Alexei’s speech in Yekaterinburg in December 2011 came at the very height of the first large-scale “For Fair Elections” protests. At the meeting with supporters, Alexei talks about the early successes of the RosPil project and how phenomenal crowdfunding shattered the myth of Russian society’s passivity. With irony, he describes the helplessness of Dmitry Medvedev, the self-styled “anti-corruption fighter,” and calls on local activists to join the tedious but critically important legal fight against theft in government procurement.
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So there’s no need to go into

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all sorts of weeds, background, and so

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on. So I’d just say

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a few words about kickbacks, and then

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we’d move on to questions, because

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practice shows that this is the most

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interesting part of the program.

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Now, kickbacks—

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how much is stolen through public procurement in our country? We all

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remember President Medvedev saying,

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how much?

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A trillion.

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A trillion. Exactly right. What is being done

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to preserve that trillion in some

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form? Nothing. In other words, here

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at the level of rhetoric, they say: "Oh,

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a trillion, a trillion, our trillion is gone,

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how are we going to save the trillion?" But

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absolutely nothing happens. Take

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Luzhkov, for example, right? At every level

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it was said that he was a terrible scoundrel,

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that he stole everything, that his wife is a billionaire—this

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was said on television. Horrific,

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exposé reports. Medvedev

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said it, Putin said it too. And

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what came of it? Not a single criminal case was

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opened, and, uh, there isn’t even

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any serious investigation under way.

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Resin, yes, the Moscow construction complex,

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so much was said about it—watches worth

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a million dollars, and so on.

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Nothing—he is still

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the first deputy mayor of Moscow, and absolutely

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nothing is happening. Your favorite

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governor, Misharin, excuse me, is another

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fine character. And the things he does,

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he does completely openly. And

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absolutely everyone sitting in this

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hall knows, including about

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Volkov’s latest investigation

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into that wonderful case involving

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a candle factory, a plywood plant,

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which exists only on paper, but

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nevertheless somehow miraculously

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receives budget subsidies. So, uh,

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we see no real action from the authorities in this

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regard at all—absolutely

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none.

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Just rhetoric. And

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not very convincing rhetoric at that. At the same

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time, there is this rather

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remarkable thing called Federal Law No. 94,

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which, broadly speaking,

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gives citizens

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the anti-monopoly service, really anyone

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the ability to monitor the public procurement

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process, find these

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corrupt tenders, and fairly

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successfully challenge them. Even under the conditions of

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our completely trashy

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system, where everyone controls everything,

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all the crooks control

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other crooks, and so on. Even in

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this system, these tenders can be successfully

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canceled. So the idea arose, rather

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spontaneously: why don’t we just

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organize a group, monitor all this,

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and get these tenders canceled? But as usual,

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the idea was born, and then for a long time all of this

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was chewed over somewhere in the comments,

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and nothing happened, because there are

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lots of ideas: let’s do it this way,

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or that way, or let’s also

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build a beautiful crystal palace.

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Well, nothing happens. Until

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a wonderful fellow named

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Pavel Sinko, who lives in

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California,

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works in Silicon Valley, simply

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wrote us a letter: "I’ve already done everything,

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I built the website, I made the

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framework, so here you go." And after that

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we had no choice but

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to announce it. And after that, things really started

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to snowball, because I wrote on

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Twitter that we were testing the site, and

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within four days, 1,000

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people had registered there. That is, 1,000 people

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registered for the monitoring group—

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people who were ready to look for these

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public procurement cases. And as experts, several hundred

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people registered there

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as well. So in a sense,

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the birth of the project was also a kind of

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pressure from the public on us. Like,

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you said you were going to fight

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corruption in this area, so

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go ahead and fight it, because we’re already completely

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ready. As of today,

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2,000 people are registered in the

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monitoring group, and about 300 people in the

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expert group. And the question arose that

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we needed to recruit lawyers. And lawyers need

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to be hired on a professional basis.

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Because what is a lawyer’s job? Speaking as someone

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who does this

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all the time: a lot of people think

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that fighting corruption is something very

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romantic. That I’m out there walking around in some kind of

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dramatically billowing coat. And that

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it’s all very cool. In reality,

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it’s very boring work. Basically, all

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the time you sit there writing things, paperwork,

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filing complaints against someone, and no one

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pays attention to you, so you complain again.

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It’s endless paperwork. An office

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buried in papers, outgoing mail,

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incoming mail, outgoing, incoming. It’s very

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tedious and very unpleasant. So, uh,

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volunteers can’t handle all of it. And

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when I get yet another

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hundred-thousandth-millionth letter saying, okay,

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like, I’ll help you fight

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corruption—well, everyone seems to think that I’m

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going to hand out Parabellums (pistols), right, and we’ll

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go out somewhere and lie in wait for

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corrupt officials. In practice, it

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means: sit down and write. Sit and write,

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Of course, everyone is basically too lazy. So we

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immediately decided that these lawyers had to be

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hired for pay. And then this, uh,

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moderately crazy idea came up: why not

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try raising money from everyone?

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As you know, I wrote about it. And

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as you know, in 6 days we raised more

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than $100,000, yes, more than 3 million

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rubles. And right now, uh, the most astonishing thing

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is not even the amount, although that was the goal

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we had set for the whole year. What’s astonishing

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is the number of transactions — there were

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more than 7,000 transactions, which means

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at least 6,000 people, as of today,

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have sent in their money. And in that

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sense, it’s not even just that people

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helped the RosPil project — they

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helped the RosPil project, and so on.

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The most important thing that happened for me

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was that the myth of some kind of

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social passivity among the population,

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the atomization of society, and so on, was completely destroyed. In other words,

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this whole line you hear from all our

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opposition figures and just public

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activists, who are always whining that society

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is so passive, that nobody follows us,

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nobody comes out anywhere, and in

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the comments everyone is eager to argue, but

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actually doing anything is impossible — well,

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when a person takes their own money,

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and on top of that deals with this fairly idiotic

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payment system, spending a huge amount

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of time just to give away their money,

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basically to someone unknown and for

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some unclear purpose, with no guarantees — that is a far

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more real act

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of civic responsibility,

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civic courage, civic

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action, and so on. So now we

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have raised money so that

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the project can exist for at least

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a year. We

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are now going to start systematically tracking down

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a huge number of these tenders.

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We’re going to start challenging them methodically. And

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today, in that sense, we need

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help — significant help from the regions.

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And what happened this morning, this

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meeting with lawyers, made me very, very

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happy, because not only are

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these people absolutely professional, but

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they immediately said: "Here we have

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a tender underway for, uh, the renovation of a school,

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the governor’s old school, for which

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550 million rubles are being spent. It is completely

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obvious that this is the cost of two schools in

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a city with a population of 30,000. Yes,

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30,000 people. And right now you have a tender

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posted for 6 billion rubles for the construction

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of an interchange.

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An interchange where we’re not saying that

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we can state right now that

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a lot will be stolen there, but judging by the fact

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that the tender documentation doesn’t even include

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the design and cost estimate documents, and

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so the proposal is basically: well, you come in,

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build who-knows-what, and put down hundreds

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of millions of rubles as bid security.

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So it’s obvious that it has already been decided who

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will build it. And if it’s already decided who will

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build it, then we have every reason

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to believe that it has also already been decided who

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will get how much in kickbacks for it. I can see

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that this group is absolutely ready, right

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now, to work on these tenders and is

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completely ready to, I don’t know,

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get them canceled even without any help from us.

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And in that sense, I would be very glad

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if you, among other things, would somehow

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join in this work and

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get involved in the RosPil project in all sorts

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of ways, because, uh, we need

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experts, we very much need

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expert analysis. For example, this is how it all

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works. Recently, you sent us

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a tender, and I’m going to write about it on

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my blog — it concerns the purchase of, uh, rifle scopes

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for the needs of the Ministry of Defense. How do you

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make sense of these? I mean, it very much

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looks like these scopes, which at a price of

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80,000 rubles apiece, are being bought for 180,000.

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At the very least, in a store the exact same

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scope is sold for 80,000. The state contract

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proposes buying it for 180,000. So I

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accordingly write on Twitter: is there, well,

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maybe some of you saw it, is there

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a specialist in scopes? And I get a lot of

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jokes in response — ha-ha, yes, about scopes.

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At last you’ve moved on to real forms

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of struggle. You need scopes. Uh, well,

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the jokes were fine, but what I really need

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is an optics specialist who

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will take this tender, break it all

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down piece by piece, and prove that it is the same

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scope with the same technical

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specifications. If it costs

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80,000 rubles retail in a store, then

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it is perfectly obvious that wholesale from the factory

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it should cost 60,000 rubles. So

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buying it for 180,000

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looks, to say the least, very

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suspicious. And so on. In other words,

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what’s needed here is very professional

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help.

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