The Autumn Tour. Rally in Omsk

wait 10 minutes.

There are several thousand more people standing over there

people, and they can't get in because

the security check is taking a long time. You yourselves

went through it, so you know.

A couple of minutes

one.

Then here's a question. Can people over there behind the

barriers hear?

Closer to the bus, there.

You can hear it over there, right? And on that side?

Great.

Too well.

And where the line is, you can hear it there too.

Guys, this is from near the Blinov Sports and Concert Complex.

Okay. This is

we'll wait a little longer so that

the people over there can get through, because there

they won't be able to hear anything at all. And then we'll

start.

So, for now we've got a musical

break,

guys. This is a Navalny rally. Navalny has arrived

in the city of Omsk. And, basically,

there are 2 to 3 minutes left until his

appearance.

Well yes, yes, yes. I think they've got everything here,

beer and all the rest. The crowd is,

honestly, absolutely massive.

I'm filming people, and people are filming me.

And here he is himself, actually.

I won't go too close to the speakers,

so the connection doesn't cut out.

He's gotten kind of thin. Alexei

came out, showed everyone his face, and

disappeared again.

So then, guys, while we're waiting for

Navalny, here's our crowd. The crowd

is huge. The music is pumping here.

Hi everyone.

So, as you can see, there are a lot of people.

People are already taking pictures of me here.

So, yeah, there are only two entrances. And

metal detectors?

The metal detectors are screening people

very thoroughly, for about two hours before the whole

event. I saw a kind of police lineup

of officers in plainclothes. Not in

uniform. And listen, it's not just

young people here, there are all ages. More young people,

sure, but still. So. But overall the crowd

is packed tight. The location wasn't chosen very well.

Not everyone will fit. Most people

will have to stand over there behind the barriers

But things are slowly getting started, guys.

Volkov is here, basically,

the campaign chief. And here

here is Navalny himself, and the entire

Omsk штаб. People from Radio Svoboda (Radio Liberty) have come

and are filming some kind of documentary. I

am in the press area right now. They gave me

this little pass. And, basically,

this is where I'll start my live broadcast

of Navalny's speech. After the speech,

I think I'll move over to the

crowd and talk to people about who came here and

why. I think today's event

won't be very long, but

it is a big one. Once again, this is Navalny's visit

to the city of Omsk, the square near the Blinov

Sports and Concert Complex,

a rally of supporters and everyone else

fighting corruption. So, we'll

watch, we'll listen, we'll

try to make sense of it all.

No, there are adults there too. Right

behind me there are people standing. Right here with me,

there are adults standing right behind me. Everything

is fine here in terms of the adult

crowd. So really, yes,

and there are plenty of schoolkids too. So

there's a bit of everyone. We're here at

the Blinov complex. I'll say it again: there are

tons of people. I doubt there will be

any kind of extreme chaos here, but it looks like everything will

start soon. I'll now show the whole

crowd from above so you can understand how many

people are here.

So, here's our protest

electorate,

damn.

Something like that. All right, say something,

please.

A question for Navalny, or how can we, yes yes,

ask one?

Well, you're on my live stream right now, and most likely

670 people are watching you. Tell us, what brings you

here, and why did you come?

Here's a question for Navalny. How do we bring taxes back

to Russia? 8,000 companies in the group are

registered in Cyprus, the Maldives,

wherever, in Liechtenstein. Right.

100,000 medium-sized enterprises.

The task is for Navalny to include this

in his program. Good. Next, a second

question. Why have natural resources

ended up in the hands of 170 clan-based

families? They need to be distributed to everyone,

as they are in other countries. Norway, and I'm

not even talking about the Arab Emirates,

we absolutely need to distribute them,

to give each Russian citizen a share of the natural-resource wealth

of the country. These are the pressing

issues.

Got it. Thank you. Utility and housing issues aren't

being addressed, the president's decrees aren't being carried out. Constant

increases in utility charges.

All right. And that badge you're wearing—what is it?

Tell us about it.

Uh

The badge on your shirt?

It's a badge for

Artpodgotovka.

Artpodgotovka. Right.

Yes.

Got it. Thanks. Yes, you see, we're not

just waiting—we're getting ready.

We'll take it back.

So, here we are, basically,

guys, who said this place was all

young people? That’s, well, not really

true. And, basically, yes, the issues

that people came here with are,

basically, taxes. And, moreover,

not the taxes taken out of the city,

but the taxes that are siphoned off

through offshore schemes from Russia to Cyprus. A great many

companies, even here in Omsk,

are registered in Cyprus. And then,

basically, the second issue is

the use of natural resources. As

Svetlakov said, in our country the oil and

gas belong to everyone, but dreams come true only for you.

Guys, I guess we’re probably not going to give her a shove,

after all.

Looks like Navalny is

running late.

I see some people even came with day passes,

Let’s call for Snegurochka (the Snow Maiden, a New Year folklore character).

Snegurochka.

Uh-huh.

Right. There we go.

They brought a sign,

so

I think everything will be fine.

Oh, right, I’m just also quietly

trying

to post our livestream in one group,

but it’s no big deal.

So,

what’s your estimate?

I don’t know how many people are here, uh, but there’s

a drone flying overhead. I think they’ll

do the count.

By the way, yeah, it probably won’t be visible on the phone,

but there are drones flying around here

over the square. And I think at the end there’ll be

some kind of headcount. If you look closely,

you can see in the distance a yellow— I mean,

an orange-and-black NOD flag. I saw here

small groups of four or

five people from NOD, the so-called

Fyodorov zombies.

So,

the speech really should have

started by now.

So then,

let’s fire up the crowd.

I’m here

we need to call Navalny already.

How much— a month per hour? Yeah,

In theory, no.

Well, they should be coming out now. So,

let’s call for Snegurochka.

Something’s a bit— yes, there’s been a slight issue with

the organization, because, well,

they really should have come out a while ago.

There. Oh, it seems, it seems so. Right, the music

has been turned off, so that means there’ll be some

other sound now.

Sounds like cartoon music, I think.

Omsk, hello.

That’s not Navalny. That’s the person who

will come out and introduce him, most likely.

Hello to everyone still standing behind

the metal detectors. We’re definitely waiting for you all.

Come on in.

The day before yesterday we held a rally beyond the Arctic Circle,

yesterday in the Urals, and today in Siberia. Well,

we’re real rock stars. Raise your hand,

if you know where our headquarters is. At

what address is our headquarters? Who has

already been there?

And what’s the name of our coordinator? Do you

know?

That’s right.

I invite onto this stage Olga Kartavtseva,

the head of Alexei

Navalny’s campaign headquarters.

So, this is Olya. She arrived

after organizing the second rally already.

She came in at the end already— wow, there are so many of you.

And so, well, it’s like this,

I hope that

everyone who didn’t manage to get through the metal detectors isn’t

too upset, and that everyone can see everything clearly.

So. And I want to welcome you

once again. My name is Olga Kartavtseva. I am

the coordinator of Alexei Navalny’s headquarters in

Omsk. And I already know many of you. You’ve

come to headquarters, campaigned at our street cubes,

taken observer training,

and helped us organize this

wonderful rally. You’ve all done an amazing job.

And we accomplished a great deal over these 3

months. We held 40 street cube events, persuaded

1,000 people, prepared observers for

the city council elections, and did excellent work

there. And those who served as observers,

a huge separate thank-you to you.

Listen, there are a lot of people here, but I think,

time flew by very quickly, and only now

have I realized how many of you there were,

all of you who came to

headquarters during this time.

Many have already gone through verification,

and the rest still have it ahead of them. By the way,

for those who received the email about

signing up for verification, please

register, because that will greatly, yes,

reduce the amount of time

verification takes. Please do it.

All sorts of very different people came to our headquarters

during this time, of different ages. And

we found that

our youngest volunteer is 14 years old,

and the oldest is 72.

These are people of different professions, different

social backgrounds. Some were

completely unexpected visitors. And at

first sight I was even a little taken aback,

thinking they were provocateurs.

It turned out they were our passionate

supporters out campaigning. Guys from

Neftezavod, hello to you. To all

those people who came to us,

everyone I personally managed to speak with

—

had one thing in common.

It was a desire for change, love for their

country, love for our city, and also

a lack of fear.

I’d like to say a little more

about that.

I would like

to talk about fear. I’ll start with my own

fear.

I realized that, um, I had developed

some kind of

sort of, you know, anxious

feeling. And when I was going to the rally on March 26,

—

Alexei is watching.

It wasn’t clear whether there would be arrests in

Omsk. I had already been watching live streams

from Vladivostok and other

cities.

People were being detained, and it was unclear what

would happen here.

Fortunately, everything ended

peacefully for us. No one was detained, including

me.

But that feeling — that you’re afraid to peacefully

go out into the main square of your own city —

is very unpleasant.

So after that, I decided to send my résumé to

the

Omsk headquarters of Alexei Navalny.

And from that moment on, the fear went away.

Well, then there was a huge amount of work

practically without days off, 14 hours a

day.

But still,

this is what I want to tell you. That was my

story, but among people I know I see

quite a large number of people

who are afraid even to register

on the website. Guys, look at how absurd that is.

I’ve met volunteers on the street before

City Day who are registered with us

as volunteers, but they don’t come to

campaign events because they’re afraid.

There’s Navalny over there.

Many are even afraid to come to the headquarters, you

know — even that happens. I don’t know whether people think

there’s some kind of wiretapping there, or someone is

watching us, or someone is filming someone. In

short, all of that is actually

not true. We live

quite peacefully

and to those who are still afraid, despite

the fact that we’ve been working for so long already,

I suggest you look around.

Look around. There. If you can’t

see how many people are behind you,

please turn around and look

around you.

Those of you who have signs and flags,

please wave them to show

how many of you there are.

These are only the people who came

today.

And how many of us are there in the city? And how many of us are there in the

country? Have you thought about that?

Alexei Naval...

I think it’s millions of people.

The opposition politician

is presenting himself as a candidate. Together we will

do everything we can and make sure that

in 2018 we are able to choose

our candidate.

Alexei Navalny.

Alexei Navalny.

That wasn’t me. Thank you, Olga.

Friends, standing behind me right now are

the volunteers from our headquarters, who all this

summer and for the past 9 months

have been constantly working hard, spending all their

free time on our campaign.

Let’s give them a round of applause and say thank you.

And now I invite onto the stage

Russia’s presidential candidate

Alexei

Navalny.

Hello, Omsk.

Once again, nobody came.

Why are you laughing? Pretty soon I’m going to start

collecting

news clips from my rallies where

you show up and see that, well, if it’s not

the biggest, then it’s one of the biggest

political rallies this city has seen in

years, and then an article comes out saying: "Another

small rally turned into

Navalny’s humiliation."

They looked with contempt at this pathetic

opposition figure.

So my first request to you, guys,

when you read these lies in

local newspapers, federal media, social

media posts from paid bloggers, please

tell them plainly everything you think

about it. Will you?

Thank you. Before I give some kind of

presidential speech here, I’ll tell

you why I’m running at all.

I have two personal stories about Omsk.

A personal story. It’s my first time here, but I

have two personal stories.

Story number one. You have that saying,

don’t you — something like, “Don’t try to get to Omsk”?

I’ve got one of my own: “Don’t try to get to

Omsk, because every time I’m about to come here

to see you,”

“either someone splashes me with brilliant green antiseptic dye, or I get locked up for 25 days,

or something else happens.” And yesterday in

Yekaterinburg we had a rally, and 3

hours before it started, the local

administration came and said, “We’re banning

everything.”

So it was clear that now it would be

an unauthorized rally. There were negotiations. I

was at those negotiations and,

accordingly, with a proud expression, I told them there

said, "So, it will be

authorized."

He turned sharply. And there was only one thought

in my head: "They’re about to lock me up for 15 days.

I did everything right, but damn, I

won’t make it to Omsk again. So the fact that I made it

here to you is personally wonderful for me.

Thank you so much. I’m incredibly glad to see you.

Story number two.

On June 12—who went to the rally on the twenty-

sixth?

Who went to the rally on the twelfth?

Who’s going to the next rally?

Nice one, I’m in good company.

On the twelfth, as you probably

know, I didn’t even make it to the rally in

Moscow, because I was detained in the entrance hall

of my building, actually at home. But when

they were taking me to the police station, before they

took my phone away, I opened Twitter and

saw the rally in Omsk. It was amazing,

my dears. It was very impressive and very important

for the rest of European Russia

to see how huge a rally

you gathered here. So thank you

so much for this support that you

showed to the whole country and to me personally. I

felt then that I wasn’t doing all this

for nothing, if a rally like this was happening.

Tell me, please,

where did this saying even come from:

"Don’t try to leave Omsk"? And why are you

trying to leave it?"

Well, come on. Listen, I just

walked 3 km (about 1.9 miles) from the hotel, rode

around by car. It’s a great city, a big

modern city. The roads seem

fine, everything seems okay. Why are you trying to leave?

Bad roads, bad conditions.

The enterprises have been destroyed.

The enterprises have been destroyed.

There’s no education.

Salaries are low. What is there in the city? No,

nothing of our own. Everything’s been sold off.

Everything’s been sold off.

The metro.

The metro. Ah, right. Great. I appreciate it. I saw,

I saw your famous one-station metro map

And I saw the train arrival time there—

the wait was what, a thousand

days. And I saw your great news story about

potholes in Omsk being filled with potatoes.

And I appreciate your self-irony. And I saw—it was interesting to me,

when I was preparing, I

read up on it, and people were joking: "Yeah, great, but

it’s actually the right decision, because

the roads in Omsk are perfectly suited for

planting potatoes."

So, guys,

just so you all understand,

I’m running in the election in order to bring

the insane back to normal.

This is a city of over a million people.

You go on Wikipedia and read about Omsk,

that it is a center of industry,

the aerospace sector, and

the petrochemical industry.

And your natural impression is, well,

wow, this is like a Houston. Nobody

tries to leave Houston. On the contrary, it’s

a great city, high salaries, some

of the highest in the U.S.

And this is not normal. It’s absurd. It’s nonsense

that in a city like this

a whole lot of people laugh at the saying, "Don’t

try to leave Omsk." Of course,

it’s self-irony, but in essence it’s monstrous. And

this government that says I

resort to extremist statements,

you know,

that I’m rocking the boat, that I’m doing

something else.

Well, I want to say this to all of them: it’s you

who are rocking the boat, because

the normal state of Omsk should be

different. But right now everything is turned

upside down. If this were a scale,

then in a normal state and in a

normal society, over here you have

a center of the aerospace industry,

and over here you have filling potholes with potatoes and

roads.

That cannot be right. It’s absurd.

Right, guys?

We’ve been living in this country for 18 years, 20 years.

We’ve gotten used to it. Somehow it even seems

normal already. So what, they filled

it with potatoes there, ha-ha, we laughed. These are

our Omsk biotechnologies.

But it’s absurd. What’s the average salary

in Omsk? 20,000

25

25, 20—you don’t know your own city very well.

No, I got it wrong. Everyone makes mistakes. Everyone

makes mistakes. I went to the website

of the administration

of our region, and it says very clearly

that the average salary in the city of Omsk

is 32,000 rubles.

Listen, you know, you haven’t surprised me at all,

because in every city I

ask this, and everywhere people shout: "It’s a lie."

The lie is claiming a salary of

32,000

That’s US$500. And even that is a lie.

So is it really normal that this is the

level of salaries in a developed city?

No.

Is it normal to have this level of salaries,

in a place that knows how to build Proton rockets,

where there’s an aerospace industry? We built

all this. We were building our own, I don’t know,

Russian civilization, Russian statehood. We

were building our own country, right, as if

for ourselves.

We built and built. People worked,

toiled, built up these factories,

died in wars so that

to make life better. And where have we ended up

in the 21st century?

With a salary of $500 in Estonia,

where there is supposedly nothing, the average wage is

1,000 euros. Not long ago, we laughed

at China. Ha-ha-ha. In China, they don't pay

pensions, or there is no minimum wage in China.

Not long ago, 200 million people there were going hungry.

Now the average salary there is higher than

in Russia. We always thought that of all

the former republics, Russia was the most

advanced. But now even your neighboring '-stan' countries

have a higher average salary than Russia.

Is that normal?

No. My campaign is about very simple,

basic things, precisely about the fact that this is

not normal, and precisely about the fact that we,

the citizens of our country, refuse

to live without any prospects.

Now tell me this: you—I see a lot of

young people here—do you think about

how you're supposed to live going forward? Suppose you

graduated from the best university

in Omsk Region,

in the city of Omsk. So what kind of salary can you

realistically expect?

Well,

No, come on, 15 is an exaggeration.

Let's say this: you graduated with flying colors.

You have a profession in demand. I work well,

I want to work honestly. I'll start

a family. I'll have a child, so that I can

work, rent an apartment, buy

an apartment. What salary are we talking about?

40,000.

They won't pay that.

15,000.

Russia.

Good grief. Excuse me, but this is a nuclear power

that feeds half the world and threatens everyone. And here we are,

I mean, I'm not speaking in some village—I'm in one

of Russia's largest cities, one of

Russia's developed cities. And people are telling

me that their prospect is to earn a salary

lower than the average salary in countries

that are much poorer than we are. That is why

I say this:

By the way, guys, how's the connection? How's

the sound? Right now, with the current level

of oil prices, at Russia's current level,

Russia could be living two or three times

more prosperously.

Good.

You just have to stop stealing.

Thank you, guys.

We just need to defeat corruption. They tell us

fairy tales—that there must be

some kind of super-complicated solutions. That it's all so

difficult. My God. That you'll never

lift it out; it's lying there, deep-rooted and entrenched. And that

generations must pass before

anything changes. What generations? Who here

has seen the film He Is Not Dimon to You (Navalny's anti-corruption documentary about Dmitry Medvedev)?

Well, YouTube is working fine—at least in Omsk things are

better with that than with the roads. Who thinks that

this film should lead to an

investigation?

Who thinks these facts are enough

to put people on

the defendants' bench?

But is that happening or not?

It's just being stalled,

but it should happen, right?

Well, that's exactly why I'm running in this election—with

a simple message: there is a huge

part of the population that demands these

investigations, that wants a fight against

corruption. I represent that part of the population.

On this issue of

corruption, I represent your interests.

That's why I'm running. They pretend

that none of this is happening at all, that

everyone is satisfied, that everyone supports

Putin, that no one pays attention, that

everyone has basically come to terms with corruption.

Well, maybe I'm the only one like that, but I have not

come to terms with it. Have you?

No.

And will you ever?

No.

And I know for sure it's not on their side. It's on

our side—86%.

On this issue. Right? We've got 86%. Ask anyone,

young or old,

civilian or police officer, and everyone will be

with us on this issue.

I can win. How?

Everything's fine, don't worry.

Don't tell us fairy tales that

it's hard to defeat corruption. To eradicate it

completely—yes, that's hard. But there are

elementary things. If an official

can't explain where he got this house

or this dacha worth 20 million rubles (about $220,000) on an income of

1 million rubles, what do we do with him?

[inaudible].

We open a criminal case. This

works in every country. It will work

here too. I will pass this law, I promise you, on

the first day of my presidency. Do you

want that?

Yes.

Then I represent your interests

and have the right to run in this election. Right.

Yes.

Every year, according to official data, money is stolen from public procurement

to the tune of 7 trillion rubles.

Public procurement, state company procurement—7

trillion.

You could build a whole new country every year with that,

but all it takes is doing some elementary things.

Ban these offshore contracts,

ban hiding these contracts that are

in fact signed by the children and wives

of officials. I will do that in one day.

And maybe we won't save all 7 trillion,

but we will definitely free up

a sufficient amount of money

so that the roads in Omsk can finally be repaired

and not patched up with potatoes anymore.

What sets me apart from the other

presidential candidates is this: I’m often

accused by all sorts of Kremlin crooks.

They say, “Why do you keep naming so many names?”

“You’re making it personal, and by doing that

you make yourself into this kind of

radical politician, an unpleasant

politician.” But I’ll tell you honestly:

for me, fighting corruption is not

just about some abstract systemic measures — it is

a fight against corrupt officials. And I promise

you, standing here on this stage in Omsk, that

I will put them all behind bars.

I will bring them all before the court,

because this cannot be only about

systemic measures. Yes, systemic measures

are important, but when, excuse me, Serdyukov,

who was talked about on television,

for months they talked about what a

terrible corrupt official he was — and where is he now? On

the boards of directors of state-owned companies,

still riding around with a flashing beacon — how can we

make a traffic cop stop taking bribes or

a doctor stop asking for extra payment if

they see these Serdyukovs, these

demons, these Rotenbergs? There will be no

fight against corruption until

the biggest corrupt figures

end up in the dock. And I

will do it, I promise you.

So,

guys, tell me please, what is

your city’s budget?

15

billion rubles. 15 billion

14 billion rubles. Just so you know.

Which is equal to

the cost of Zaryadye Park in Moscow?

I’m all for Zaryadye Park, I’m all for beautification, I’m all for

all those hipster touches, but I’m running in

this election with a clear program: that,

well, there cannot be disparities like this. We’re

one country, right? You cannot build

just a park or decorative projects in Moscow at the cost of

the entire budget of a huge city. Just think

about it: here that budget supports all the teachers, the

municipal doctors — everything, everyone’s

salaries for a whole year — and that same amount

gets spent on... Is that a normal federal

system or not?

No. It’s a perverse, idiotic, and most importantly

non-functioning scheme, where

money is taken away from all of Russia’s regions,

dragged off to Moscow, because there

it’s simply easier to steal it. Yes, in

Moscow, the country’s biggest city, you can build

a park, but surely if housing and utilities are in this state

across the country, if you can’t even look at this building

in the city center without tears,

then surely you could build a park in

Moscow for 4 billion rubles, not 14. Right?

Yes, they’re pointing over there. Look over there.

Or look anywhere. I mean,

wherever you look — it doesn’t look like

the country we love. But it does not look like

a country that, well, can afford to throw around

14 billion on this kind of thing. Right? That’s why my program has

a clear point: a significant share of

money, taxes, and powers must

remain here — in Omsk, specifically.

Do you support that or not? Yes,

because then cities can develop. This is

a hellish experiment that Putin and Kudrin

carried out. They’ve been doing it for 18 years.

They had this idea that

everyone in the regions is stupid and thieving, while

we in Moscow are so smart and sophisticated.

So let’s take all the money away, and

then hand it back to them bit by bit.

It doesn’t work. We have stalled the development

of the entire country. It’s monstrous — nothing

is happening. You’ve seen those famous

photos of the border: on one side

China, on the other Khabarovsk Krai. Yes, you’ve

seen those famous images, right? Not long ago there was

nothing there. Now there are

giant cities. What is it that they know how to do

that we don’t?

It’s simply that they have turnover of power, they have

normal regional development. I will return

Russia to a normal state, where, well,

the local governor, the local mayor,

is interested

in developing industry, interested

in business, because there will be more money

in the local budget. But if the money

all gets taken away to Moscow, what is the point

of doing any of it? Right,

there is no point. And that’s why nobody

does anything.

That’s all there is to it.

The governor didn’t want to stop.

Oh, come on. People don’t want to become governors

for nothing. They do want to become

governors because you can still make

a great deal of money

from it.

There are tons of cops here. In a couple of hours there’ll be

even more.

Now I’ll move on to answering questions.

I promised I would, and I definitely will.

Who’s first, who

I want to say that

there are basic measures that could be adopted

tomorrow and would improve our lives

instantly. Do you know how many inspections of small businesses

are carried out in Russia

every year? Of businesses in general?

2 million a year. What are they even inspecting? In

this country they don’t do a damn thing. They just

inspect and inspect. What are they inspecting? I

will cancel these inspections the very next day. I

will abolish them. There’s no problem abolishing them

altogether. I will reduce their number by 500

times. More than that, I’ll tell you this: I’ll abolish

taxes on small businesses altogether.

I’d abolish them altogether,

especially in this part of the country. Good grief, all

the taxes collected from small

businesses across the country amount to 0.5% of GDP.

That’s a laughable amount. In any case,

administering those taxes costs

more. So let people live, so that

the country can develop, the

economy can grow. Let people live. Just

stop inspecting them all the time. Why

are you forcing this small

business owner to file reports four times a

year? Some kind of codes get assigned to him,

and so on. The job of the authorities, if someone wants

to become an entrepreneur, is to shower them with praise,

and say: "Well done, we’re not going to bother you

ever again. The main thing is, pay some

minimal taxes. Just a basic contribution, that’s all

— and we leave you alone. Pay wages

to the people you hire, and

that’s it. Prosper. We’re

interested in that. But our government just

crushes everyone. It just keeps crushing, crushing, and crushing.

I assume that many people in this country

are not prepared to put up with this pressure.

Right?

I’m running in this election because I

represent these people. I don’t see any other

candidates who represent them.

Tell me, please, is it true that here

a pension is considered to be roughly

equal to the subsistence minimum. Is that

correct?

No,

there are a lot of pensioners here. That’s true.

That’s right. It’s insulting, you know, that

the government of the Russian Federation

literally the day before yesterday decided that, in order

to, well, supposedly deal with this

problem—prices are rising, which means that

pensions are below the subsistence minimum.

They’d have to officially recognize pensioners as

poor. So

they came up with what they think is a

brilliant solution. They froze

the size of the basket. They decided to ignore

price growth. Basically, they’re saying, let’s just pretend

that prices in Russia aren’t rising.

As if inflation were just a tiny 4%. Do

we believe that or not? No.

I’m a president from the real world, for real

people. I’m not going to

hypocritically claim that you can live on

that pension. It’s impossible.

Impossible.

Without making wild promises, I’m saying

that if we look at Rosneft,

Gazprom, and other companies like them,

their dividends that they don’t

fully pay out, their profits that they don’t

fully pay out, are enough to

double pensions in Russia.

It’s enough. More than enough. That money exists right

now. This isn’t populism, it’s not

nonsense. It actually costs the budget more

because we keep pensioners

on starvation-level support, they get sick more often, they

suffer more, they’re constantly going to

the clinic. In the end, this

is disadvantageous for the state. Listen, we’ve

built a country in which the average

life expectancy for men is

what—5?

68.

65. In reality, it’s lower. Here, a man

who’s just over 50—someone dies at

55. Is that really rare? Everyone says:

"Well, he made it to 55, died—oh well, he lived a life."

Since when is that enough? An elderly

man—he died at 55.

Retirement age is 65.

Retirement age is 65. Exactly. They die before

they ever get a pension. But is that a normal country?

It’s the opposite of normal. It’s

an abnormal state of affairs. And I will bring this country

back to normal, where in the 21st

century you can go to a clinic and get an

ultrasound for free without waiting in line.

Guys,

this is Omsk, not some village, not a

rural first-aid post. You’re speaking, well, mostly

to young people, probably, who fortunately don’t yet

have to go and get ultrasounds,

but for those who do, it’s easy to get one.

What about an MRI?

Aha, thank you.

Some of it is paid. But can you get an MRI for free?

No. Then what the hell did we

build this country for? Where do

these taxes go? What is even happening

with all of this if we can’t

provide our people with basic things

even though there is money for all of it? You just shouldn’t

buy MRI machines at a price

four times higher. You just shouldn’t

buy ultrasound machines at four times

the price. We can see all of this. We

monitor public procurement. We understand

that colossal sums are flowing, especially

in healthcare. They’re simply

being siphoned off. Our cancer detection rate is at

stage four. People are dying. They’re dying

from diseases that in many

countries people now die from only rarely. Last

month we learned something monstrous.

It’s almost shameful to say it from

the stage while speaking in a city of over a million. In

Russia, in terms of the number of people with HIV,

the number of infected people, the number of those sick

with it, we have surpassed most African

countries.

This government has dragged us back to some kind of

primitive communal system.

Putin has been in power for 18 years now—already longer

than Brezhnev. And what have they done?

Please, you tell me. You live in an

industrial region—what new

enterprises have been built here over the last 18

years?

A bench won’t do. What else?

Yesterday in Yekaterinburg, I asked, and they

told me: "They opened a Krasnoye & Beloye (a Russian alcohol and convenience store chain)."

There, you see?

Well, that alone is a reason to go,

because we can compare.

They cut the sound.

I turned off the microphone in a fit of rage.

It’s easy to compare. Listen, Brezhnev was in

power, and there were Brezhnev’s oil dollars.

A huge amount of money was flowing into the country. With it,

basically all of this was built.

Basically, everything in the country, in the USSR,

was built on Brezhnev’s

oil dollars. On top of that, we were feeding all sorts of countries,

helping everyone, and still managed to build

something. And where are Putin’s oil dollars?

Check where they are

with Putin?

I’m running in the election so that, among other things, through

you, I can ask Putin: "Man, where are our

oil dollars? Do you support that

question?"

They disappeared somewhere.

We only notice them when we see

the ranking of billionaires in Russia.

The only thing in which Russia

is rising—we’re falling in terms of crime,

falling in education, falling in

healthcare. And only in

the ranking of millionaires and billionaires do we

look great. Every country envies us.

But that’s exactly how it works.

Something increases somewhere because something decreases somewhere else.

That’s why here you can’t walk into

the restroom of an ordinary public clinic without horror.

That’s why here

thousands of schools,

thousands of schools still have these

toilets, basic facilities outside—schools.

You understand, in our supposedly developed country,

children have to run outside to the toilet in winter. And yet

we have a billionaire ranking. Is that

fair or not? So no matter what they

say to me, no matter how they

call me a populist, I can see that this is

an elementary, sensible point: it cannot be that

85% of the national wealth

is squeezed into the hands of 0.1% of the population.

So yes, I demand fairness.

And this is not a populist slogan, it is

a normal, sound economic

approach. We want the wealth in the

country to be distributed more evenly.

Right?

Yes.

We want it to work a little more for

us.

You have a Gazprom subsidiary here,

don’t you?

We do.

So tell me, please, you have

oil processing here and so on.

Personally, when you listen to

the news and they say:

"The price of oil has gone up a little"—do you

feel it? Like, great, I’m going to be a little

richer?

That is an abnormal system. I want

to change it. I will make it so that when

oil goes up a little, people understand that

we will become a little richer, because

this is common money, and it should be

distributed

more evenly, more or less, because

this is one of those things—well, we

got lucky, we have a lot of oil in the ground, but

that means all of us got lucky. So why is it that

somehow it all went only to Abramovich?

Why did it all go only to Oleg and his lot?

Why did it all go only there? Why should we

sit here in Omsk or Moscow

watching the divorce proceedings

of oligarch Rybolovlev, who with his

wife in Monaco is dividing up $6 billion? And

they divide it up over there, while we sit here watching

and thinking: what, why, how is this even happening?

They took it—they didn’t create anything—they took

a Soviet factory, pulled $6 billion out of it,

sent it off to Monaco, bought football clubs.

And we just sit here,

watching and watching, saying: "Well,

all right then, let’s go plant potatoes and patch

the roads."

That should not be the case, and it will not continue.

But for that, we need to change the government,

because it is precisely the monopoly on power,

precisely these guys who have dug in

there and have been sitting there for 18 years, and want to stay another 12

6 P6.

Those people here who, well,

raise your hands—those of you who are under thirty

five,

There are a lot of you.

Think about the fact that you may be around 35,

not that young anymore, yes, but still

your entire conscious life has passed under

whom?

Under Putin.

Your whole life has passed under Putin. And we know

for an absolute fact that there are no

developed countries where this

happens. There are none. Any

ruler goes bad after some time.

One well-known person once said that

after 7 years in power, any person will go

mad.

Who said that?

Putin.

Putin said it, and you can easily find it

on YouTube. But then, according to

Putin’s own formula, who is in power in Russia now?

A madman.

A madman, obsessed with money,

with dachas, who made all his friends

billionaires. We are not claiming

that—I’m not saying that Putin does not

basically no one supports him at all. Of course,

some people do support him, but I

strongly doubt that our whole country

wants to live under Putin forever. Right?

But do you want to see some kind of change?

Do you want there to be at least some

turnover of power?

Well, you can't just put up with this monopoly.

Without prospects, there is nothing. The question I asked at the

very beginning—whether there are any

prospects here for earning a higher

salary—the answer is no. And under this government there

never will be any.

I am running in the election so that those prospects

can appear. I know for certain that I can quickly

defeat corruption. I know for certain

that I will be able to free up business, both small and

large. I know for certain that I will be able to solve

the problem of migration, including to a large extent,

and mostly quite quickly. They tell us

that it is impossible to introduce

visas. It is possible to introduce a visa regime.

Do you support that or not?

Yes.

And the whole country supports it, but they

only start talking about it when there is

another terrorist attack. These are obvious things.

I will build a government that will

be afraid of the people. I will become president.

One of my first decrees will be

to shorten these terms, naturally, and

to introduce procedures under which I

can be investigated,

if you suspect that I am

pulling some kind of scam and one of you releases

a film about it, then go ahead.

An independent prosecutor—you open a case

against me. I will testify

before parliament, and it will be

broadcast, the way it is in the United States.

We can see it: ministers are sitting there,

attorneys general, the head of the FBI, and meekly enough

they report to the people live on air

like obedient little rabbits. Would you like

officials to report to you directly?

Yes,

They never do report. I will make it happen.

They will report back.

We can change everything. The most important thing,

guys, that I want to tell you before

I move on to answering questions,

is to understand how many of us there are, and how in fact

we really can change everything. Not that it would be

easy, but it is possible. Tell me

yourselves: in Omsk, has there been, well, a rally

in support of Putin or the governor of that

kind?

No.

How many people would come to a rally in support of

United Russia,

if they were paid? Now that's a good line.

If they drag people in for free, without

giving them time off, how many would come to a rally

in support of the authorities? Zero. In support of

the governor? How many would come?

And you probably can't even say that about the mayor anymore.

You even had elected mayors abolished,

right? Yes.

And there is no mayor anymore. The same goes for support of

Putin. Why do they herd people in? Because

otherwise zero would come. But you came here.

Raise your hands if you were paid for

taking part in this rally.

This is an awkward moment for me. Wait,

think about it.

That's it. All change is made by the

politically active part of the population. Not

100% of people, but the politically active

part. There are enough people right here to

win over all of

Omsk Region and the whole city of Omsk in a month, in a week. You just

need to do a little work—15 minutes a

day: persuade a neighbor, talk

to someone. Of course, they will say

that Navalny stole all the timber. What else

will they say? That I am an American agent. Someone

else will say that I am Putin's project, and so

on. But guys,

your effort and your head won't go to waste anyway,

because you will plant

doubt in that person. You will talk

to them, you will persuade them, you will

win them over. I have the internet, I

have YouTube, but no videos can

compare with a real person

talking to another real person and

convincing them that they need to take

this position: if they do not register

me—us—for the election, then these are

not elections at all. In that respect, I am counting on

your support. I have nothing

else,

except the ability to travel like this from

one city to another, stand in front of

you and say: "Guys, this is what I am running

on. I am counting on your

support. Can I count on your

support?"

[inaudible]

Thank you. That is how we will win. I am ready to answer

your questions. Thank you very much.

Questions

Critical or not. I am handing over the microphone

so that you do not think these are

prepared questions. Yes, please.

You were just saying that we should plant a seed

of doubt in our parents. Well, in

my case, for example, my father absolutely

refuses to listen. I try to get him to hear

alternative information. Just

so that he might change his point of view. But

he just, well,

Well, what does he say? Does he say that

he doesn't like me, or that he likes Putin?

A complete U.S. agent. That's what he says.

A complete U.S. agent. Then you tell him,

"Dear Dad, do you think

that Navalny is a complete U.S. agent?" This

it's fairly easy to verify, because for

us, unfortunately for Navalny, there are

always people with cameras following him. I'm

filmed everywhere. My life has been X-rayed

through. And you can see who my children are, who

my wife is—anyone who has ever seen photos of my

wife. Now I'm trying to protect

my children. And write down some kind of

question there—the most sensible one, I'll ask it,

the one I like.

That's how it works. So talk

to your dad first, explain it to him. He'll

stand his ground, because, well, they're not

stupid there either—it's propaganda. They

keep repeating it and repeating it. But I assu

I assure you that if you spend

some real time on this

over a longer period, you'll persuade him. But

if you can't persuade him for sure,

then convince him simply not to go vote.

Next question.

Good evening, Alexei. Hello.

Thank you for coming to see us. We're very glad

to see you. My question is this.

Could you please tell us, say,

in what way your criminal conviction could

negatively affect the nomination of your

candidacy? And how can we influence

that? Thank you.

In what way can my criminal conviction

affect my candidacy? And here,

when we're talking about convictions, I have to

ask: "Which conviction do you mean

exactly?" I have lots of convictions. I'm a particularly

dangerous repeat offender. I used to be

an ordinary lawyer, an attorney, and then

I started fighting corruption and bang—one

conviction, bang—another conviction.

So,

Yes, I wanted to pick out some questions. Well,

all right, go ahead.

I'm relying on two things. The main one is

the people who definitely exist and who

believe there should be a candidate

who represents their demands.

Perhaps I can be that candidate

for you. Right? The second thing is

the Constitution of the Russian Federation, which

states that the right to participate

in elections belongs to any person

who is not being held in a place of

deprivation of liberty.

I'm in Omsk, the weather is прекрасная, beautiful,

but fortunately I'm not in a place of detention,

thankfully. That could change for me at any moment,

but for now I have the full

legal right to participate in elections,

and there's no need to believe this old nonsense. Well,

listen, of course they don't want to let me

in. Of course. Do you think Putin

will enjoy it when I

face him in debates? Do you think he'll enjoy it

when he's reminded about Dimon (a nickname for Dmitry Medvedev) or

about his own friends? Of course not.

The main thing you can do for me

in this regard is simply demand my

participation in the election. Just, well, say

it to yourselves, to your neighbors around you, write

about it on social media, speak up in

arguments, because this government—you

may think it's such a monolith, that you can't

break through it, that it does whatever it wants, that it

doesn't care about the people—but that's not true. It

mostly always follows public

opinion. And when they measure it and see, and

then some man will come to Putin there with

a red folder and say: "The latest figures have come in from

Omsk,

Peskov, my favorite, came in—Peskov,

brought the folder, and says: "Listen,

the secret numbers from Omsk are in: 60%

of Omsk says that we support

Navalny—or even if we don't support him, without his

participation in the election, it's not an election." We

despise such a process and won't

take part in it. If they feel that, they

will register me quick enough. And

our task is to make sure they

feel it, so that they

feel that, well, standing here are not

androids but people, not ghosts,

but a huge part of Russia that demands

the participation of an independent

candidate in the election. That's what we have to do.

Question.

Hello, hello.

Yes,

here.

Left, left. Alexei,

to your right.

The light is shining in my eyes. I can't really... Yes, yes. Yes.

Hello. We're very glad to see you in Omsk

Here's my question. People

very simply ask there—thou

sands of people.

People are very frightened, especially before

elections.

They're constantly being scared with the idea that if

power changes now, there will be war, there will

Shorter, please. In short. In our village,

for example, there's an elderly schoolteacher,

an educated woman, and she tells everyone: "If you don't vote for

Putin, there will be

war." So what should be done in a case like that?

Ah, excellent question. Thank you very much. This

is exactly what their propaganda rests on. They

say it constantly. It's their famous

formula: if there is Putin, there is Russia. If there is no

Putin, there is no Russia. And it's endless

lying. The thing is that people fall for

this not only now under Putin, but

for decades. They said the same thing before.

Look, when we read books from the time

when Stalin died, everyone

thought: "If Stalin dies now, that's it, our

life is over. Without him there will be war." But

the next day everyone woke up and

nothing had changed. They used to say that

When Brezhnev died, my mother cried for so long,

because it felt like,

life itself was over. I mean,

Brezhnev is dead. That’s it, I guess it’s time for us too

to start wrapping ourselves in a white

sheet and heading to the cemetery. And remember,

they used to say the same thing about Yeltsin,

that if we didn’t re-elect Yeltsin,

that would be it: civil war, famine, and so on.

Now they say the same thing about Putin.

We need to remind people

that, first of all, it’s a lie. It’s

a constant lie. And the biggest

lie of all is all these fairy tales: they

want a Maidan (a mass protest/uprising, referring to Ukraine’s Euromaidan).

We say, “Guys, are you stealing?” And they

reply, “You want a Maidan.” And we say:

“What Maidan? Wait a second—how about you just

stop stealing. Let’s fix

the roads.” What? Fixing roads is

the first step toward Maidan.

And this idiotic line of argument keeps going

all the time. We don’t need to be part of it.

We need to talk about specific things

that are obvious, again,

as I already said: yes, the standard of living under

Putin has risen, but everywhere else it has risen even

more. In every republic of the former USSR

the standard of living rose more than it did here. Across the whole

world it rose even more. That’s

a natural process. It’s like, you know,

they’re already starting to tell us:

“Did you know that under Putin, computers

became 10 times faster, and under Putin

cars—just look how great they’ve become,

what amazing ones started being made.” So we simply need

to patiently persuade these people,

show them basic facts, talk about

the fact that, listen, in

Estonia, is there oil?

No. Is there gas?

No. And here we supposedly have both oil

and gas, yet the average salary is three times

lower. And what do we get from all those gas companies?

What do we actually get? You recently had

that scandal here when the whole city smelled of

mercaptan.

That’s all we’ve got left from oil and

gas. The microphone, and—

To any person. They don’t necessarily

have to like me. Don’t try to convince

people that I’m somehow this great

guy.

I’m an ordinary person talking about

ordinary things. We just need to say once again

that over 18 years

they have shown themselves to be bankrupt.

There won’t be any war. Fine,

the government changes. And then what? What,

some people come running out with

assault rifles and start shooting at us, or we at

them? Nothing will change except that

life will get better. Patiently

keep persuading people. Next question.

Pass the microphone over here.

The microphone

can come over here.

We have 11 liters of alcohol per capita.

Once it goes above seven, a nation begins to die out.

What’s going to happen next at all?

That’s an important question.

You know, on the one hand

there’s supposedly some kind of fight against drug addiction, and

the prisons are packed with young

idiots convicted under Article 228 (Russia’s drug possession law).

On the other hand, one of the most dangerous

drugs there is,

alcohol, is sold absolutely everywhere.

It’s sold everywhere at the lowest possible

price. There are excellent calculations

showing which products became

cheaper compared with Soviet

times. And that table shows

that compared with—well, recalculated against

wages in Soviet times—butter used to be

cheaper,

and now it’s more expensive. Meat became

more expensive, pasta became more expensive, and everything

else too. And only one product became

cheaper and more accessible compared with the USSR.

Vodka. They really are getting

the population drunk. This isn’t some conspiracy theory.

Because for these people, in fact,

as monstrous as it sounds, it is выгодно—beneficial—for them

if all of us die as quickly as possible.

It benefits them if people die at 60,

because then they don’t have to pay pensions.

For them, the ideal country

is one where there is an oil

pipeline, some number of people

to guard the pipeline, and that’s it.

There’s an offshore account where all that

money ends up. And so the priority of

state policy, of course,

must be moving toward reducing

alcohol abuse and alcohol-related mortality.

There are examples of this. We shouldn’t think

that Russians are uniquely just a nation of drunks.

Look at the English. Yes, they end up lying in the streets

on every national

holiday. Look at the Finns in St. Petersburg.

It’s just completely unimaginable.

Many nations have problems like this, and

we do too. And there are specific

programs we can follow to

reduce alcohol abuse—well, significantly.

Not eliminate it, but reduce it, yes.

We just need to rely on best

practices. The young woman has her hand up.

Let’s do this side first, then the young woman.

Yes.

My grandmother’s pension is 10,000 rubles. 5,000

of that goes to housing and utilities. It’s impossible to live on 5,000

rubles. My question is: what will your

policy toward pensioners be?

He already explained that.

How much does your grandmother pay for housing and utilities?

5,000.

And how much do you pay for a two-room apartment

in Omsk for housing and utilities?

5

And is it going up or down?

It’s going up.

Not surprising. Well, I get those bills too. I mean,

I have an apartment in a regular prefab apartment block.

I get the same bill. So

there are two important things here. I’ll start with housing and utilities.

The housing and utilities sector needs demonopolization.

There is nothing complicated about housing and utility services. All over

the world, all kinds of providers deliver them. There’s nothing there—it’s not

the binomial theorem, not theoretical physics,

or some kind of, I don’t know,

aerospace industry. Housing and utility services

can be provided by small

businesses. And we will demonopolize this sector

and make sure that, finally,

utility prices start coming down. As for

pensioners, as I already said, this

pension is impossible to live on. I’m saying this

not so that all pensioners

say: “Navalny is great, he’ll

raise our pensions.” Well, I mean, fine,

if they do say that. It’s just objectively in

the country’s interest

to increase pensions so that

people can consume more. Because

your grandmother, she can’t buy

medicine, she can’t buy

decent food, she can’t buy

clothes. So we will make

the state-owned raw materials corporations pay

proper dividends and pay

proper taxes. We have calculations in

our program that show that

this money will be enough to close

the gap in the pension fund. It will be

enough to increase

pensions twofold. That’s still very little.

Still very little. But I can’t

just pull a number out of thin air and

say, “Tenfold.” But we can raise them twofold

and at least give

these people at least a little bit of life back.

Ruslan, next question.

Come closer.

No, here

right here.

Ah, Alexei,

I have a question. How do you think we should develop

the economy, when ours is only 2.5% today?

That kind of growth is laughable. China is at

7%.

What do you propose in your plan on this? And

the second question:

how do we raise living standards? We are

ranked 131st in terms of living standards. It’s

a nightmare, right? We’re next to Mozambique.

What should be done?

But you’re mistaken.

You’re giving us too much credit. We’re not 2.5% of the global

economy now; we’re 1.4% of the global

economy. We’ve shrunk away. We’ve

basically just been puffing ourselves up. But

in reality, Russia barely exists as an

economic force. That’s the right

question. Because the most important thing

needed for living standards is

economic growth. The country isn’t growing,

the economy hasn’t grown for the last four years, and

we can see everything withering away. My plan in

that sense is a realistic one,

one that I would be able to start implementing

right away: reducing regulatory

barriers. Try building a factory. In fact,

not even a factory—just try building a warehouse.

There’s a well-known business ranking.

It has many different indicators. And

one of those indicators is

how much time it takes to get

a permit to build a warehouse.

For example, in New Zealand it takes 2 days, while

in Russia it takes 2 years.

So here, in principle, nothing at all

can develop. I’ll get rid of

99% of these permits to hell. They’re

not needed. We’ll give business freedom. And

only that way will

industry begin to develop. We

will stop pouring huge sums into these state corporations

and instead invest them in

real industry. Tell me,

please, does any of you believe in

the company Rosnano?

No.

Did you get those great flexible textbooks

that Chubais promised 10 years ago?

And did you get the iPhone killer that

the Rostec corporation promised you? No,

did you get anything at all? No, you got

nothing.

Hundreds of billions were poured into these black holes

and simply looted. So we will remove

regulation. We will reduce the level of

corruption so that this money

can be invested in real

industry. It will go into real

industry. Plus, we will bring back money from

offshore accounts. According to foreign economists,

80% of our GDP is sitting offshore.

That money is enough

for the country to start developing and

working. And it will develop and

work. I’m not saying that tomorrow

there will be crystal bridges standing here,

but at the very least, we will stop

sinking into the swamp. Question.

So the money is real?

Alexei, good afternoon. I have a

simple question for you about the Unified State

Exam. What will happen

when you come to power? Because I,

as a student, believe that,

in principle, the Unified State Exam is a fairly ineffective

system. It only teaches people how to take tests.

So that’s basically my question.

Right, the Unified State Exam,

our question

this is relevant for many people here, right?

Ah, well, let's think it through right now

let's think it through together with you, the idea is sound.

The idea was that any

school student in Omsk, St. Petersburg, or Moscow

could take the Unified State Exam (Russia's standardized school-leaving exam) and then, on

equal terms, get into the country's best universities

in the country. No well-connected insiders, no

bribes, everything works. But in practice, in

which region are the highest scores on the

Unified State Exam?

Chechnya and Dagestan.

So the question of whether the Unified State Exam is effective, in

Russia, sounds ridiculous. It cannot

work like that. Either it works the same everywhere,

equally,

or it doesn't work at all. Because you

all, as residents of Omsk, have already

lost your exam from the start. Guys, I'm reading what

you're writing, but it gets drowned out

by the whole system. So overall I don't think

it's an inherently bad system, but in

Russia, of course, it's ineffective right now

question, question here.

Here you're not speaking correctly,

Alexei, Alexei, another, the other

side. Uh-huh.

Hello,

hello.

Hello.

Thank you for coming to Omsk.

You know, I even wanted to come to Moscow

to see you there. So tell me,

if here in Omsk a person wants

to get justice,

what do our corrupt courts do? I can't

take it anymore. How can I turn to you, ask you to help

protect us, elderly people, from these

courts? We're elderly people—what can we do?

Excellent question. What's your name?

Alexeyevna.

Natalia Alexeyevna.

Yes.

Natalia Alexeyevna,

I agree with you absolutely, 100%, but

if you want to find protection from judicial

lawlessness here, you've come to the wrong

person. My brother is in prison on a

fabricated case. For 2 years in

solitary confinement already—they've jailed me too. I spend endless time

in detention centers. I hate these

judges. They are completely corrupt.

They do absolutely only what

the authorities want. So, I become

president, and I stop appointing

judges. I've often said, when people ask me

what my first three actions would be. I

say: "First: I free

political prisoners. Second, I introduce

laws to combat illicit

enrichment. Third: I begin judicial

reform. The president must not appoint

judges. Executive authorities must not

appoint them. They must not

be subordinate to governors.

They must not be subordinate to chief

judges, or to case assignment systems

internally. We have a fairly clear

system, but you are absolutely correct.

This is the most important task, because

it is impossible to win in court against our authorities,

even if you are 100% in the right. Correct?

Impossible. Even with the housing office, the maintenance authority

on housing and utilities issues, you'll never win,

because our courts believe that

they are part of the law enforcement system.

They really believe that they stand

guarding the interests of the authorities. But what we need

is for courts to guard the interests

of the people.

Courts should serve the function of achieving

justice, so that you know that.

The answer to the question, what should we do? Change

the government. Natalia Alexeyevna, that's the only way.

Change the government, and there will be honest courts.

Question.

Dear Alexei, when you become

president of Russia, will you

improve relations with the West, the U.S., and

does Russia need that?

A question about foreign policy. Will I

improve relations with the West, with the U.S.,

and does Russia need that?

It is in Russia's interest to become richer.

Right,

yes?

The goal, basically the fundamental goal

of a presidency, I believe, and of any government,

is to make people richer, so that

next year we become

richer than we were the year before. That means,

war is unprofitable, while friendship and trade

are profitable. So I would stop any

wars, and I would start being friendly and

trading with everyone.

The most important thing in foreign

policy. I would like you to

really grasp this somehow, because, well, many people

argue with me, some don't

agree with me, but I want to say this

very clearly in terms of foreign policy and

relations with all countries.

Alexei Navalny becomes

president, and he stops forgiving

debts.

I will stop forgiving these countries' debts. I

love them all. I adore, I don't know, I, I

have great respect for Cuba, Mozambique,

Venezuela, and Syria, but I tell them:

"Guys, we can't forgive your debts

and we can't give you more money." I

was reading the news the day before yesterday that Putin

announced: "Russia will invest in gas infrastructure for

Kyrgyzstan 100 billion rubles."

And is everything fine here with gas infrastructure?

Across Russia as a whole, 40% of populated areas

are not connected to gas infrastructure. And these people every

Every day they say: "Please run gas to us, it's hard without it."

Who here has a dacha?

And who has a dacha with gas service? And

how much do you have to pay to get

gas connected to a dacha?

How much?

200 for you?

Yes, there isn't even gas in the houses. What?

400. It's impossible to hook up. The connection

can't be done, nothing can be done. They say

100 billion rubles for Kyrgyzstan. I love

Kyrgyzstan, but I can't send a single

kopeck there. I love Venezuela, but I can't

send money there while we have roads like

this. I can't do any of that

as long as people in the country's largest city

are earning wages of around 22,000 rubles.

We cannot afford that,

right?

So from the standpoint of foreign policy,

we love everyone, we give nothing to anyone, and

we forgive nothing to anyone. That's all there is to

foreign policy. Next question.

Alexei, good evening. A short question.

Raising pensions will be the retirement

age.

The retirement age.

And why?

The government tells us,

we will raise the retirement age. Why?

A lot of different words are being said, and a lot of

different formulas are being offered. But let's

honestly admit to ourselves, truly

admit that they want to raise the retirement age

first and foremost so that

people die before reaching retirement,

simply so they don't have to pay pensions, so as to

reduce the number of recipients. Therefore

I believe that right now this is simply

not relevant. Russia needs to raise

labor productivity,

so that each person produces more.

Our labor productivity in

construction is 10 times lower than in the

United States. In housing and utilities, it's 15 times lower than in

Europe. Here we are in the 21st century, and people still

haul cement on carts up to the

fifteenth floor instead of introducing

machinery. We're stuck somewhere back there,

in the middle of nowhere. So yes, labor

productivity should be raised, but raising

the retirement age now, when people

are dying at 50. Work.

Well, we can raise it. Let's raise it and

tell a person: "So, you'll work until

70." But by 60, they already have

a disability. They're sick with every illness,

because we can't provide proper treatment. What kind of

worker will that be? So I consider this whole

idea of raising the retirement age

absolutely false and hypocritical. It is not

a priority for Russia right now.

Question.

A question from this side.

Your eyesight. How is your eyesight?

I can see that there are quite a lot of people here.

That's the main thing as far as my eyesight is concerned.

Question.

Alexei. Alexei, we're very glad that you

came. Please tell us, how will the personnel

changes be carried out?

The top brass is corrupt.

The top brass is corrupt. People are shouting to me

from over there, including about the army. Right. Yes, we

know about Serdyukov. We see this whole

state procurement system. All right, okay. Let me ask

you: does the top need to be replaced?

Yes.

Should the top brass be held

accountable? Yes.

Should the top brass be jailed?

Yes.

So this is what we do with the top brass.

Two filters. Filter number one is

Article 20 of the UN Convention against

Corruption. If you can't

explain where your property came from.

If you earned 1 million rubles but built

a dacha worth 30 million rubles, then with this

filter we've already sent you for

investigation. Filter number two. Those people

who made illegal decisions,

who prosecuted

activists, those judges you were just

talking about—they violated current

law, and under

existing legislation—we don't need

to invent anything, we don't even need lustration,

we will hold them accountable. And

as for filter number three, by the way, we have

certain organizations, part of the

top apparatus, that are not needed at all. I can

stand at this podium, raise my hand, and

say: "I will disband Roskomnadzor to hell.

Roskomnadzor (Russia's state media and internet regulator).

It is completely unnecessary." It is completely unnecessary.

A pointless gathering of crooks with huge

salaries, inflated pensions,

official cars, and so on. They are

nothing but parasites. They only get in our way.

They make us poorer. They harm people.

There are many like that. Very, very many. We

will disband them. They will no longer be any

part of the ruling elite at all. Next question.

Question. Ruslan, let's take one from this side

here, then from over there, and then

over there.

Question. Our people are constantly being

beaten up

Nikolai and so on. What about self-defense squads

so that the thugs would be afraid of us too?

What do you think about that?

That's how extremism begins, after all.

Well, you know, yes, of course, but there's

nothing funny about it. The head of our campaign office in

Moscow was ambushed two days ago and struck

on the head with a steel pipe.

This shows what kind of

Scoundrels, but cowardly scoundrels. Pathetic,

cowardly scoundrels. What can they possibly

set against us at all? Here I am,

I came here, but if Governor Nazarov had come here

instead, I would have let him speak. He

could have come out here onto the stage and said:

"You're lying about everything, Navalny, and now I'll

expose you." Can they do that?

No,

they can't. They can't. Which of them

has taken part in debates? No one.

Have you ever seen Putin in a debate?

No.

And would you like to?

Yes.

Well, he understands that you would like

to see that, but he has nothing to say.

So their method is to hit you

over the head with a pipe. So

you have to understand: these are all sad,

grim things, but the main reason

for it is that they are cowards and afraid. As

for self-defense squads,

in this case they simply won't help.

We can't assign a guard to every single person.

Fortunately, such incidents are isolated. We

will stand up for every person, but

creating some kind of paramilitary

groups, I think, would be completely

wrong right now. I see police officers over there, they're

nodding to me from that side.

Question.

Hello. I wanted to ask: would it be possible

to somehow reduce tuition fees

at universities and create

more state-funded places?

to abolish it altogether. Abolish it altogether. I have

a simple approach. A simple,

elementary approach. I understand

where budget money comes from. It

comes from people paying taxes.

The more education people have, the more

taxes they will pay. That's a law, an

axiom. A state becomes rich

not because it has oil or gas.

It becomes rich because it has educated

people with high salaries, and they pay

taxes, and everyone is doing well.

As long as we tell a person, "Higher

education is out of reach for you," we

are making ourselves poorer. If we now

invest 1 ruble in education, that means

earning 10 rubles in 10 years.

100 rubles in 10 years. Look at

companies like Google, Amazon, and all

the rest. These are companies created

by brains and intellect. Our priority will be

to help people along, pull them up, persuade them

to become more educated, because that is

in our interest. Question.

personal safety.

Alexei, chairman of the Fakel disability association.

Fakel.

We used to receive budget funding. Can

that state funding be restored for our disability association?

But there are very few of us. State

budget funding.

And you said there are few such associations,

but there are a huge number of people with disabilities in Russia,

after all.

A huge number. This is actually

a gigantic problem. We just don't

see it. Probably many of you

have noticed this. You're somewhere in a

European city, and you constantly

see people in wheelchairs. You

meet them on the street, they sit in

cafés, they move around, they go

to work in the morning. Their legs may not

work, but their minds do; they're

perfectly fine. But in Russia,

if you end up, for example, on the fourth floor

of a five-story building as a wheelchair user,

that's it — you're trapped. You'll spend your whole life

in that room, because

without an elevator no one will be able to carry you down. And

that's a monstrous problem. And once again, I

believe it is in the state's interest to

solve it, because people with disabilities are

ordinary people. They need to be given

remote jobs. Building these ramps

is worthwhile. It's worthwhile to build

a ramp to a café, because a person with a disability will

roll in there in their, uh, in their wheelchair and

buy something. They will be able to

work normally, they will be able to socialize.

It's beneficial. There is experience from Western countries on

this, and we will follow it.

Question. Alexei Anatolyevich.

Alexei Anatolyevich, thank you for

coming. A question from a supporter of yours with

ten years of loyalty. I have been closely,

carefully following you for all 10 years.

That's good.

I work — I worked — in the cultural sphere, so

my question is about culture. Do you agree

with the statement

by the great director Sokurov that

culture is not a luxury, but the foundation

of society's development?

Thank you very much for following me for 10

years. I hope I haven't annoyed you too much over

all this time.

I agree with that statement. And its

best

confirmation is what

is happening now. Look at who

heads the Ministry of Culture.

That's why we're sinking into God knows what.

Look, right now our main

cultural dispute is between Poklonskaya and

Medinsky.

And this is supposed to be the question of culture

in Russia? It's something bizarre.

In my view, we need to help

Medinsky in his fight with Poklonskaya, and

then fire Medinsky.

We don't need either of them at all. People,

those who are currently in charge of culture are

strange.

He is a plagiarist; his dissertation was copied,

so how can he be in charge? I,

of course, agree with that

statement. And, uh, it is in our interest

to develop culture. Culture makes

people

richer, and it also makes them

more spiritual. Their habits

of consumption change, the culture in

society changes, and the consumption of

drugs, uh, alcohol, and so on declines. This is

something the state should

invest in, because it, well, excuse me

for the cliché, ennobles

society. And isn’t that the task

of the state? Next question.

Hello, Alexei. Here’s my question,

what do you make of

Zhirinovsky saying that he

likes it, that is,

that he’d get himself a Mercedes.

Well, keep an eye on Zhirinovsky—whether he buys

it or not, that long Lada. And most

importantly, whether he’ll actually drive it. Well,

look, we had, in terms of

the auto industry, a clear

something’s going on over there

state strategy, which

consisted of introducing

tariffs and handing out endless subsidies

to AvtoVAZ and other enterprises.

Did it work or not? Well,

it did not work. It does not work.

So my strategy will be different. I will

promote competition. Trade

tariffs are unnecessary. The state should not

own all of this. All these people from Rostec,

who have taken over all the car plants,

are at the same time officially

millionaires and billionaires, like

Chemezov or his family. They are engaged in

personal enrichment, not the development of

the auto industry. Therefore, expanding

competition and lowering trade barriers

— that is what works, and we have seen it

in practice. Next question?

Yes, Alexei, a question from this side.

The other end.

Hello, Alexei Anatolyevich. My name

is Vyacheslav, and I’m concerned about the following

question. Please tell me, in the

event that you lose the election in

2018, will you continue your

work and your anti-corruption

activities? And in general, I would also like

to sum it up simply: before

making such statements, I mean, well, could you not

give some kind of

guarantees about what will happen if

it turns out that you become

president—that everything will be as you

say, and not as it is under Putin?

Thank you very much.

Thank you.

Excellent question. It’s probably a good one

to start wrapping up our

meeting a bit, because the police will soon

start complaining that we’ve, uh, gone over time.

So, well, there are actually two

questions here. First,

look,

if I lose in 2018,

well, theoretically that is possible,

theoretically we refuse to believe it,

but I’m a normal person. I

understand that candidates win and

lose. This is political struggle.

You can win a first term and lose

a second term. But then please tell me

this: if I lose in

2018, or if I am not allowed

if I am not allowed to run, will corruption in

Russia become greater or smaller?

More.

Will there be more injustice or

less?

More.

Will my work be needed or not?

Will the Anti-Corruption Foundation (ACF) be needed?

Yes.

If I lose or am not allowed to run,

I will come here to Omsk.

Will you come, or will I be standing here alone?

We will come.

Since you will come, and since you consider my

work necessary, I will keep doing it

for as long as I can do it, for as

long as I have your

support. That is the most important thing. There are many

different theories about why we do what

we do, why we do all this. But the answer is very

simple: because there is support. The Anti-Corruption Foundation

is under pressure. I probably

no longer have a single employee

whose home has not been searched or

whose computers and phones have not been seized. But still

everyone keeps working, because there is

support. Because we understand that

people need us.

And I want to become the kind of president

that people need. I want to become

an honest president. Sooner or later, Russia must

eventually have an honest

president.

I want to be that president.

I ask you to believe me.

And I ask you not only to believe me, but

also to support my program, which

is based on this: if I stop being

an honest president,

power corrupts people. I know myself

well. I am confident in myself, but anything

can happen. Power corrupts people.

Under my program,

a bad president will be impeached.

Impeachment will be brought against a bad president. Against a bad president, you

you’ll hold huge rallies completely legally

with enormous banners saying, “Down with

Navalny.”

Anyone will be able to release films; he’s

not Lyosha (a familiar form of Alexei) to you. And those films won’t be

blocked by Alisher Usmanov or

anyone else.

I want you to support me now,

to believe in me now, but

to hold me accountable when I come to

power.

That is what our partnership is about. Not

about making Navalny

president, but about making Russia

a normal, wealthy, prosperous

country. We will achieve that. Yes,

I believe in it. Thank you so much,

guys, for coming here. Thank you

so much for your trust.

I promise I won’t let you down. Thank you

so much, Omsk. I’ll be coming back to see you

again and again. Thank you.

Nabi

you’re the best.

Don’t try to leave Omsk. Everyone

will be coming here. Thank you.

Oh, listen, sorry, while I’m still on

stage. Could I ask a favor, please? I often

get asked this kind of thing.

But can I ask you now? Could we take

a selfie, please? I’m going to

take a photo now.

Security responded.

Everyone’s like,

Go ahead.

Thank you. Until next time, guys.

Bye.

Well, guys, it’s over.

So what’s next for us there? There was supposed to be some kind of

follow-up, I think. No.

Well, yeah.

There’s going to be a press scrum now. That is,

there should, in theory, be

a press conference now. We’ll try to

get into it. There he is, actually.

a photographer, or we ask a question

online, watching

the person.

So, guys, shall we try to catch

Navalny to ask him

something, or not?

Yeah. Let’s try to catch him.

So, uh, guys, did you go over to Imerdiner,

what did he say? Will there be a press scrum?

Yes, there’ll be a press scrum now. Right now

this will wrap up. I’ll probably

well, basically, Navalny will now go

around in a circle, greet

everyone, say “Hi” to everybody.

Hi. And after that there’ll be

a press scrum. We’ll probably

ask some of our own questions there.

So that’s more or less how it’s going. People

are already starting to leave because

they stood for a very long time, uh, going through the metal detectors

to get in here. But, as it turns out, to

get out of here, uh, well, it takes a little less

time.

That’s how it is. All right, then, while

the press scrum hasn’t started yet, I’ll go

for a walk,

I’ll be back.

Oh, so, basically, what we’re seeing now is

the crowd dispersing.

People everywhere. So, listen, well,

this whole square was packed with people,

just like that one over there. Now

it’s all thinning out. Aha. Oh, and here we have

Dima Petrenko, a communist. A communist

attacking Navalny. Or tell us, why are you

here?

To look him in the eye, to find out what kind of person he is,

to listen carefully.

He’s over there,

he’s already finished speaking.

No, I mean, he’s over there talking

to people now, and

from that side over there

that was him. And

that, by the way, was an interesting fellow, Dima

Petrenko. A man who, in his own district,

uh, running from the Communist Party (KPRF) for

city council, absolutely smoked

the United Russia candidate by 10%.

Right there, United Russia’s money didn’t

help him, nothing helped. He wore out

the whole district with his own two feet, and

now he’s a city council deputy. What he’s doing here

I honestly don’t really understand.

Well, I guess he came along with

the people to watch. But yes, there are

a lot of people here. All kinds of people. Apparently

the presidential envoy was spotted here too,

Litskevich. A lot of people in plain clothes,

really a ton of people in plain clothes. Ah, there was

a deployment. So. Probably somewhere on the outskirts

something is kicking off now, because we

saw them organizing there,

gathering, doing something. So that’s

more or less the situation.

We’re coming closer now. Here, basically,

there’s this sort of cluster moving

behind Navalny. And there he is, basically,

the people behind me are now

moving along with him. So,

it looks like Alexei simply won’t be able

to leave here. And, well, from here on,

the official event is over, and

so, well, now it’s possible to

move around, but essentially, uh,

the police and the city allocated

a fairly small amount of time for

holding this event. And so,

well, that’s how it turned out. And

they started late and, well, as a result, they had

to cut things short too.

People are running somewhere. Something is

going on over there.

He’s hugging everyone,

and he’s still walking around hugging people. I already

got worried, thought some kind of shady commotion

had started, but it seems like everything’s fine. So,

we’ve got a police colonel walking behind me

here. And apparently not just one. Judging

by the fact that when I said “police colonel,”

three people turned around at once.

So there’s probably more than one of them here after all.

So. And surprisingly, this year there, I mean,

this rally went off without

any provocateurs, without any

you know, any kind of sketchy activity.

To be honest, I showed up pretty late,

but they gave me this little badge, like,

supposedly “press.” Although, strictly speaking,

what kind of press am I? I’m just my own blogger,

but never mind. And now I’m heading back to

my original position. There’s about to be

a press scrum, guys. Sorry. There we go.

One, one, one.

Guys,

you all know that I love taking

selfies?

With pleasure.

So, here’s my request. First of all,

don’t, well, don’t push on the barrier,

because I’m not running anywhere. Just

everyone get your phone ready, turn it

around the other way. I’ll walk slowly

look into your cameras and happily

smile.

Let’s try doing it that way. Okay.

Just one thing: don’t ask me

for autographs. That would take a very long time. I

would gladly do it. But then we

won’t get anything done until night, and we still have

a flight to catch. Okay. So I’ll honestly keep

walking around until you’ve all taken your photos.

Let’s try to do that. I’ll start from

that side and we’ll give it a try.

Okay. Thank you very much.

So, well, the selfie session has started.

Leonid,

hello.

I’m here,

as always, streaming for you. Today you’ve got

1,000 people watching live.

Great.

he’ll come over and sum things up.

There’s also supposed to be a press scrum in a moment. This is

Leonid Volkov. Last time we

spoke, he’s basically the head

of Alexei Navalny’s campaign headquarters.

And these are the saddest journalists,

sitting here waiting for whoever’s left. Such

sweet people. They’re made to do it, but, well, they

stand here waiting at work on a Sunday. Everyone

else is hiding. Oh well, anyway. Uh,

so now there’s going to be,

well, strictly speaking, now there’ll be

a press scrum. Somewhere behind me, back there behind

me, Alexei is, as he put it, slowly

walking along and, so to speak, giving people time to take

selfies with him. Judging by the fact that he has to

face the barrier,

and take selfies while somehow moving along,

he’s probably moving in some kind of

little crab-like shuffle.

But never mind that.

We’ll probably wait for him now. We’ll wait,

guys. No, I don’t have any sausages. I’ve

already eaten.

Yeah, yeah. We’ll wait, we’ll wait. So, guys,

while we’re waiting, I can answer

some questions.

No brilliant green (a green antiseptic sometimes used in attacks on activists) either. I’ve got nothing on me at all,

guys. No brilliant green, no sausages, nothing.

I’ll definitely ask about the environment, of course, but

the environment is just as heavy a topic,

a difficult one. I mean, I myself am actually

making a film about Omsk’s environmental issues. And as

it later turned out, it’s very much in

Navalny-style tones. I mean, I’ve got

drone footage and some other material too.

And after a while, I’ll probably

put it together and release it on social media.

I’m thinking of calling it Breathe, Omsk. There’s a lot

of interesting stuff there. And I think I found

several possible places where

mercaptan could have been released from. I’m not going to claim

anything for certain, but I,

maybe that’s it, maybe that’s it.

Dear friends, please do not push

on the crowd-control barriers. They could

fall over, and you could get hurt. Please,

step back a little. Alexei will definitely

take photos with you.

There.

Oh, and now we’ll try to speak with Leonid

Volkov. Leonid, would we be able

to talk with you for a bit?

Basically,

please, the barriers are about to fall over a bit.

Guys, this is Leonid Volkov. Let me

stand so the light falls on him properly.

This is, essentially, the head

of Alexei Navalny’s campaign headquarters.

You write your questions in the meantime, and I’ll

ask a couple of my own.

One, one, one, one. Do I look like I’m

running away? If I were running away, it would be hard

for you too, I can see that. Go ahead and take one

step back from the barrier. In a minute, if you want, you’ll

be shooing me away yourselves and saying:

“Stop taking pictures with us already.” I’m

not in any hurry, so

Where to next?

Next on our tour is Novosibirsk,

and then Khabarovsk and Vladivostok.

And Novosibirsk is tomorrow?

No, on Friday.

On Friday.

So, basically, we travel Friday, Saturday,

Sunday. During the week we work. I was in

Omsk last time. Right, I was in Omsk

last time. How was it?

Well, last time in Omsk there was a meeting with

with volunteers. Sort of an organizational

meeting. In this case, it’s already a meeting with

everyone who wants to come, yes — both supporters and

those who have doubts, but we win them over very

successfully. I think that, by Omsk standards,

this is probably one of the biggest,

if not the biggest, political

Right. And on a personal level, how have people

changed? You’ve talked to people in all sorts of ways

there, besides just speaking with the volunteers

themselves,

They were wonderful and they still are

wonderful, honestly. We were here

exactly three months ago. It was June 17,

I think, or June 18. So, over

these three months they haven’t gotten any worse at all.

There are just a lot more of them now. That’s

really great.

I see. There are several interesting people

walking around in the crowd here. Litskevich was here,

and the newly elected city council deputy

from the Communist Party is here too. And, strictly speaking,

you’ve got a rather cosmo-

political, cosmopolitan rally going on. What

do you yourself think about all these people?

And

I saw this in Yekaterinburg. I’m not familiar

with Omsk’s regional

political elites.

That’s not the elite, it’s just,

well, with local political

figures, so to speak. In Yekaterinburg I saw

a State Duma deputy there, as well as regional

and city-level ones. So it’s clear that at

the local level, people are watching closely,

trying to figure out for themselves how much

momentum this movement is gaining.

Including, among other things, so that if needed,

they might switch sides.

That’s a natural process.

Sure, I see what you mean. And

let’s say March 18 — or rather March 19 — comes,

and Alexei takes over. How hard will he

clean house in the current ranks?

Very hard.

Very hard. So will that mean

new elections, or what exactly will happen?

Well, we will of course re-elect the State Duma. And

if we’re talking about certain ministers

and officials, well, the activities

of most of them will have to be

investigated.

Will there be any blacklists for parties,

for some of them?

No, there won’t be any.

So you’ll allow United Russia to run

and be elected again?

We will allow people to form a new

political party. And the functionaries

of United Russia will of course be subject to lustration,

of course, for what they have done,

but no one is stopping anyone from creating a new

party that will say how

things were good under Putin. And as the experience

of Eastern European countries shows, such parties

get quite a lot of support,

Like the Communist Party now, saying that under Stalin

they’ll be saying, “Yes,”

There will simply always be demand for such political forces,

and they will win some support.” Well,

so what?

Was that your quadcopter flying today?

No, no, not ours.

Right. Okay. And,

Thank you. I wanted to say thank you.

At one point, more than

1,000 people were watching Alexei live at once. Right now

700 are watching us. Thank you so much for

coming. Please come again.

Thank you.

So,

that’s basically how it all happens.

They turned the music up loud. I can’t even

hear myself.

Red beard. Uh-huh. Now they’re already

— this is all happening in Omsk, Pavel.

That’s how it is. What? Right. And here people are

Tell me, Leonid, can I just

I’m being a little

hold on a second.

Can I film over there? And

I’m not dangerous. I’m not dangerous. Can I

film?

It’s very awkward to stand here. Thank you.

Thank you.

And you stay here, we want people there.

You may.

Thank you. No, you can’t go through. So

this, this isn’t — this isn’t for you.

So you’re not letting me in, right? I see.

There you have it. Basically, they’ve made some

sort of adjustments. They’ve put up a barrier

between us and Navalny, and

they’re not letting anyone get through to Navalny, so to speak.

Right. Well, now we’ll try to film

a bit closer.

Alexei, everyone is—

Alexei, today more than

a thousand people watched you online. They’re still

watching. Say a few words.

Greetings to everyone who watched

online.

There you go

they pushed me aside again.

Thank you.

Thank you.

Thank you once again.

This whole event in some ways

reminds me of a scrum.

for a few minu-

Well yes, talking press,

yes, talking

one, yes, and two people — all photographers,

so

Navalny’s speech had people

Right now

everyone is gradually gathering here already.

Basically, Navalny just has to walk through

like, go around in a circle and, uh, probably make it whol-

with everyone, wrap things up.

So, basically. Oh, oh-oh-oh-oh-oh,

oh-oh-oh.

Ask about religion, the evidence

for God's existence. Guys, well, this is,

probably it for today already. And,

a huge thank-you

to everyone who watched. And if there’s

a centralized press approach, I’ll now

ask a few questions. I mean, well,

why exactly should we watch someone

taking a selfie? There. Uh,

guys, bye everyone. I’m Oris Brud. This was

a livestream in the Om Life group.

All the very best for you, all the best

events, all the best happenings.

Bye-bye.