Mayoral Campaign Newspaper 2

OUR MAYOR IS NAVALNY

Campaign newspaper of Moscow mayoral candidate Alexei Navalny The Moscow mayoral election will be held on September 8, 2013 www.navalny.ru

© Andrei Zhilin (photo)

THE TIME HAS COME

Times are changing. The city is changing. Shopping malls have replaced open-air markets. Mobile phones have replaced pay phones, and the internet has replaced television. Only the government has not changed. Officials still behave as if they owe us nothing. As if everything has already been decided. As if the mayor will be whoever was appointed from above. Not so fast. For the first time, it is not embarrassing to vote in a mayoral election — there is a real choice. All that remains is to show up and vote.

Throughout his political career, Alexei Navalny has broken stereotypes. He does what others called impossible. He secured the dismissal of powerful corrupt officials from state companies and government bodies. He forced State Duma deputies with tarnished reputations to resign. He raised money for his political campaign honestly and openly. He meets voters in person. Since the start of the campaign, his rating has nearly doubled — from 10.7% to 21.6%. He does not need television's support.

He could not have achieved this alone. Thousands of people donated money to his campaign, tens of thousands are helping with canvassing, and hundreds of thousands are ready to vote for him.

Among them are both ordinary people and celebrities: writer Boris Akunin, TV host Leonid Parfyonov, musician Andrei Makarevich, director Vladimir Mirzoyev, actress Elena Koreneva, and many others.

ALEXEI NAVALNY: WHAT I WILL DO IN MY FIRST YEAR (pp. 4–5) YULIA NAVALNAYA: ABOUT HER HUSBAND AND FAMILY (p. 3)

Alexei Navalny's polling numbers (chart) 03–09.06 5.0% 04–10.07 10.7% 11–16.07 16.7% 25–31.07 21.6% (Source: Synovate Comcon, special survey. Internal research)

ONE FOR ALL

Alexei Navalny appeals to scientists, businesspeople, actors, and musicians. He does not throw around slogans; he offers concrete solutions to their problems.

The “opposition” candidate is supported by hundreds of thousands of people, including professionals from every field. This means Alexei Navalny has a systemic view and answers to all the difficult questions that concern Muscovites.

ACADEMICS

Sergei Guriev and Ekaterina Zhuravskaya are among Russia's best economists; both have received awards from the Russian Academy of Sciences as well as an international prize — the Gold Medal of the Global Development Network. They took part in developing Alexei Navalny's program. Andrei Zayakin holds a Candidate of Sciences degree in physics and mathematics and specializes in quantum chromodynamics models. Andrei helped the mayoral candidate investigate State Duma deputy Vladimir Pekhtin's concealed apartments in Miami. As a result of the scandal, Pekhtin gave up his parliamentary seat. Scientists are ready to help Alexei Navalny because of his desire to build a system of government that listens to the expert community.

CELEBRITIES

Creative people are quick to sense lies and falseness. For many of them, the ability to articulate the truth clearly is part of their profession. They saw that Alexei Navalny is a sincere politician, ready even to go to prison for his convictions. That is probably why musicians Andrei Makarevich and Alexei Kortnev, writers Boris Akunin and Dmitry Bykov, TV hosts Leonid Parfyonov, Tatyana Lazareva, and Ksenia Sobchak, director Vladimir Mirzoyev, actress Elena Koreneva, and many others were not afraid to support the candidate.

Alexei Navalny's main achievement is that not only celebrities but ordinary people believed in him.

ENTREPRENEURS For the first time in Russia's history, entrepreneurs and a mayoral candidate signed a kind of social contract. In exchange for political and economic support, they expect that, once in office, Alexei Navalny will ensure the rule of law, support independent courts, and make officials accountable to society. Among those who backed Navalny are Alexei Ilyin, director of Alpina Publishers, Maxim Faldin, founder of the Wikimart shopping platform, Dmitry Navosha, head of the sports website Sports.ru, and 198 other entrepreneurs.

VOTERS Alexei Navalny's main achievement is that not only celebrities but ordinary people believed in him. Thousands of people are helping the campaign headquarters free of charge. Among them are pensioners and students, office workers and factory workers, doctors, teachers, and municipal deputies. On August 24, the 1,000th campaign street picket was held. All of them were organized by ordinary Muscovites. They understood that if you want to change your hometown, you have to take matters into your own hands.

NAVALNY'S TEAM IN NUMBERS

201 entrepreneurs signed an open letter in support of Alexei Navalny 800 applicants held more than a thousand campaign cube stands in two months 3,500 volunteers are helping the headquarters 10,000 people donated money to the campaign account 18,000 people came out to a rally on Manezhnaya Square (in central Moscow) in support of Alexei Navalny 400,000 people regularly read Navalny's LiveJournal blog 800,000 Muscovites are already ready to vote for Navalny on September 8

A BIG CHANGE

For many activists, working at Navalny’s campaign headquarters became a turning point in their lives. But they are not afraid of change, because they want to change their city.

“ALEXEI IS A FIGHTER! IT WOULD HAVE BEEN STRANGE IF HE HADN’T ACCEPTED THE CHALLENGE”

Yulia Navalnaya is convinced that love and harmony in a family matter more than a quiet life.

Being a politician’s wife is not easy. If he runs for office in defiance of the authorities, it is twice as hard. In recent years, Yulia Navalnaya’s husband has gone from activist blogger to a candidate with a real shot at making the runoff in the Moscow mayoral election. Whatever he becomes, she will always support him.

How do you live knowing that your husband is under the threat of prison? Somehow, the strength comes from somewhere. Probably because I’m not only a wife, but also a mother. The children are with me, and I have to stay strong. It deeply upsets me that these guys from the prosecutor’s office and the Investigative Committee are not catching real criminals, but hunting my family instead. They were sawing through the door of my 80-year-old grandmother’s apartment and looking for “compromising material” in my children’s room. You should have seen the look on their faces when they entered our apartment and found no gilded vases there, and the only money they found was 10,000 rubles (about $300 at the time) in my husband’s wallet.

After the verdict was announced, tens of thousands of people took to the streets of Moscow. The next day, the impossible happened — your husband was released. What did you feel? It is impossible to express how grateful I am to those people who were not afraid to come out onto Tverskaya Street in Moscow and onto the streets of other cities.

Let’s move away from this difficult subject. How did you and Alexei meet in the first place? I remember our first meeting perfectly. It was in Turkey: the sea, the sun, and everything was incredibly beautiful. To this day, we still argue about who called whom first after we got back to Moscow. That is how an ordinary holiday romance turned into a serious relationship. We have been together for more than 15 years.

Alexei always emphasizes that your family is completely ordinary. Is that true? Yes. Our son Zakhar goes to the kindergarten in our courtyard, the same one our daughter Dasha attended before him. I drive her to school; it is also in our neighborhood. These days, with Moscow traffic, it is really inconvenient to drive a child somewhere far away. We do not have housekeepers, though we do have a nanny who helps me with the children. I prefer to do the weekly shopping at Auchan, and for bread I go to the shop in our building, which we call “the Luzhkov one” (after former Moscow mayor Yuri Luzhkov), because his portrait used to hang there for a very long time. The picture has long since been taken down, but the bread is still excellent.

There were moments when I complained to Alexei that he spent too much time at work, but he would answer, “You knew who you were marrying!” Now they mostly just keep me under surveillance. For a while, a car followed me around, and some people trailed me through supermarkets. At first I reacted somehow: I tried to shake the tail, to take photographs. Now I have stopped paying attention to it.

At public events, you are often beside your husband. Aren’t you afraid? No. I’m proud that I can be beside him at those moments. Though sometimes I do want to be apart from him. But I understand that having, as you put it, a “fragile woman” next to Alexei at such moments would distract him from speaking; he would constantly worry that someone might shove me or hit me on the head with a camera.

I HAVE ALWAYS BELIEVED IN HIM, I BELIEVE IN HIM, AND I ALWAYS WILL. IN ME, HE HAS NOT ONLY A LOVING WIFE, BUT A DEVOTED SUPPORTER.

A word from the husband: Alexei Navalny talks about how family relationships work “We try to raise the children together. Each of us tries to teach them what we understand best. For example, there was a funny incident: I teach the children to swim, and I myself swim and dive very well. But Dasha is not a big fan of spending time in the water. Then one day, in front of the children, Yulia and I had a competition to see who could dive farther. I dove very far, but Yulia went even farther. She did synchronized swimming for many years and dives like a real dolphin. My authority was slightly undermined.”

ALEXEI: WHAT I WILL DO...

(continued on pp. 4–5)

CHECKING ON ILLEGAL MIGRANTS

Within a year, I will conduct an audit of contracts for hiring labor migrants in all organizations owned by the Moscow city government and involved in carrying out Moscow state procurement contracts. Based on the results, city hall will terminate agreements with all enterprises that violate migration law. I will push for the State Duma to pass bills introducing a visa regime with the countries of Central Asia.

Within a year, Moscow tax money will primarily be used to pay Muscovites for their work. The city will strictly ensure that budget funds are not used to pay illegal migrants. You will notice how, over the course of a year, the number of migrants decreases — specifically those whom the current city administration is bringing in huge numbers. City hall is dragging them into Moscow not because there is work for them, but because part of their wages can be skimmed off while keeping them in near-slave conditions. By reducing demand in the city for the labor of illegal migrants — demand created by corrupt officials — we will trigger an outflow.

Foreign nationals in Moscow commit crimes relatively more often than residents of the Russian Federation Share of Moscow’s population (%) Russian citizens 87 Foreign nationals 13

Crime statistics (%) Murders 20 Rapes 50 Muggings and armed robberies 33 Other crimes 21 (Source: Moscow Prosecutor’s Office, Rosstat (Russia’s federal statistics agency))

HALTING THE RISE IN HOUSING AND UTILITY RATES

I will revoke the decision to raise these prices as of August 1, 2013—it is not economically justified. In 2013, I will launch an independent audit of the spending of all management companies and contractors in the city. Based on the audit results, Moscow will revise the terms of its contracts with these entities, and those responsible for inflating housing and utility rates in previous years will face legal action.

Moscow is the only major city in the world where housing and utility problems have to be dealt with nonstop. For example, every year preparing for winter is a whole saga here. I will build a system in which even winter preparation becomes so routine that you will hardly ever hear about this simple issue on television.

A year after I am elected mayor, you will see that housing and utility rates have stopped rising. You will know exactly what they consist of and how the figures on your bills are justified. You will understand how to switch providers if the service is poor. Within a year, the utilities sector will function without constant government intervention.

A BUDGET FOR MOSCOW RESIDENTS

After I am elected, I will immediately suspend the adoption of Moscow’s 2014 budget and begin drafting a temporary one. As early as autumn, Moscow will return to the issue of raising city pensions, social benefits, and support for vulnerable groups of residents.

I will give substantial powers and funding to Moscow’s municipal governments. I will expand the powers of local deputies through interbudgetary relations and by transferring back the catastrophic amount of authority that city hall has now taken for itself. This will allow you to resolve issues involving your courtyard and your school without constant approval from a roomful of officials.

NO TO POLICE ABUSE

When I become mayor, the Moscow city government will provide legal assistance (including hiring lawyers at public expense) to victims of unlawful actions by law enforcement officers and abuses by officials.

In high-profile cases affecting public safety, city hall will conduct an independent investigation. If necessary, private detectives will be hired for this purpose. Why is this needed? Remember the crash on Leninsky Prospekt (a major avenue in Moscow). Two cars collided there: the car of the vice president of Lukoil and a car carrying two employees of the Scientific Center of Obstetrics. Both women were killed, and one of those responsible for the crash remained free, even though an independent examination and witnesses showed otherwise.

A FREE KREMLIN

I will immediately begin negotiations with the Government of Russia to return the Moscow Kremlin to the city, removing federal agencies from it and creating a Russian national museum-preserve on its grounds.

Within a year, the Kremlin’s historic complex must be open to every visitor. I will press this issue firmly with the federal authorities.

NAVALNY: ZERO IN THE FIRST YEAR

TRANSPARENT GOVERNMENT

I will form the Moscow city government in such a way that you will be able to easily find out why any given person was appointed to it. Right now, city hall personnel decisions are the result of obscure backroom discussions.

I will create committees to select candidates for senior posts on the basis of clear criteria, and the reasoning behind those decisions will be publicly available.

The new Moscow city government will immediately abandon most closed-door meetings, and the decision-making process will become fully transparent to you as early as 2013. City hall will begin publishing online the documents supporting government decisions (for example, those concerning construction, reconstruction, and urban improvements). Reports on spending will also be made public.

Within a year, you will see the budget structure of schools and clinics and be able to find out why a particular person holds a post in the Moscow city government. You will be able to easily learn why a shopping center is being built in your district instead of a hospital, who is repairing the road, how much it costs, who is responsible for what in the construction happening outside your windows, and why city hall approved it.

NEW ROADS

First of all, all major highway reconstruction projects will be reviewed. This applies in particular to the “reconstruction” of Leninsky Prospekt and the creation of the North-West Chord. The funds allocated to them will be immediately withdrawn until an independent external review is completed. The released funds—and there will certainly be some, because it is already clear that the cost estimates for these projects are inflated—will go toward building a dense network of local roads.

Moscow will remove all restrictions on bringing in international contractors to design and build roads and public transportation systems. All projects costing more than 1 billion rubles will undergo an independent international review. Any Moscow resident will be able to see the final project justifications together with all necessary calculations.

Within a year, the cost of road construction in Moscow will drop significantly, and the reconstruction of the road network will move faster. Even in small things, you will see that the city has begun solving Muscovites’ transportation problems rather than the problems of contractors close to corrupt officials. Finally, you will know exactly why City Hall has taken up one road project or another.

The main highways will become less congested. You will be able to get to a neighboring district without having to drive onto a major highway. Traffic jams, of course, will not disappear entirely—this is too large a problem, and I will be fighting it throughout my entire term. Even so, you will see that getting around the city has become easier and faster, and that hours-long gridlock is starting to become a thing of the past.

KINDERGARTENS AND SCHOOLS FOR FAMILIES

Implementation of the 2013 decisions on strengthening schools and kindergartens will be suspended until they are transferred under the control of municipalities and the residents of the respective city districts. I will initiate the creation of parent councils in all schools and kindergartens. Information on all decisions concerning the management of educational institutions’ budgets will be available to everyone who serves on these councils. Any interested mother or father will be able to join.

Starting in 2014, you will be able to influence what happens at the kindergarten or school your child attends.

TRANSPARENT GOVERNMENT (continued)

NEW ROADS (continued)

(continued — political program, pages 4–5)

THE CANDIDATE OF THE IMPOSSIBLE

During the campaign, Alexei Navalny shattered every conventional idea about a mayoral election. That is no accident. His political career has long been dismantling Russian stereotypes.

Megaprojects are a favorite pastime of federal officials. On a massive construction project, it is easier to take a bite out of the budget. In November 2010, Navalny pointed out that the cost of building the Eastern Siberia–Pacific Ocean pipeline was initially estimated at 300 billion rubles, but in the end it cost twice as much. Navalny obtained the results of an internal audit of the ESPO pipeline construction conducted by experts from Transneft. According to those findings, the total amount stolen exceeded 120 billion rubles. There were ample grounds for criminal prosecution. Semyon Vainshtok, the head of Transneft during the pipeline’s construction, left for Israel in 2010, where he still lives today.

Earned the public’s trust Where do politicians get their money? In the past, Russian voters rarely got an answer to that question. Alexei Navalny became the first Russian politician to choose complete transparency in his work. In December 2010, he proposed financing his RosPil project through voluntary donations. Experts tapped their temples, saying Russians would never donate money to politics, much less to the fight against corruption. In just two weeks, RosPil raised 4.5 million rubles. On its basis, the Anti-Corruption Foundation was created; over three years it raised 10 million rubles in donations and stopped corrupt procurement contracts worth 59 billion rubles.

Forced deputies out Many suspect that most deputies are crooks and thieves. Alexei Navalny set out to prove that claim. In February of this year, he exposed State Duma deputy Vladimir Pekhtin for concealing U.S. real estate worth $2.5 million. At first, senior United Russia officials all insisted that the documents presented by Navalny were not evidence. Pekhtin himself said in an interview with Izvestia on February 12 that he had “virtually no real estate abroad.” But just a week after the scandal broke, he gave up his mandate as a State Duma deputy. Possibly fearing similar investigations, several more parliamentarians soon left the State Duma as well, using unusually blunt language in their resignation statements.

THE CANDIDATE OF THE IMPOSSIBLE — FIGURES AND FACTS

59 billion rubles saved for the Russian budget by RosPil in two and a half years of work. 13,000 road defects fixed thanks to the RosYama project. 96,000 complaints to public utilities were submitted through the RosZhKH project in just its first week of operation. 100,800 people signed in support of Alexei Navalny’s Anti-Corruption Foundation bill to ban officials and state-owned enterprises from buying cars costing more than 1.5 million rubles.

HE CAME, HE SAW, HE JAILED

Political will and an uncompromising stance are the key to a successful fight against corruption.

Moscow’s budget loses at least 10% every year to corruption. That is 30,000 rubles for every family. This money could be spent on healthcare, housing and utilities, or solving transportation problems. Instead, it goes into officials’ pockets. Seven simple steps are enough to return this money to Muscovites.

JUSTICE FOR ALL

Punishment must be inevitable regardless of the offender’s status. Today, real prison terms are handed down to rank-and-file officials, not to civil servants from the highest levels of government. For example, Defense Ministry official Yevgenia Vasilyeva is accused of causing 1 billion rubles in damage to the state. Yet she remains under house arrest and even goes shopping in luxury boutiques. Because of this, no one believes that the current authorities are genuinely fighting corruption.

INDEPENDENT INVESTIGATION It must be acknowledged that in a corrupt state, neither the courts, nor the Interior Ministry, nor the prosecutor’s office have any real interest in defeating bribery. They are an integral part of this system. A paradoxical situation emerges, in which the lower the barriers to holding corrupt officials accountable, the lower the level of corruption. A telling example is the public organization RosPil, created by Alexei Navalny. He succeeded in securing amendments to the federal law on the contract system. These included the ability for public watchdogs to file complaints about tenders, as well as the requirement to cancel an auction if it was won by a close relative of the contracting authority.

AN OFFICIAL’S GUILT In a situation of total corruption, a presumption of guilt for officials is necessary. Any public servant whose spending is disproportionate to their income should be presumed guilty. To avoid criminal prosecution, they must prove that the money was earned legally. This should also apply to the income of their relatives.

OPENNESS IN EVERYTHING Transparency is corruption’s worst enemy. When access to budgets and tenders is open, corrupt officials have no way to keep their wrongdoing hidden. Everyone who cares can join the fight against corruption, not just law enforcement and oversight agencies.

CHALLENGES — AND RESULTS International experience shows that corruption can in fact be defeated. All that is needed is the right person.

MAKING THE IMPOSSIBLE POSSIBLE — THE IMPOSSIBLE CANDIDATE (continued)

The snap mayoral election came as a surprise to everyone except Sobyanin. No one was prepared to launch an election campaign from scratch. In less than three months, Alexei Navalny held nearly one hundred meetings with voters, raised tens of millions of rubles from ordinary people, and became a serious contender for victory. Impossible? Not at all. Alexei Navalny’s entire story shows that he has extensive experience taking on the impossible.

Took on state corporations Everyone suspects that the top management of state corporations steals millions of dollars. And everyone is convinced that an ordinary person can do nothing about it. Navalny thought otherwise. He succeeded in having criminal cases opened against the leadership of one Gazprom company and against a manager at the gas giant itself. Navalny published information about VTB’s purchase of unnecessary drilling rigs, a deal through which the bank’s management stole 156 million dollars. VTB denied it for a long time, but a couple of years later it nevertheless dismissed those responsible for the transaction.

DEFEATED THE SYSTEM Give us a person and we’ll find the charge — anyone who displeases the authorities can be jailed. This Russian principle was challenged by Alexei Navalny. On July 18, 2013, the Leninsky District Court sentenced Navalny to five years in prison, suspended. Experts said there was no corpus delicti, and the prosecution’s key witness became entangled in his own testimony. The other people questioned in court either refuted or failed to confirm the prosecution’s arguments. Fifty-seven percent of Russians familiar with the case considered it politically motivated.

THEY WANT CHANGE

THEY WANT CHANGE — a feature on Alexei Navalny’s meetings with voters (continued on p. 6)

(photos: © Andrei Zhilin, Ekaterina Zotova, and others)

NAVALNY: 0 IN THE FIRST YEAR (continued on p. 5)

NAVALNY: O FOR THE FIRST YEAR (continued) — TRANSPARENT GOVERNMENT, NEW ROADS, A BUDGET FOR MUSCOVITES, and more.

THE IMPOSSIBLE CANDIDATE — QUOTES AND PEOPLE

EKATERINA: “I live on Shipilovsky Proyezd. After the meeting, it seems to me that Alexei has a real chance of winning the election. He is fully capable of solving the problems he has identified, and he is not afraid to speak about them. For me, the issue of expanding public space accessibility for people with disabilities is very important — with enough ramps, much more would become accessible to people.”

YEVGENY: “I live on Domodedovskaya Street. I heard about the meeting from my sister — she saw a flyer on our apartment building entrance. It’s a pity there were so few of those flyers in the neighborhood. I’m sure that if Alexei becomes mayor, he will change everything for the better. He is the only person here who can change anything.”

NINA LVOVNA: “I think well of Navalny, but before I didn’t understand why he wanted to run for mayor. Now I do. I can say just one thing: he’s a decent, good person. Unfortunately, people my age think differently. Those women in the front row, for example, kept talking about socialism. Why would we need that again?”

(continued feature and regional and personal notes — pp. 6–7)

YOUR VOTE IS YOUR WEAPON

Not planning to vote? Here are five good reasons to think again.

(subheading and introductory text)

Going to the polling station, getting a ballot, and ticking a box will most likely take no more than half an hour. That’s not much to give up in exchange for a chance to tell those in power what we really think of them, influence our children’s future, and keep crooks from stealing our votes.

“I DON’T WANT MY VOTE TO BE STOLEN” On December 4, 2011, during the State Duma elections (the lower house of Russia’s parliament), the level of fraud in Moscow in favor of United Russia, according to scholars at the New Economic School, was nearly 11%. The votes of people who did not come to the polls were credited to the ruling party. If we do not turn out for the Moscow mayoral election, the same thing could happen again, and our decision will be made for us. If we do not want our vote to be stolen, we need to go to the polling station and make our choice ourselves.

“I’M TIRED OF BEING IGNORED” The Moscow authorities behave as if Muscovites’ opinions do not matter to them. Public gardens are cut down and mega-malls rise in their place, while business centers are built instead of hospitals. Soon it will get to the point where the district administration head is telling us how to furnish our apartments. We are outraged when someone behaves brazenly in our own home. Yet for some reason we turn a blind eye when officials run our Moscow as if Muscovites did not exist. Elections are a chance to show that we do.

“AT LAST, I’LL TAKE PART IN A REAL ELECTION” Muscovites have not taken part in a genuinely competitive election for almost 20 years. We have grown used to a situation where the result is known in advance. But we have a chance to change all that. We are a force, and we ourselves will decide who becomes mayor of Moscow. September 8 is a good opportunity to start improving our children’s lives right now.

“I WANT TO CHANGE THE CITY” We want to live in a Moscow whose character we can choose for ourselves. Driving without traffic jams or the morning hunt for parking — or taking comfortable public transport that runs exactly on schedule. Walking with your child in the nearest park, not only in the city center. Shops where you can choose by selection, not just by price. Clinics where you choose the better-quality one.

(continued: endorsements from well-known figures)

ALEXEI KORTNEV, musician: “Why Navalny? Well, first of all, he is someone who, as they say, made himself — not a candidate imposed on us from above by official order, but a real person, an independent politician with a mind of his own. And second: the ferocious hatred with which the current authorities are hounding him clearly shows that he is an honest man. I’m for him!”

TATYANA LAZAREVA, TV host and actress: “It seems to me that we have started to forget that a man is supposed to be brave and strong, someone you can rely on completely. And Navalny is exactly that kind of man. I even think we are afraid of him as he is — a desperate fighter ready to do anything for us; that seems strange and suspicious to us. As if that’s just not how things are done now, when everyone is out for themselves. But he is for us. And I believe him. That is why I support him too. I’m tired of being afraid.”

IRINA YASINA, scholar and human rights activist: “I will vote for Alexei Navalny because he is a young, active man who is not part of the system of corruption and lawlessness. I will vote for him because I want my children and grandchildren to live in Russia, not flee from bribery and the unchecked growth of unrestrained officialdom.”

(photo © Dmitry Serebryakov)

© Personal archive of A. Kortnev, T. Lazareva, I. Yasina

Produced by LLC Polygraphic Complex, 8/1 Kalinina St., Naro-Fominsk, Moscow Region, 143500, Tax ID 5030045907. Commissioned by Moscow mayoral candidate Navalny Alexei Anatolyevich. Release date: 26.08.2013. Print run: 450,000 copies. Paid for from the election fund of Moscow mayoral candidate Navalny Alexei Anatolyevich.