Hello. Thank you very much for coming.

And I’m glad to see so many of you

at this press conference in our campaign headquarters.

I won’t speak for very long.

Many of you were probably already at

the opening of the volunteer headquarters, and then at

the rally. And I’m happy that I finally made it

to Chelyabinsk.

It’s very encouraging for us. At the moment,

Chelyabinsk and the Chelyabinsk headquarters are

in fourth place in terms of the number of

volunteers, meaning they are ahead of Novosibirsk

and ahead of larger cities. In

the Chelyabinsk region, we have effectively

already met our minimum target

for collecting signatures. And we have

what, given the size of the city,

is an unusually high number of volunteers in

Magnitogorsk. So we are pleased

with how things are going here. We saw

that there were a great many volunteers today

at the meeting.

And I’m glad

that I was invited today to

the rally against the mining and processing plant.

We have something to say to the people of Chelyabinsk,

including, as I said at the meeting

with the volunteers, here we can — I personally

can say with satisfaction

the phrase: “I told you so.” And here

there are probably many people here, including

media outlets that wrote that I was wrong

to go after Governor Yurevich, wrong

to investigate him.

Wrong, they said, for me to make leaflets,

special materials directed against Yurevich.

United Russia kept defending him, defending him. And

where is Governor Yurevich now?

In London.

Well, either in London or in Israel. But

now United Russia itself and the authorities themselves are telling us

what a bad governor

Yurevich was. If they had listened to us then and

taken our words seriously, and if he

had been removed from office, then probably all

the corruption cases that are now being

talked about by the Kremlin, would not have happened. So

we were right, and this also matters

to every resident.

We can see that the authorities

understand

that our campaign here is developing

quite well. That is precisely why, ahead of

my arrival here, the head of our headquarters

was arrested. About 10 or 15 hours ago.

This is Kirill Artyukov, let me introduce him to you.

He is the deputy head of the headquarters. Regardless

of the fact that Alexei Tabalov

is currently under arrest, as you

have seen, we are successfully opening our

headquarters. Our meeting

with volunteers went very well. This shows that

they will not be able to decapitate

or somehow stop

this campaign in this region or in any

other region. The campaign as a whole

cannot be stopped by taking out one,

two, three, or twenty-three people. Well,

you arrest one person, but there are still

volunteers. Most importantly, there are

voters who want change. There are

voters who expect from us

what we are doing. There are people who

understand that over 17 years this government has reached

a dead end and can no longer say anything good

for itself. And we have answers to

questions, including those that concern

the residents of the Chelyabinsk region. We are conducting

an anti-corruption investigation, including

into your situation with the

construction of roads. You can see that

I’m no admirer of Yurevich, but under

the current governor, even compared

with Yurevich, the roads have become worse. Why?

Because the authorities keep consolidating

road construction contracts into larger lots. And there are clearly

signs of corruption. And, well,

the environmental situation today is simply

obvious — this problem is obvious.

And we heard a lot about this today at

the rally. I want to reaffirm once again my

position: yes, I support

the residents who are opposed to

the construction of this

mining and processing plant. It is

a lie to say that it will bring

some money or that it will bring

some kind of prosperity to the region’s residents. And according to

the statements of even the

builders of this plant, the Russian Copper

Company, over the entire course of its

existence it will pay 80

billion rubles in taxes. Even if we believe that figure

— though it will be several times

lower —

let’s look at the figure of 10,000

people diagnosed with cancer

every year in the Chelyabinsk

region. When we see how many more

people will develop

cancer and acute

respiratory illnesses, and this is

simple arithmetic showing that

the additional spending on

healthcare will eat up all the

additional revenues that

this project might bring. Therefore, we

support the residents in their fight for

the environment. And in Chelyabinsk this issue

is extremely acute. It is very unfortunate that

today neither United Russia nor

representatives of other parties came.

So, moving on to answering

questions, once again, I am very pleased with

how things are going here. I am very pleased

with the large number of volunteers. In the

Chelyabinsk region, we are going to have a big

and interesting campaign. There are many of us.

will support us here. I am confident that here we

will be able to compete for the majority of

voters. I am ready to answer your

questions. Raise your hands,

introduce yourselves. Yes, please. Sergei

Makovich today. Alexei, please tell us,

why exactly Tabalov became

the head of the campaign headquarters. Was there no more worthy

or suitable candidate?

The decision on appointing campaign headquarters chiefs

is made by Leonid Volkov. I do not handle that

work myself. We have a competitive

process. People send in their résumés, and people

go through interviews. We do not have

a system where we appoint members of the Progress Party

or people who are somehow close to

us. We have regions where there are

nationalists and regions where there are liberals. People simply

send in their résumés. And judging by the fact that

Volkov appointed Tabalov, I

trust Volkov completely. I think that

Tabalov will be a worthy head

of the headquarters. At the very least, everything that

Tabalov’s team has organized has been entirely

satisfactory to us. Next question, please.

Svetlana Grigorieva, Full House. And who else

will be a member of your headquarters?

Well,

Well, there you go, I introduced Kirill. Our

headquarters are volunteer-based. That is exactly why I

keep saying that we are opening volunteer

headquarters. In each headquarters we have two or three

positions where people receive a salary.

Everything else is simply volunteers. At

present, in Chelyabinsk Region

there have registered

2,000 people. Roman, yes, we already have 2,000

volunteers. That means we need an enormous amount of work

to coordinate

those people

who came and said: "We want to work

for free." So for now we do not really

have any need, generally speaking, even

to spend large amounts of money on

that. Yes, please. Ah,

Hello. Your campaign... first, please

tell us where you are from.

Young Teacher, the newspaper Young Teache.

Ah, the newspaper Young... Young, just Young

Teache. Well then, Young Teacher it is.

Excellent. In your campaign

you have many points about decentralization

of practical governance. Do you believe

that in the future, the future in general will belong

to, so to speak,

anarchism to some extent, that is,

the transfer of power to lower levels,

while the federal level will be, so

to speak, well, um, an additional

element, while power itself will still

be, let us not forget, self-government?

But that is not anarchism. I

have consistently argued that

the authorities, the Moscow authorities, this

notorious Kremlin, which has taken all

the money and powers and dragged them all into

Moscow, should stop hoarding them and

send money and powers to

the regional level and the local level,

to the cities. This is in no way

any kind of anarchism. It is a

normal system that works in

developed countries. Putin spent

17 years building a different system, and it

went bankrupt. In other words, he built everything

perfectly. There is no money in Chelyabinsk Region.

All the money is taken to Moscow. That is

the plain truth. All your regions

recently had another few percentage points taken away

from the corporate profit tax. But

has it turned out well that there is no

money here for anyone, and that you are forced to beg Moscow

for your own money?

No, it turned out badly. That is why we

look at the European system of local

self-government and understand that the money

that cities earn should remain

here, for the most part. And there is

nothing anarchic about that. On the contrary,

it is an excellent system that

works. That is not an insult.

Please, Sergei Leonov. Sergei Leonov

from Proru. Earlier you were talking about a flying

helicopter, and now you are talking about roads and

so on. Will there be ACF branches in

the regions, in particular in Chelyabinsk

Region?

Chelyabinsk Region is actually an

outpost of the Anti-Corruption Foundation (ACF),

because Valery Zolotukhin, who,

yes, who is even standing here, is a co-author

of most of our investigations

related to government procurement. And he, in

fact, lives in Chelyabinsk and works

from Chelyabinsk, not as some kind of,

you know, Muscovite. And so,

well, he works on the whole country. And in that

sense, one can say with complete certainty

that one of the most

qualified people who understands

government procurement lives in Chelyabinsk. It is just that we

cannot direct his energy only toward

Chelyabinsk Region, where he would expose everyone

immediately, because

the country is large, and he works on many

things, but also on

Chelyabinsk Region among others. We

will strengthen these areas of work in all

cities with populations over one million, and all the more so

here, where, as I already said,

we have more volunteers than in those cities

that have larger populations than

Chelyabinsk. So, as of today,

we have raised 40 million rubles. And that is enough for us

to run the campaign the way we

are running it, based on the strength

of volunteers. Funding is being

provided that way. How much does this cost

the premises per month? Around 60,000 rubles.

So what are our expenses in Chelyabinsk?

The premises cost 60,000 rubles a month. As

you can see, it’s decent. It’s right in the city

center, right? Well,

I swallowed wrong there.

Well, you understand that not all

landlords, when they hear “Navalny headquarters,”

are willing to cooperate or offer discounts. In any case,

we

pay for the premises, we have two

paid positions, and we have volunteers. Fortunately,

that’s a big advantage of our campaign

and no one else has anything like it. We

have a lot of people willing to work

for free. That’s why our expenses are

low, and we can run the campaign

relying only on the money

that volunteers send us. Next,

yes.

Agaryuk, Moskovsky Komsomolets (a Russian newspaper). Alexei

Anatolyevich, well, um, six people were

sentenced to fines as a result of

taking part in the protests on the 26th. Won’t it

turn out that in the end they’ll have to

pay that money out of their own

pockets? How will their situation be handled?

Second, what about the people who lose their jobs

as a result of

distributing your campaign materials? Well,

there seem to be quite a few of them,

Well, I don’t know, you would know better.

What is your position on them?

Our position is as follows. First of all, I

hope that everyone who was detained

was registered with our headquarters. We

are raising money, and of course we will pay

the fines through a general fundraising effort for everyone.

That’s the first thing. Second. You had a rally here

on the 6th, right?

Was it authorized or not?

No.

Did a lot of people come out?

A great many.

More than 3,000.

So there were a lot of people. And the authorities

were saying they would arrest everyone,

detain everyone, disperse everyone.

But in practice, what happened was that our poor

Tabalov was arrested just a few

days after the rally simply in order

to try to disrupt

my visit here. And even in Moscow,

despite all the horror stories and despite

the thousand people detained there, only

80 people were actually jailed for a few days.

The truth is that it’s impossible to

repress large numbers of people.

What they really do is grab one

person and then point to him as a warning to everyone else.

Look, we locked him up for 15 days,

to scare everyone else. Or they

make an example of someone by firing them, although in

reality there aren’t large numbers of

cases of dismissals or

persecution. On that note, I arrived

from Tyumen yesterday, where I was opening a штаб (campaign office). There

in Tyumen, there is a schoolboy who

was handing out leaflets, and the police

came to his vocational school, and apparently

raised the issue of expelling him. But that

matter was resolved successfully. We

protected him, and we will protect him, just as we will all

the others. But it’s important to understand

that, fortunately, this is not such a large

number of people. They frighten many by, uh,

going after one or two individuals. The real

capacity of the authorities for mass

arrests is limited. Again, fortunately, I saw your

nice paddy wagons, and when Lena Marus was approaching

the rally—Lena Marus, who is originally from

Chelyabinsk and is the art director of the Anti-Corruption Foundation (ACF)—

you see, those are close ties. She was walking and said,

“I didn’t know we had

paddy wagons here in Chelyabinsk.”

Well, now Chelyabinsk does have paddy wagons,

but there are only three of them. How many people

can you cram into them? When

thousands come out, it’s impossible

to fight them. And that is exactly what we

are counting on, because, well, go ahead—

repress all of Chelyabinsk, go on,

arrest everyone who speaks out against

the authorities. It’s impossible.

A question, again about the rallies.

Did you expect there would be this many people?

Because, well, by many estimates this

far exceeded expectations. And what

do you plan to do next with

this wave of civic activism?

Well, there’s one thing I don’t understand. I’ve heard

the question many times: did you expect it? I don’t

understand why you didn’t expect it. I

did something simple. I went into

the Chelyabinsk rally group and saw that

2,000 people had registered there.

And I understood that, well, roughly

2,000 people would come out in Chelyabinsk. I

am more surprised that we managed to organize it in

eighty cities. And that

goes directly to the question of repression and intimidation.

People wanted to come out, and they did.

So I was watching it. I understood that

the number of people registered in

the group roughly matched the number who

would come out, because people

were registering because they were ready to go

to authorized rallies. And as for

the protest wave,

it’s not some kind of wave

that I organized. It’s simply

what these people are feeling. We released our

anti-corruption investigation. The authorities

are not just ignoring it—they are demonstratively

ignoring everything. And they say, “Well,

we’re not interested at all in what you

think in Chelyabinsk or anywhere else.”

People come out. It doesn’t depend on me.

They come out against the authorities. They come out

against hopelessness, against this

general feeling that nothing can be

changed. They will keep coming out. I will be

part of this process. The next rally is

on June 12. Follow the groups so that

nothing catches you by surprise.

You're next now. Yes. Alexei.

Yes. Ah,

Alexei, it's commonly believed that in Russia,

if you control television,

just the TV channels, you control

public opinion and the country.

How much has the internet changed that situation?

Those videos got 20 million views, right?

20 million, probably even more already including Odnoklassniki (a Russian social network)

even more. I'd like to tell you that

the situation has changed, but that's not really true,

of course, to this day we have, so to speak,

punched a big hole in this wall of

censorship, but television is still

the dominant,

uh, the dominant way of delivering

information, yes, and millions of people are still

being brainwashed, but whereas before they had, say,

I don't know, 99%

of the information reach, and we were somewhere out there

in our blogs, uh, dealing with 1%,

that's no longer the case. We launched our

Anti-Corruption Foundation (ACF) programs of

online broadcasting, which in terms of reach already

rival the biggest radio stations.

When we broadcast the rallies

on the 26th, 4 million people watched them

people. That means we can already

compete with television. We, we

are going to develop this, we are going to build

similar, well, excuse the word, homemade

TV studios, including in the regions, and

and we'll experiment with it. Will

people watch local news of this

kind? But one way or another, let me say again,

the internet has dealt a major blow to

the Kremlin's propaganda machine. That's exactly

why, if you look, all the latest

legislative initiatives from the Kremlin

have to do with restricting the internet in one

way or another. But we'll fight here, we

won't give in that easily. By our tradition,

at every press conference, if there is a

willing representative of the

National Liberation Movement (NOD), I

give him one question. Please,

just one question. Thank you. Yes, I

will try to put this briefly now

all of this. My question is this. Tell me,

please, there are rules that

were written in 1993

for us by Americans,

with an organization called US...,

adopted by the people at the [bell]

referendum in 1993. That is,

the rules are

by the people of Russia,

which, of course, you can look up,

it's all publicly available. That is,

the rules are the subject, the governing subject

in relation to any

official, including

the prime minister and the president

of the Russian Federation. Accordingly,

all officials follow the rules. From this

I conclude that the rules are primarily to blame

first, and only then the people. That

is, people follow the instructions of a system

that was written long ago. And my

question is: what do you think,

are people to blame, or the rules? My

view is that first and foremost

the rules are to blame, and then the people.

Let me ask a clarifying question then.

Do I understand correctly that you believe

that it was American rules that made

Medvedev steal 80 billion rubles and spend them

on palaces? Do you think you could put

only Medvedev there? I think

you could put anyone in that position,

including you or me, and

and then pass it all off as something

Medvedev did. I see, I understand. And

then one question. I don't really understand what

rules you're talking about. Then why

do we need Putin? Why does Putin then

follow American rules?

Because the people adopted them in

1993. He cannot fail to

follow them. He is the guarantor of the

Constitution

and at the same time an American puppet.

No, he follows the rules that

the people adopted in a referendum. Do you understand?

All right. Okay, I understand the question. And then

I want to tell you,

you'll follow those rules too.

You asked a question, let me answer.

So, as a candidate for president of

Russia, I represent the part of society

that does not want to follow Putin's rules,

or American rules, or

French rules, or Zimbabwean

rules. Here in Chelyabinsk, I see

people who simply want to live and

work like normal people. Well, you're

probably a local too, right?

And I see people here who want

simple things, like

a higher minimum wage. I see people

who want, uh, a normal

environment. I see people who want

to buy apartments with mortgages not

at 15% annual interest, but at 2% a year, as in

Europe. So, of course, I have honestly

said to NOD many times: you

really ought to be my most

fervent supporters. I'm not against you.

I'm saying there is a situation, a system. You

just need to understand that.

So, well, when people want

to build a processing plant here and extract

ore, but the company is registered in the

British Virgin Islands. So I

think this is exactly some kind of

murky thing, and they are the real

foreign agents. I don’t like this

Constitution. These rules of yours—this is the

Constitution, after all. Right. Right. Let me once again

say that Russia’s Constitution is bad.

Under this Constitution, we have at times

elected governors, then appointed them, then who knows

what. Sometimes our mayors are elected. You

have a city manager now, right? First the mayor was elected,

and now it’s a city manager. All of it under this

Constitution. First four years, then six, then

consecutive terms, non-consecutive terms. I don’t like this Constitution,

just like you don’t. I very much

hope that Chelyabinsk will at least

vote for me in these

elections. Next, please. Thank you for the question.

All right, [applause]

two short questions.

Please tell us where you’re from?

Ah, Maryanova, the online outlet Otpustnoye

Razresheniye 100. First question.

What is the priority direction of judicial

reform? Yes, you’ve spoken about this more than once.

I have two points. First—

your attitude toward carrying

weapons freely. And the second point is the death

penalty. And the second question is

That makes four questions, or three.

The first one. And now the second question. Very

many people have completely different reactions,

but the question is the same. And as far as I know, you still haven’t

presented

an economic platform for achieving

what you’ve been talking about.

It has been presented.

May I answer?

All right, let’s start with—and if I forget any

parts, remind me. The death penalty.

I am against the death penalty. The Russian

judicial system is incapable of distinguishing

a guilty person from an innocent one. In

fact, 99% of our verdicts are convictions.

At the same time, jury trials

produce, uh, far fewer

convictions—60%. But jury

trials are being reduced, squeezed out, and

pushed aside. So, comparing

these things, I draw a simple conclusion. Our

professional judges imprison 30% of people

who are innocent. We have unproven guilt. And

if we allow these people tomorrow

to shoot people, then they

will start shooting left and right at those

who have committed no crimes at all.

As for

weapons, I believe that normal European

practice could be adopted here.

There’s no need to sell anyone

assault rifles, of course, but short-barreled

firearms for self-defense should be

legalized. And Russians in this sense are no

more foolish than Moldovans, people from the Baltics, or

residents of the Russian Empire before the revolution,

who could quite easily buy

pistols for self-defense. As for

the economic program, you are mistaken. We

have laid everything out in considerable detail, but

we will spell it out in even greater detail, because

the election campaign lasts a year. I

will come here a second or third time. It

wouldn’t be interesting for you if I told you

everything right now, would it? So

moving on, let’s just

Federal News Agency. What do you

think about Maltsev’s detention and

his actions? More generally, is he perceived

as a potential... Well, I

certainly view Maltsev as an

ally. I’ve said this many times, and

our political views do not

match 100%. We are not

politically identical, but what he

is doing now is opposition

politics. Maltsev created an independent

information channel, and that is

the main reason for the hatred toward him from

the Kremlin, because they do not

like it. A person goes on air every day, every

single day, and he is listened to by

120,000 people. They don’t like that. They

believe opposition figures are not supposed

to work with such large audiences.

As for his arrest, it is absolutely

illegal. And the way it was carried out was not just

illegal, but outrageous. In Saratov,

they sawed through the man’s door at night, staged some kind of operation,

with his whole family

at home, and for some reason they started dragging him under

escort to Moscow. And it turned out that he was

being held on an administrative detention. You cannot

saw through doors for someone under administrative

detention. This is absolute lawlessness and

precisely the kind of demonstrative lawlessness

meant to intimidate people. Next.

Yes, please.

Ah, Alexei, thank you for your

investigations, but I’m interested in one

question. Ah, Alexander Fotin, Civil

Media.

Here’s what I’d like to ask. You

recently released a video in support of

the protesting truck drivers. You,

accordingly, are speaking in their

support. But there are groups of people in

Russia who are in an even more

difficult situation. Women, for example. Recently

the Russian Federation decriminalized

domestic violence. And then there are, accordingly,

LGBT people, and, accordingly, from

Novaya Gazeta’s investigation, we know

what the situation for them in Chechnya is right now.

So as a presidential candidate, can you

outline your position on

feminism and rights,

So, LGBT rights?

In fact, you've named two

groups. In Russia, any social

group you can think of is, uh,

unfortunately, intimidated. In principle,

any people who see themselves as

a social group and put forward some

political demands are immediately

targeted by the authorities. As for

women's rights, well, of course, I believe

that the law decriminalizing domestic

battery is a terrible piece of stupidity. Uh,

what does domestic battery mean in Russia? Well,

today the state has effectively said:

"Well, you can beat her once, you can beat

her twice, and the third time it all

turns into a stabbing. This is the traditional

Russian pattern of domestic violence, where people

slash each other with kitchen knives

to death. And to decriminalize that is

absolutely the wrong thing to do. And in

that sense, I am of course in favor of

women's rights, but it even sounds a little

absurd to say that I am, well,

against women being beaten in the family.

But nevertheless, this is Russian

reality. But as for these

reports, I haven't studied them that closely,

but what I have read certainly sounds

frightening—that they are killing, uh,

people of non-traditional

sexual orientations.

And that the authorities approve of it—this sounds

simply monstrous, absolutely insane,

just insane. These are some kind of

legalized executions. Frankly, I

don't really understand why the authorities,

the federal authorities, are still silent on

this issue, but I will look into all this

information in more detail. Well

Can you say that you support LGBT rights?

Well, I support the rights of all people, and I

don't divide anyone into categories. In that sense, all

people, regardless of whether they are gay or not,

whether they love cats, whether they are women,

or men—all people must have equal

rights. There can be no other way.

Yes, please.

Ah, Alexei, could you please tell us what

you think about the reform of local

self-government in the Chelyabinsk Region? In

Chelyabinsk, we now have 170 deputies.

Mm-hmm.

Here, city mayors are not elected;

district heads are elected.

The reform of local self-government in

Russia now amounts to the destruction of local

self-government. Across the country, as far as I can tell,

I don't think there is even a single

major city left where the mayor is still

elected. Even at the level of

settlements, heads of administration are

hardly elected anywhere anymore. And, well, is that

good or bad?

Bad. We can see that appointed mayors,

these so-called city managers,

do a worse job than elected mayors.

An official who does not fear

public opinion works worse than

an elected official. Because how many voters does a

city manager have? One:

the governor. And how many voters does the governor have now?

One—the

president. That is what leads to the degradation of

the entire system. In fact, for example, in

the Moscow Region, something even worse is happening right now.

They are merging these, uh, local-government

entities. In other words, there is a complete

and total purge of this system underway,

because this is the only place where

at least some elections and

political competition remain. Of course, I

am strongly against it, and this is a major part of our

program for developing local

self-government. Please, and soon, as I understand it,

Sergei Udaltsov is due to become eligible for

parole. Will you cooperate with him

after his release, and referring back to the first

question, what about his views as a representative

of the communists?

Ah, well, you put that very nicely. I

hope Udaltsov will be released on parole

early. Yes. We can see that in our country

the practice is that political prisoners

are most often not released on parole

early. I hope Udaltsov

will be released as soon as possible, and with him, as with

any representative of the opposition, I

would of course always be in contact. Yes,

please.

Hello, Alexei. Uh, Boris

Zolotorevsky, from the publication Portfolio

Youth. Please tell me, this is

a question about lustration. Many supporters

are compiling lists of officials,

police officers, and judges. Some have even proposed adding

Judge Markova to them, who, in my

case, fined me 10,000 rubles for attending

the rally on the 20th.

Yes. But you say that

lustration should proceed not by

individual names, but by certain levels. That is,

it is a general process. So, could you explain

your position on this?

It's very simple. Look, what is

lustration? It is punishment without guilt,

when we simply say, for example, all

people in blue shirts,

you will never again be allowed to enter

headquarters. That is an example of lustration: punishment

without guilt. We say, for example, all

leaders of United Russia

will never again be able to hold top

public offices. That's one thing. But your

Judge Zolotaryova doesn't need any

lustration; she issued an unlawful

ruling in your case.

An unlawful one. I'm sure you will appeal

have already passed. Right now we're talking about the c

regional court

once you get through it, once you get through the appeal, we

will file an application to the ECHR for you. If

the European Court, which is part of

the Russian judicial system, issues

a ruling that in Zolotaryov's court it was unlawful

that Marko brought charges against you, and you, excuse me,

please, that Markova unlawfully

subjected you to criminal prosecution.

So what? We'll simply imprison her for

violating the laws currently in force. She

prosecuted an innocent person

for a crime. That is an active provision of

the Criminal Code. And all these people, all

these judges, all these organizers of

attacks, beatings, and everyone else,

no illustration is needed. They must

be held accountable simply under the laws currently in force.

That's all. My friends, thank you

so much. I was glad to speak with all of you

here. We just need to start making our way

to the plane. I was very glad to be

here in the Chelyabinsk region. I'm very glad

that everything went so calmly and well. And

even the police were today

super friendly toward our

campaign office. Unfortunately, though, one

campaign office chief was, I repeat, detained. But

otherwise they were very, very

friendly. Thank you very much. Very glad

to see everyone. I will come to Chelyabinsk again

many times. Thank you.