime?
Yes.
So I will finally make sure that
the police, of whom we have a huge
number, do their actual job and
receive a decent
salary for it. Look at
Russia's military and police budget. It is
enormous. There is enough there to simply give every
police officer
an apartment, to build each one a palace like in Mansurovo
for everyone. Do you understand? Everyone could
get a pay raise, but that is not
happening. It's unclear why. I will do
it. I will bring all this back. I will turn it
right side up again, because
if there is a lot of money in the country, people should
be getting richer. That's exactly why I'm running. I will be able to
bring transparency to the monopolies, and
housing and utility rates will go down, will be
reduced, or at the very least you will understand
what you are paying for. I will jail these
corrupt officials. I know how to lock them up.
I know how to cancel corrupt
government procurements. The draft laws have long since been
written. I will be able to make sure that
the police do their job. This is,
you understand, not just some kind of
words. I
this has already been done in many countries, and
we will be able to do it here too. There is nothing
special we need to invent, you see.
We do not live in Africa. The president's job is not
first to take his people, I don't
know, down from a palm tree and put them on
the ground, and only then do something with them. We
have an advanced society, we have
an educated people, we have a sea of money and
a huge amount of natural resources. We just need
to work properly. But this government
stays in power because of one crucial thing. And
that thing is our main enemy. This may be
the most important thing I want to say in my
speech. Who is our main enemy?
Putin. Are you kidding? Putin is not
the main enemy at all. Corruption,
corruption. No, not corruption, our own blindness.
Corruption is nothing. We can defeat it easily, and
we know how.
The idea that we can't do anything.
Now that makes sense.
Ourselves. No, that's what another candidate says,
that the main problem is not
Putin, but ourselves. There is no problem
in us. To anyone who says the problem is in us
ourselves, I would say: well then, please
stop moving billions into offshore accounts.
And you, please, stop buying
yachts for yourselves. And you, please, stop
turning into billionaires
by not paying taxes. No, guys, our
enemy is something else. A lack of faith in ourselves. We have simply
grown used to the idea that we
decide nothing. We have grown used to the fact
that the authorities always win anyway, and
the crooks always win. And at every
rally, every time, someone comes up to me
and says:
"Alexei,
you're a great guy. Everything you said, you said
it all very correctly, but admit it, you
understand that these are all just your fantasies, you
won't be able to win. Nothing will ever
change, because it can't be changed."
I'm telling you honestly, guys,
completely sincerely. I don't just believe, I
know that everything can be changed. Yes, your
governor may seem to us like a wall,
a monolith, impossible to break through, United Russia. They
are watching the livestream of this rally and
shaking, because this is where rallies
in support of United Russia are held.
How many people come there
for free? For free. How many people
come there? Zero.
Why a rally? Well, Putin does not hold
real rallies in his own support,
genuine ones. Because no one would come.
This government's approval ratings exist
only under conditions where there is no
competition at all, no one is allowed to do anything
is dealing with it. Unfortunately, we are like our
parents, like our grandfathers, and we've gotten used
to the idea that everything is bad.
Russia is for the sad.
And we are that sad. And then there are also
proverbs too: we've never lived well,
so there's no point in starting now. So we've been
made to believe that, damn it, well, we just weren't
lucky — we were born in Russia, so
we'll die poor too.
It doesn't have to be that way.
It doesn't have to be that way.
There are a huge number of us here. They're afraid of us.
It's just that because we don't believe in
ourselves, we do nothing, because, well, it's all
useless anyway. What's the point of campaigning?
It's all useless. They'll decide everything without us.
Write something online. Oh, come on, what
is there to write? Everyone knows it's useless, they'll
count everything however they want.
Well, that's not true, not true, and not true. The whole
history of humanity is the history of how
people, when they believed in themselves,
achieved real positive change.
We look at the countries that are
next to us, not even the most prosperous ones
among them. I'm not saying that tomorrow I'll turn Russia
into Switzerland, but at least to the level of
Eastern Europe — we can live like that. We can
live that way as soon as tomorrow if we
work, if we put pressure on this
government, if we see ourselves as
citizens and fight. Standing here is
the main political force in the city of Kursk.
A sufficient number of people came here in the
rain, despite the pressure — they came.
And there are enough of you to
win over
all of Kursk in three weeks, in two weeks.
Because in reality, no one else
has that many people. I'm not
saying this just because I'm some great
candidate and I have people while no one else
does. It's just that the number of people who are
sick of all this
is much greater than everyone else combined.
It's just that we don't believe,
we don't believe. We think that nothing can be
changed. Can it be changed?
Yes, it can. And I'm running in the election, bringing together those
people who believe that things can
be changed. And, guys, my main request
to you is:
believe in yourselves, work together a little
bit, support me. Yes, of course,
they don't want to let me onto the ballot.
Yes, of course, they don't want anything at all.
Support me, and we'll achieve everything. Because
if we don't, we'll go on forever
dreaming of a salary of 27,000 rubles,
and getting 15,000. Do we need that?
No. We're very tired of this. And
I know it for sure. I can see them
shaking. I can see our
support growing. I go to cities, any
cities, all kinds of places, and they give us
some venue out by cemeteries
for rallies. And everywhere, people come —
more people than the authorities can gather. So I
know for certain that we can
defeat them. And if we believe in ourselves, then
we will build our beautiful Russia
of the future. Thank you very much. I'm ready
to answer your questions. Thank you
very much.
Are there any United Russia members who want
to debate? A United Russia member?
What's the United Russia member's name?
Wow.
Go ahead.
So the United Russia member finally worked up the courage. That's good,
because it rarely happens. Usually they
run off somewhere. What's your name?
All right, Evgeny has come up to us. Are you a member
of United Russia?
Evgeny is a member of United Russia. Let's give
Evgeny a round of applause.
Please, go ahead — I'm giving you the microphone
for a brief statement. Two minutes.
All right.
Hi, everyone. I'll be a little
brief. It's easy to indulge in demagoguery. We
all know perfectly well, we live in this
city, that we don't have — that we don't have
roads, we don't have decent salaries. Everyone
knows that perfectly well,
people — I never knew at all,
how many were here. Ah,
All right, all right, I get it, I get it. So,
literally two years ago, the LDPR party,
the Communist Party held rallies. We
have one deputy here, Comrade
Bulgakov. Someone dared to call him
a thief and ended up with a criminal case.
LDPR held the same kind of rally, the same
situation with the Communist Party and LDPR. So, I want
to quote a phrase from the Bible: By
their deeds you shall know them. So,
Be quiet, Alexei, let's put it this way. There is
Bulgakov, there is a problem in Kursk
Region. Solve it, bring in your ACF,
and we'll see your deeds. Anyone can make promises
from a stage. Come on, there's a real problem,
a real person. Will you help?
Well, I can tell you this: you
know that I'm not a prosecutor, not
an investigator from the Investigative Committee, not
the head of the FSB (Russia's security service). Our public
organization, the Anti-Corruption Foundation,
has canceled corrupt contracts worth
billions. But I wanted to ask you, since
you came up on stage — you surprised me. You
said, your first point was: "We know everything
about the problems, but nothing can
be done." And you ended your remarks
with, "By their deeds you shall know them." And yet you
are a member of United Russia. And your party
has been in power for many, many years.
Please explain what we are supposed to
learn about you from your actions, and why
nothing can be done.
There are, there are members of United Russia who
sit at the top. And there are people like
us, who can't do
anything. And, and unfortu-
And the ones at the top, are they bad?
Wait, everyone has their own point of view.
I'm just telling you,
if you want to bring order to Kursk Region.
You said: "My course, our course,
help us with this person. Then we'll see
your power and your capabilities."
We'll go to the election and vote. Not
just me, but thousands of other people who are
aware of this criminal case. Can you do it?
name.
So, am I understanding correctly that the party
United Russia, which has the president,
which has a majority in every
Duma, and to which all mayors and
governors come, has come to me and says:
"Navalny, please help us, we can't
deal with the problem".
So, guys, that's a cor- that's a correct
assessment. That's not bad. That's, that's excellent.
I suppose, well, that kind of
assessment is flattering to me. Unfortunately, uh, I have to
agree that you yourselves have a low
opinion of your party's level, but
simply put, I'll help you when I become
president. I'll solve the problems of whoever it was
you mentioned there, and all the other problems as well.
But then may I ask you a question
before, before the presidency, however you like. Right
now I'm simply asking you as a citizen
a question. So, are they people, or a fifth
column?
They're normal people. Normal people from Kursk,
right? Normal, good people. So
they have the right to nominate their own
candidate for president. As a member of
United Russia, do you think I can
take part in the election?
United Russia says that we can
take part in the election.
That's it, man, just
then say it one more time, that was going so well,
so well,
one more question. Bruha, vruha, and
please tell me, this system
of tax distribution, under which all
your resource revenues, all your money
is taken to Moscow — is that good or bad?
That's bad.
Am I right in understanding that you are now
criticizing the decision of your party, United
Russia?
You could say
not only United Russia. Today
Zhirinovsky spoke too, either today or yesterday,
calling for regions to be forgiven their taxes
and thus leave the money in the regions.
This is not only your policy, it's also
the policy of other parties as well. I agree
with it. And if he said it in vain, in vain he
started higher up, they forgive everything there too.
Listen, we wanted a debate, but United
Russia agrees with everyone. Unique
Kursk. It turns out United Russia agrees with everyone.
Bad bills,
bad Putin. So it turns out,
Alexander, next question. Go ahead. I
came here with a specific situation.
Comrade Bulgakov, remember that surname.
and break it up.
No, no, I mean, gentlemen, in terms of
the election, this will be a very interesting
bombshell, truly sensational. If
the guys at the ACF have time for it, then I
have materials that I can
provide to them. Please, let's talk
for real, not just stand here on stage
promising them millions. There is
a concrete case. Let me help you,
and you help me. You'll see
everything for yourselves.
We will help you. But still,
please explain to me why
the Bulgakov problem and all the rest of the
corruption are not being dealt with by your authorities, your
party? Put together
one whole
One whole? Ah, so one whole with
corruption?
Alexei,
Alexei, you're setting me up for a criminal
case. I climbed onto the stage — sorry, different
things can happen. So I just
wanted to say this: you see, guys.
Well, any person, even a United Russia member,
you joined United Russia for nothing. I mean, you
since you came up here, you're a brave
person. You'd be better off not joining
United Russia — join these
wonderful people instead, because they want
the same thing you want: order,
right, taxes that belong to them,
a normal human life. And for all of us
this is a great lesson: it's easy
to work with people. Anyone can be persuaded
over. One United Russia guy came to the debate, and already
supported participation in the election. Already, already
points of our program are being implemented,
so let's start campaigning. I'll win
everyone over. Thank you very much for
coming. Thank you. Questions, guys. So,
as I promised,
the floor goes to the deputy. Deputy, yes, please.
Right now just
ask me briefly, and then I will not
who will own the natural resources.
All right, I'll give you the microphone, but since you are
a deputy, you might not give it back.
Deputies are like that, they talk for a long
time. I'm giving you the microphone. One minute for
the question. All right.
Alexei, Kursk applauds you.
I am deeply convinced that the real people
of Kursk, true citizens with a strong
civic stance, are only for Alexei
Navalny. Another round of applause.
Our city of Kursk has been headed by Alla
Albertovna Chertova. Chertova, who was born
on the thirteenth. It's ужас, but Alexei
will do everything so that
there will be no authority for her to have been born on
a different day.
No, she won't be born on a different day, but in
any case
Kursk will prosper anyway, because
Kursk is a City of Military Glory (an official Russian honorary title).
Kursk is a great city. And I think
that with your arrival we will revive the city of
Kursk. No question, just
applause for Alexei Navalny.
What a guy.
Alright, and now I already have
serious suspicions that right now
the lights are going to come on. It says: program
giveaway. United Russia supported it,
a deputy supported it, and like, something something
something's off here. Some kind of trick. A question,
guys. Give me a tough question.
Who has a critical question,
please? You there in the hat.
A critical question. Yes.
I haven't my own for a long time...
who will they belong to. Lyokha.
I'll repeat the question. How are you going to
run for office, Alexei? Because they won't let you
on television, they won't let you anywhere,
they don't let you in anywhere. They keep saying how bad you are.
And campaigning is the most important thing. How can you
run if you have no access
to anything? That's the right way to put it.
Well yes, I don't have that. Who has seen me
on television? Well, except in programs
about how I stole the entire forest, or about how
I'm a foreign agent. Well, for many,
many years now they haven't shown me in any other
context, and for the last 3 years they haven't even
made negative mentions of me.
It's completely forbidden, right?
Remember how Peskov refers to me — this
gentleman, or this supposedly previously convicted person, or
something else? Politician.
a well-known politician, a provocateur, and all the
rest of it. I, of course — well, what,
what is obvious to everyone? I have no television,
no radio, nothing. I have you. That is
that is more important than anything. This isn't me
trying to cheer you up,
it's
it's simply a proven fact that the most
powerful campaign tool is
one person talking to another
person. We now have 170,000
volunteers across the country. No one else
has that many. It's a huge force. So, well,
just because I'm not on television,
what am I supposed to say now? Fold my
little paws? Wow, the mighty
television doesn't show me, so well,
alright then, I guess I'll just give in completely. No,
you came here, in the rain, and you've been standing
here for an hour already.
That means, then, that I have achieved
something. If today I can convince you of something,
maybe you'll spend
5 minutes a day campaigning. And any
television host Vladimir Rudolfovich Solovyov
will cry like a little girl in
his Italian villa, because
he will understand that our means of mass
campaigning and propaganda is 100 times stronger
than any television channel. Besides, I
am actually working as a candidate. Nobody else does
anything. All our elections are about
the fact that nobody does a damn thing. Here I am,
I spoke yesterday in Ivanovo, today I'm here with you,
tomorrow I'll be speaking in Tambov, and
next week somewhere else. I am working
like a normal human candidate. And
that, by the way, is the most important task of
my campaign: to make sure that in the
next elections we set
a standard so that people simply won't believe
candidates who don't do all of
this. You do want candidates to come
to you and bend over backwards here
in front of you, right?
When
even after I've served one presidential term.
Well, not served time — more like worked through it somehow.
Though serving time would be easier for me, of course.
Come here — president or not
president — get up on stage and speak,
talk, answer questions. That's how it
should be organized, and that's how it will
be organized, and we will make that happen. So,
let me give you the floor, and then you won't
have to keep shouting in that
voice of yours anymore. Alright.
For one minute — do you actually have a question?
Do you have a question? You need a microphone.
Give him a microphone.
You don't need a microphone.
One.
Dear Alexei, to be honest,
this is the first time in my life I've ever seen you. I'm not
interested in politics, yes. I basically
have everything I need in life.
In a voice that makes people believe it's really
you.
My name is Roman Valentinovich Kamenev.
I, well,
I just used to like the work of
Professor Lebedinsky (a Russian pop performer), and the way he
would tune his voice. Anyway, Alexei, I
am seeing you for the first time in my life. I've heard a lot
of good things and bad things about you. Uh, you
seem like a normal guy. That's how I see it. I'm
a simple person. You seem like a normal
guy. So, the only thing that I
I wanted to say this. I’m outside politics. So,
you were talking here about Estonia. As for
Estonia, I have
relatives there, and I know the situation very well.
As for what you were saying about Europe and so
on, I also have a very good sense of the
situation. So, I want to say one thing:
we live in a wonderful country. This
country just needs a little time to
cool down after the turmoil.
At least, at least 50. Alexei,
yes.
The thing, the thing, the thing is, that’s not a question.
You seem like a decent guy,
you come across well,
you make a very good impression, but Russia must be
loved. I would like to wish that
you, naturally, love Russia. There is no country
better than ours in the world, because
I’ve seen many people around the world, but our people
are better. I wish you good luck.
I don’t have any questions.
Ask a question.
And the question?
What should be done about Crimea? Answer, Alexei.
Alexei, well, since I’ve managed to get to the
microphone, the microphone.
Uh,
So, I’m from Belgorod, from Navalny’s headquarters,
from Belgorod. Yevgeny Sokolov. So,
here’s the question. After the publication in
February of the list of our officials, thieves, in the
United States, what fate awaits them, what
fate awaits them after the publication of this
list?
Will they abandon their capital to the mercy of
fate, or will they
be forced to flee there ri-
Alexei, will you be there on the eleventh
on 5/11 I will definitely be somewhere
out on the street because I will at the very least
be speaking, so first I have
a comment on what Roman said
I have a question too
and then I have an answer to the question
that I was asked, so
the wish to love Russia. You know, Roman,
I do love Russia, and that is exactly why I am here
speaking. But you see, you tell me,
“You, Alexei, should love Russia.” But
Alisher Burkhanovich Usmanov loves it from his
yacht in Monaco right now. Or it is loved by
Peskov, who also rides around on all sorts of
yachts and funnels money,
stolen money, into offshore accounts.
So, this whole idea directed at us—
ourselves.
Come on, guys, let’s love Russia after all.
Yes, we do love it. And we live here, unlike
United Russia. My father is a military man.
I spent my entire childhood in
military towns. My
only real estate is an apartment
in a prefab apartment block on the outskirts of Moscow in
the Maryino district. My children go to an ordinary
school, and I love my country, and I want
to make it richer. Yes, there are problems in
Europe, there are problems in Estonia, everywhere,
but those are problems of a different order. Our
problems are that 20% of people are below the
poverty line, officially the poorest. Officially,
20% of people in the country are poor. So the point
is that we are precisely the ones who love Russia, and we
are fighting those people who have latched onto
it and treat it, see it, as
a kind of testing ground for making money.
Take your Kursk Region, for example—it is a
typical testing ground for making
money: taking something out of the ground, not paying
taxes, sending it all offshore and then
reselling it later at a higher
market price. They underpay taxes, they underpay
wages, and they live abroad.
They’ve sent their children abroad,
they’ve bought property abroad. Even
Solovyov tells us how we
should love the motherland. Everything is abroad. And
do you know what they tell us? And do you know
what they tell us? They say that,
well, even in private conversations, these
United Russia people have said to me: “Listen, Alexei,
come on, you know these people—it’s better if we
steal it than if they drink it away.”
That’s what they say. They say: “Well,
are they right to say that, or are they wrong
to say it?”
They drink because
there’s no hope.” Well, why wouldn’t they drink?
Whether you work or don’t work, you’ll have
a salary of 25,000 rubles. Of course, he
doesn’t care about anything. He goes and gets drunk to
forget all of it. Therefore,
so, when I am president,
officials will love Russia. They will
live here, their children will live here,
their wives will be here, not
in London. That’s how it will work.
So,
you promised me you wouldn’t shout in that
voice anymore. So, and as for comments
regarding the sanctions lists. You
said the Americans are publishing new
sanctions lists. And what do you think,
will happen to these people?
So, uh,
I’ll answer, as you—or rather, as people ask
first: what do you yourself think will happen to them under Putin?
What will happen to these people? They will have
everything just fine. You remember
the bill they introduced: if they
fall under sanctions, then from the Russian
budget these people will be compensated.
So if any pro-Putin billionaire
has something taken away from him there
by the Americans, they’ll squeeze money out of us as well
in order to pay them. So the answer to your
question is twofold. Under Putin, they’ll be
just fine. Under Navalny, everything for them
it will be very, very bad. Without any
Americans involved—that’s the question. Let’s start from this
side.
Crimea. What should be done? Crimea
go ahead. Yes,
Guys, don’t say “can I ask a question,” just
ask it. How can we make sure that
there is no merger of capital and power?
How can we make sure there is no
merger of capital and power?
The merger of capital and power is called
corruption.
In order to eliminate corruption,
you need proper courts,
you need free mass
media. And most importantly,
you need someone in power
who actually wants to fight corruption, so that
there is political will. I mean, listen,
if you and I, who are not the security services,
every one of you could right now
talk to anyone. You could name
10 cases of corruption for me. I’ve investigated a whole lot
of corruption cases. Obviously,
Putin knows all of this. He is simply the father
of corruption. He himself is personally corrupt.
Why would he fight corruption if he
made his son-in-law Kirill Shamalov
the country’s youngest billionaire? They
steal this money. Every single day.
It’s obvious he is not going to fight anyone
over it. Why would he need to go after
Serdyukov?
That was the most famous case of that kind.
On television they showed how many days
Serdyukov spent in the defendant’s dock.
Zero.
And Vasilieva—how long did she serve? Two
months. Why? Because Serdyukov
went to Putin and said: "Volod, come on,
I was only doing what you allowed me to do."
And he said: "Come on, Tolya, it’s all
fine. We’ll make a bit of noise about this
on TV, feed people a line, and then
you’ll carry on, and everything will be
fine for you." And everything is fine for him. He still
even rides around in a Mercedes with
a flashing beacon, works in state corporations,
gets paid there. And there was all this talk
about what a terrible corrupt official he was. And then life
went on as usual. That’s why political will matters.
What’s needed is a person who will send them to
the defendant’s bench. And I am that
person. Next question.
When is the film about Vova (a familiar form of Vladimir) coming out?
When is the film about Vova (a familiar form of Vladimir) coming out?
Well, in a sense, all the films are
films about Vova, because it’s his
system. But we can’t reveal
any
details of upcoming investigations, because
then it won’t be interesting for you, and they’ll
hide. Question:
What will you do if Putin doesn’t let you
run in the election?
I’m not giving you the microphone again. Go ahead,
ask.
Where will you get 34,000?
I thought you weren’t going to ask me about that, damn it.
How would you comment on the much-publicized
nomination
of Sobchak
of Sobchak for president?
Why does no one ever ask me about
Zyuganov?
Who needs
or about Mironov? Guys, I’ve already
commented on this many times and I’m not
going to comment on it in any more
detail, because
Ksenia Sobchak has every right
to run for president. She is over 35
years old. Correct
so she can run. Let me see—raise your hands, those
of you who are over 35. Wave them.
All of you, like Ksenia Sobchak,
have the right to run. But the most
important part of the answer to this question
is that I also have the right
to run. So let Ksenia
Sobchak run, and Sobchak Ksenia, and Olga Buzova,
whoever else. I don’t know whether Buzova is 35
yet.
She isn’t. Then Buzova shouldn’t run.
We’re banning Buzova from running. All citizens
over 35 can run. And I have the right
to run too. United Russia has allowed me to.
So I know one thing.
I’ve been acting as a genuine candidate. For a year now
I’ve been running an election campaign. I’ve assembled
volunteers. I’m raising money. You know
how I raise it. Raise your hands, those
who have donated at least something once. Thank you
so much, guys. The campaign stands
on you. So I know one thing: if
I’m not allowed onto the ballot, then these elections
cannot be considered real elections, because
that is exactly how they want to win—by not
letting someone in. They look and say: "Wow,
he’s been traveling around the regions for a whole year,
drawing huge crowds. No, that’s not the kind of candidate
we need. We need a candidate who
won’t do anything. Do you
agree with that?"
No.
Exactly. So, will we go to these elections
or not?
Yes, we will. If I’m on the ballot. If not, we won’t.
No, if I’m not included on the ballot.
That’s all there is to it.
Question
Alexei.
Diagram
the political program... at one polling station 1% were
spoiled ballots, while against the backdrop of the same...
LDPR. They got 6%, while Navalny got
35. Why are they trying to protest if
the vote could be used properly against them?
Why not boycott? Why not just spoil—spoil the ballot?
Spoil the ballot, people.
All right, I understand. I understand the question. I understand
the question. Why are you, Alexei, saying
that the elections should be boycotted?
Why not come? No,
why not? I hear you. I’m repeating your
question. Ksenia Sobchak is right when she
says it means “against everyone,” because
you still have to go to the polls anyway. Why
are you proposing a boycott? You could
just come and spoil your ballot. I
am proposing—I am not proposing a boycott of
the elections. Listen, I’m running an election
campaign. People are standing there soaked through, saying
to themselves: “Navalny, wrap it up already,
we’re freezing.” I’m running an election
campaign. I want everyone to go to
the polls, but,
I care deeply about elections. And
therefore, if a candidate is not allowed onto
the ballot, that means—look, guys, for
us what does that mean? It means they will
never again allow a decent candidate,
if we accept this. If it isn’t
Navalny, it’ll be a candidate named Sergei
Semyonovich Gorbunkov. He’ll run a great
campaign, better than I do, he’ll
come here and draw even bigger crowds.
And they won’t let him run either, because he is running
a campaign. If we agree to this once,
show up at the polls, they’ll say: “Huh, well,
you can do whatever you want with these people.” They’ll
go vote anyway. Whether we spoil
the ballot or don’t spoil the ballot. In
essence, it makes no difference at all.
We need to tell this government: if you do not allow
our candidate into a fair election, then we
do not consider it an election. We do not
recognize you. Starting the very next day, we will
work every single day to
remove you from power, because you
seized it unlawfully. That is the only way.
Let me take a question from over here. President—
Platon, yes, the truckers’ group, which
does,
right, then later there will be a question from
young people. For now, a question about Platon.
The Association of Freight Carriers. What?
The question, if I may—
this is a system that is illegal. And
a question from the carriers’ association,
who are asking me: when you
become president, what will you
do with this system? Dear
Association of Freight Carriers, it seems to me you
should already have signed an appeal
to vote for Navalny,
because I am the only candidate
who went to court
over this Platon system. I published the text
of that agreement. I was one of the first
politicians who spoke about it at all
and who took part in it and supported
the strike. So, the Platon system is
a system for stealing money. First from
truck drivers, and then from everyone
else. Because when
truckers raise their prices, that
means I will pay for milk at
3% more. That’s my
money. Besides, the Platon system is also
effectively a system under which
we are in fact paying a tax to a private company,
to a private individual, Rotenberg. This is
a rip-off.
It is absolutely illegal. But besides
that, let’s say honestly that, well,
who here has ever seen a truck-driver
millionaire?
What, are these the richest people? If
we want to squeeze money out of someone right now,
there isn’t enough money in the country, so let’s
slap a tax on someone—a truck driver.
Listen, you promised not to shout like that,
so behave decently. All right. I
gave you the microphone. I gave you the microphone. I gave you
the chance to speak. Show some respect for the people
around you. Why are you screeching here and
not letting anyone say anything? So once again,
about truck drivers. You cannot
insult people like this. You cannot take
their money away. It is hard work. They are
not wealthy people. Therefore, of course, I will not
simply abolish the Platon system—I will
put everyone who introduced it in the dock.
Question. Right, I promised a question from
young people.
Alexei, take a question from the communists.
Where are the young people?
All right, go ahead, ask your question.
The question from young people is this: why is it that in
many schools there is an event taking place that
was supposed to happen yesterday, but is happening during
my speech? But you young people yourselves
don’t understand that they
are afraid of you, the youth.
Why?
Why are they afraid? Because they are thieves. And
they are afraid that in Russia there will emerge
a stable group of people who are not
afraid to say that they are thieves. Well,
look, they’ve been sitting there for 18 years, and for 18 years things have
gone more or less normally
for them. There was a glitch, a glitch in
2011–2012, when
people poured into the streets, but then it seemed everything
got sorted out. And now, would you look at that,
some schoolkids have suddenly
taken to the streets, and instead of
sitting quietly and keeping their heads down, they are asking
questions, they are making a fuss.
That is frightening to them. That’s what I was saying about
what matters most.
They want people to be apathetic.
And every person who asks a question
is frightening to them and scares them. When people
organize themselves and come out to a rally
even if it's just 10 or 20 people,
or 100 people, that is very
frightening for them. That's why they want to turn you back
into slaves. They are very
afraid that a generation will emerge that
does not stay silent. But I very much hope
that yours, judging by the fact that you still
came here anyway, are not afraid, you are standing
in the rain, they will not succeed.
Question. Yes.
How will you prevent extortion in
schools, and how will you prevent the promotion of
Orthodoxy through, for example, classes in
Orthodox culture? You can't promote Orthodoxy in
schools. How will you
do that?
How, how will I prevent the advance of
Orthodoxy in schools? Look, we
all—this is an important issue, because right now in
every city I get the same
question: what are we going to do about
this clerical obscurantism? What are we going to do about
Poklonskaya? What are we going to do about
Milonov? What are we going to do about all
these people? Well, we will do one simple
thing.
Religion is separate from the state. The Church
is separate from the state. We love everyone.
We respect everyone. I am Orthodox. But under
President Navalny, clergy
will not be putting people in prison. Under
President Navalny, there will be no such
things as some
priest calling up and saying, "Oh, go to
the Investigative Committee, check VKontakte,
read it, and lock this person up."
No, that will not happen. More than that, let me
ask you—this is also my favorite
campaign promise—but first let me ask you:
as taxpayers, do you want
to pay the state so that it can hunt down
some bloggers,
put people in prison for likes and reposts? We
have people jailed every week. Do you want
some resources to be blocked?
Well then, since you don't, I will
repeat my favorite campaign
promise: that President Alexei
Navalny will shut down the hellish mess that is
Roskomnadzor entirely.
I will disband it. Disband it. I almost want
to say, "Burn it down." But we won't burn it down.
We'll need the building. We'll fire every last
one of them. It's a gang of parasites, thieves, and
crooks. We don't need them. They are
harming us. They are making our lives worse. Question.
Yes.
A question from the Communist Party.
Alexei,
How is my brother Oleg doing? My brother
Oleg? Well, he has now received
a ruling from the European Court saying
in effect: "Brother Oleg, you are actually
an innocent man, your case was
fabricated," but he is still sitting in
prison, nearby here in Oryol Region.
So in that respect things are not going very well for them,
but as for him, he is
a brave, courageous man, he is holding on,
he understands that he is completely innocent
and is sitting there like a hostage, because they
are keeping him and understand that every time
I release an investigation, they can
throw him into solitary confinement for another 15 days, and then back into
the punishment cell. So yes, he is a hostage.
The authorities are a pack of scoundrels. He
understands that, so he is holding on. Let's take
a question from this side.
Question: how are you going to get along
with the team of governors that you
will inherit?
A question on domestic policy: how are you
going to work with the team
of governors that you will inherit?
Here's the answer: get rid of them. Why should I
get along with your governor? I, I will
come here and say to him: "Buddy, we're going
over here to Mercury Stadium. I'm showing you
this huge pit, and you're fired,
because you've been governor here since 2000.
So what exactly have you done here?
Industry here has collapsed, there is
nothing here. There are other regions that are not rich either,
although this region ought to be rich. But
at least something is happening there; here
nothing is happening. Tell me,
please, has even a single
enterprise been built here in 15 years?
No,
It's all been destroyed.
Throw them out.
Once, when I asked this in some city,
they told me: "Yes, there is
one business chain—what's it called?
Krasnoye & Beloye."
You see, that's the only
business that seems to be appearing all across
Russia. So I am not going to
inherit these governors. They are
appointed now, and I will fire them. And when I
become president, there will be no such thing as
Alexei Navalny appointing
the governor of Kursk Region or
saying: "You will elect them yourselves,
because otherwise it's impossible. As it is now,
we no longer even elect city mayors,
or heads of rural settlements.
And that's why it turns out that our police
and migration service say: "Well, there are
between 5 and 10 million migrants in Russia." Well,
give me a break. You can't count them within
plus or minus 5 million? That's absurd.
That is why I am introducing a visa regime, so that
we can at least begin to address the migration
problem, because otherwise in
a few years it will turn into
colossal, monstrous problems,
many of which, for example, are now in
what is happening in Europe now is happening because
an Uzbek man came here, and he is basically in the position of a slave
and is treated however people please. And then
his children will grow up here. And what then? The children have never been to
Uzbekistan, they don't know any other language.
They are ordinary Russian
citizens, and they ask: "Why is it that
our rights are being restricted here? We want
to be exactly the same as everyone else." And then
they have no rights, no education,
nothing at all, no social guarantees
either. And then it all starts heading toward what is happening
in Europe now; in many countries it will be
even worse. That is why I support a visa regime. And
the second question is why I am not uniting with anyone.
Tell me, who exactly
do you want me to unite with?"
With Maltsev.
With the people.
I am already aligned with Maltsev, in the sense that I support him.
He will
support me. Oleg, who do you want me
to unite with? Guys, I have united
with everyone, because I said:
here is my platform, support me
on the basis of this platform. And I am completely open
to everyone. Every time—remember, there was that
Opposition Coordination Council (a Russian opposition body). I
proposed voting. I have consistently
argued in favor of primaries. But many
Moscow politicians want to
unite in a way that goes, well, "Alexei, you are
kind of ignoring us. Let's come together and
organize a round table." Do you want
me to be your candidate and travel
around the regions giving speeches, or to organize
a round table? Presumably, you want me
to speak. So despite the fact that
I have united with everyone, I am not going
to waste either my time or yours on
meaningless, endless Moscow
discussions, various round tables,
and artificial unity schemes. Well, that
makes no sense. There is an election—so get moving,
because that is what you are supposed to do. That is
exactly what I am going to do. Let's take a couple more
questions, because otherwise the police will
disperse us any minute now. Yes,
We have a major problem in Kursk.
Many of its residents do not know
that in our region they are planning to build a plant for
processing
—they have just taken up such a project.
The first problem is that
naturally, all safety measures will be violated,
and they will be hauling in huge quantities of all this
from all over the world.
The environmental assessment
is simply not ready
for the city of Kurchatov.
I understand the question. So, the question is about
the disposal of nuclear waste
from abroad, which in your city
of Kurchatov was originally indeed supposed to be handled in
the Krasnoyarsk region, in Zheleznogorsk.
They refused, because it was expensive. And
now they are doing it in your area. It is simple
as that.
Well, what do you think—are Europeans stupid or
not? Probably no more foolish than we are.
Exactly. They do not process it themselves;
they send it to us. Our
authorities simply lie, saying that this
is profitable, because it is profitable right now to take
the money. They took a pittance, and after that
it will have to be stored for dozens and
hundreds of years. It will have to be guarded,
protected from terrorists. And
spending on
healthcare will have to increase.
That's it. If they actually factored into all this
the cost of guarding it for the next 100 years and how much
additional money would have to be invested to
treat everyone, it would immediately become
unprofitable. It is a deception. Here you already have
a truly monstrous environmental problem,
right? You have monstrous
healthcare problems here, and
people cannot get treated. I can see there are many
older people standing here. Tell
me, is it easy to get a free ultrasound
here?
No.
Oh, tell me then, right? What about a CT scanner?
A CT scan. But fluorography is easy enough
to get.
What kind of nonsense is that, people? The 21st century,
you understand—without CT scans and ultrasounds
it is impossible to diagnose any
diseases, impossible to fight
cancer, impossible to cure people.
And here we are in the 21st century, in a developed country,
saying: "Wow, a free
ultrasound." It exists everywhere—except here
we do not have it. That is why here a person—why here
a man lives to 65, dies, and everyone
says: "Well, that's it, bury him—he lived
long enough.
In no developed country today
does anything like that happen."
Sixty-five is a perfectly normal age at which
a person understands that he still has
at least 15 years ahead of him, and he is still quite
active. That is how it should work. But here
it is considered that, well, 65 means that's it, goodbye,
farewell. Already a very old man, time
to die. It should not be like that. And all of this
is happening in part because they are bringing in
this waste. A question for Alexei.
Alexei
Alexei did not ask the question
A short question, a question
never in one
fighting corruption or eliminating
eliminating what—corruption, or fighting it
or eliminating it
eliminating cor...
if I become president, the fight against
corruption, or should it be eradicated?
Choose.
First fight it, then eradicate it.
And what else are we supposed to do with corruption?
Whatever will save us.
Destroy it. Of course we will.
There are almost no countries where corruption
doesn't exist at all. But in most
normal countries, corruption is significantly
lower. Corruption in Russia is simply
out in the open. Obviously, billions are stolen
right before our eyes. So I know for certain
that Russian corruption can be reduced
by at least 80% in a year.
Whether completely eradicated or not, it can be cut
very drastically. Yes. Next question.
Healthcare—how should it be reformed?
What
From pensioners.
And how should
from pensione...
patients
The healthcare question sounds like this:
how should doctors be protected from patients?
Doctors don't need to be protected from patients, so
look, I get it, I get it. I'll answer simply
since time is short. Russian
healthcare needs, first and foremost,
money, because if, as you yourselves say,
there's no CT scanner, no ultrasound
machine. Doctors are paid next to nothing.
Doctors' training is appalling. Our
medicine is 40 years behind, because
our medical education is 40 years behind.
So, if you look at the list of developed countries,
the Organisation for Economic
Co-operation. And we can see that if a
country does not fund its
healthcare at around 6–7% of
GDP, that country is in bad shape and everyone there
gets sick. We're at 3.7% now. We need
to increase healthcare spending
at least twofold. And the money for that
exists, because we simply need to
cut the military and police budget,
because it's already too large. And
direct that money into human capital—
education and healthcare—because
the money is there.
I will defend the border.
I will defend the border with border guards.
I will defend the border with the military.
I will defend the country's borders with a professional
army, because I will abolish conscription. Russia does not
need conscription. It needs a normal
professional army. Thirty percent of our
budget goes to the military and police
budget. We will cut it
by a third, and there will still be
plenty of money left—for salaries, housing, and
allowances. There will be enough money for everything.
After all, it's not me—not opposition figure
Alexei Navalny—but the Accounts Chamber of Russia
that says every fourth ruble
allocated to the state defense order
is cashed out within a month.
Can you imagine what that means?
We allocate trillions, and those trillions
are simply wheeled away in rolling suitcases
almost instantly. That's where
corruption needs to be defeated. And then there will be enough money
for everyone. As I already said—for housing, for
border protection, and for everything else
there will be enough. Guys, it's important
to understand that this lie from the authorities about
it being populism, that Navalny promises things
that can't be delivered—yes, it can all
be delivered. Look at the budget of the
Russian Federation—it is enormous. Right now
for the first time ever, Russia's budget is
22% classified. They are simply hiding
everything now, because it's easier to loot that way.
We live in one of the richest countries in the world. We need
to remember that every day when we see
this puddle, when we see a crumbling
clinic, when we see a doctor who
is officially allotted
8 minutes per patient appointment.
Ten, you say? Yes, maybe for a doctor. We
must always remember that we live in
one of the richest countries in the world. And in fact, we
do have the money for this—for everything. It's just that it
gets stolen and squandered.
Our task is to make sure our voice
is heard, so that now there appears
a presidential candidate who finally
says this out loud, who would change
public opinion, who would rouse
the people and make them put pressure on this
government so that they change at least somehow,
because without pressure from below—well,
why would they change? I stole a billion yesterday,
I stole a billion today, so why would I
suddenly stop doing it tomorrow for no reason?
Of course not. Of course not.
Either we rise up and put pressure on them, on
all of them, and they change—or better yet, they
finally leave, and we appoint normal
officials at last—or
this will remain forever. I believe that everything
can be changed. I ask for your support.
In order to win and become
president, sooner or later Russia must have
an honest president.
It must. I want to be that president.
And if you help me, I will become one. We
will defeat them all and be able to do everything.
Thank you very much, guys. Thank you
so much for coming. Thank you.
Hooray!
Thank you so much for staying even though you got cold and soaked,
and didn't leave. Thank you so much for your
optimism. I promise I will not
let you down. Russia will be free and
prosperous. Thank you very much.
Thank you, guys. A very
great stand-up set.
Alexei, we invite you to Velikiye Luki.
Alexei,
right now I'll also answer questions one-on-one
and come over.
I'm coming over to you.
Alee,
Alexei, answer a question from
the communists. Let's hear from the pensioners.
Thanks for the psychology. What are we going to
do? The environmental situation here right now is really
the current environmental laws
are fairly strict. They just need to be
enforced.
That's the whole point
how to solve the problem. Unfortunately, it is not
a problem.
That's an uncomfortable question for him. He won't
talk about it.
What should be done?
May I ask a question on the substance of the issue?
The old lady wants to ask a question.
Alexei, one more question from a pensioner.
About Crimea
I believe. You can't just take people or
send them back and forth again. The question of
Crimea is a question for the people of Crimea. There are 3
million people there, and they should decide this
themselves. So, last time, the previous
referendum was absolutely illegal and
fraudulent. I have no doubt, in fact,
that a new referendum would most likely
show the same result, but what we need
is finally to hold a proper
referendum, with real
observers, where it won't be FSB officers
standing at every polling station, but
normal independent observers. And everyone can
honestly campaign for whatever they want,
and hold a new referendum. That's how they
should resolve the issue. So you believe that
if Crimeans vote again to remain with
Russia,
regardless of everything
Well, the main thing is that it's against Putin. Well,
I see, but territorial conflicts are not
resolved all over the world. They are very
hard to resolve. And in that sense, of course, they
will never recognize it. Well, there's nothing
you can do about it.
You are the president
the president. Step number one: I organize
a referendum. Step number two: I recognize
the result.
Alexei, run your campaign with dignity.
It will be better for you.
So, the only thing that matters to me is
the opinion of the residents. That's all.
Let me ask a question.
Reduce pressure on business so that
large-scale industry can develop,
because right now, if you open a
business—there used to be a factory here, our plant employed
12,000 people. Agreed, they destroyed all
industry, which is why there are no jobs.
Alexei, can I take a selfie with you,
Of course you can. Pass the microphone.
The microphone, now.
And you don't have a program, do you, no
right now.
One, one. So, there are quite a few
people who want to take photos,
right?
Right. Okay. Are you sure you want to
stand in the rain and wait?
Yes.
Okay. So now I'll slowly go from this
side. Just,
guys, get ready, take out your
phones, and turn on the front-facing camera.