Alexei Navalny’s speech at the opening of the campaign headquarters in Biysk


Guys, come on, let's go talk together.
Hello, my friends. We are not afrai
all right. Please tell me,
I come to every city. One second. I
organize debates, and on top of that I
allow people to ask a few questions.
If you want, please go ahead,
how much did your betrayal cost?
Tell us.
No, look, if you have
a leader, I don't know, of the Cossacks or
whatever, you do have an organization
leader, right?
All right, I suggest either we hold
a debate—it’s awkward to stand here and make a scene in the park,
right?—or come over,
and ask your question, whatever is more convenient for you.
The thing is,
Are you the head of the organization?
Yes, of course.
We'll talk later.
There are a lot of them, we won't touch that,
let's stay calm, everything is quite
friendly.
Don't be afraid,
don't be afraid, don't be afraid.
You have support here in Biysk. You are
supporters of NOD, right?
Supporters of what?
Against the State Department.
Right. Excellent. You are against the U.S. State Department.
You can see that there are people here who are
my supporters. Right. And did you
notice their age—your age,
interesting,
Yale University trains
leaders of color revolutions.
Medvedev stole your money, and I wrote
about it. Of course Medvedev is stealing from you.
Medvedev—Medvedev is the chairman
of our country's government. Don't touch with
your hands. Calm down. I'm asking you. Let's
make this much better if we
speak one at a time, right? So
I'm suggesting to you, guys, if you're not
afraid of a conversation, then come on, I'll
talk to the staff now, and we'll organize a debate.
You speak, I speak, everyone is comfortable.
If you want—look, even if I'm inexperienced,
yes, I'm absolutely not afraid to answer
any questions. What am I,
Excuse me, we need preparation—where
were they paying $32,000 a month?
Don't touch with your hand. Don't touch with your hands.
The preparation consisted
Yale University is, well, Yale
University is an educational institution where
I studied in the United States.
And why? What can Americans teach a Russian?
Who gave the recommendation to the
university? May I ask a question?
Go ahead.
Let me introduce myself right away. I am Isaev
Vladimir Ilyich.
Only I'm alive. The concrete one is over there with us.
Well, you
What does that have to do with anything? Put it away.
Wait. There will be war. War. Well, I don't
know, guys, you tell me yourselves, who is going to
fight?
Why, why is it that in your team, in the team,
it's all young people?
Why?
Excellent, let's ask that then. Let's
ask why it's young people.
May I ask another question? There is nothing in their
life experience anymore. Look, let me—I'm already on
a pension. As a pensioner,
I'll answer you, guys.
What is your name, what's your name?
You asked, and I'm answering why
there are young guys here: because in the city of
Biysk there are no roads. What nonsense are you talking? We need
roads. I'll build roads, of course I will
build roads.
Who did I destroy, or what?
Of course, people like you did. I destroyed
the officers'...
all that...
put Putin in the presidency. Chubais
works for your Putin, heads
Rosnano.
That whole crowd that carried out
privatization—their sons are in America.
Explain to me why, why
you received non-grant funding
about Yale University. Let's
continue. Yale University is
an educational institution. I studied there. Who
gave it? Yes. People like Guriev, Kasparov, Albats
various people—Albats is a citizen of the United States
of America.
Well, nonsense, what difference does it make? What kind of
difference? A big difference. These are not our
people anymore.
Ask away, I'm quiet.
She was a citizen of the Soviet Union,
then moved to the United States.
May I ask the audience a question,
how do you get citizenship? She probably gives
it to the United States of America. I am not a sir,
whether in wartime or in
peacetime. She is always ready to carry out
any order.
Anyone who becomes a citizen.
Listen, I came here to Biysk,
Navalny is here in Biysk. And you're talking to me about Albats.
Did she give you a recommendation
My name is Dmitry.
She gave recommendations, and she is ready to come out
in wartime for any, any
assignment from the United States of America.
Kasparov gave the same recommendation.
Yes. And there were also two other people.
Why are you filming like that? What are you filming, a crow?
So, those who took the oath, probably,
gave a recommendation to the States.
you are defending an interest.
Anatoly
Dmitrievich of the Russian Federation,
May I answer?
You asked a question? I'm answering. Anatoly
Dmitrievich, standing before you is Navalny
Alexei Anatolyevich. He is a citizen
of Russia, lives in Moscow in the Maryina district in
a prefabricated apartment block. And he came here to Biysk
in order to speak here in Biysk about
fighting corruption, to say that
the Putin regime is robbing you,
to say that everything here is falling apart.
Here in Altai, damn it, the official salary is
21,000 rubles. But in reality it's much less. You
do agree that salaries are lower.
Lower. Explain that to your friend. You
asked me a question. I was keeping quiet. Now let's
have you keep quiet. Wait, wait,
wait. So let me ask you, I'm
explaining in answer to this question that I came
here because all of you are being robbed and
I am being robbed in exactly the same way, along with you. And I
came here because in Russia
a huge number of people are against this.
And here in Altai Krai, judging by the fact that
United Russia gets such
a small percentage here, one of the lowest in the country,
one of the lowest, there are many people like me
here.
And who threw brilliant green at you, sonny? Go on,
get out of here.
Hell if I know. That's exactly the point,
I still... Good for you. I actually
am grateful that you're standing here and speaking,
because most of Putin's
henchmen throw brilliant green and run away.
ques
this company
there was no MRD company. In short,
my friends,
It's silly to stand in the corner in the snow, right? Let's
do this. Either, if you want, we'll have a debate,
or come to the meeting, you can ask
any two questions, as many as you like. Or
come, or if you want organize it here,
you can speak here, right?
You haven't answered one question. Why
do citizens of the United States of America give
recommendations to the children's university?
Explain,
why Kiselyov trashes America, while he has
a villa in America and vacations there.
None of them is a U.S. citizen or
a person who was given, a person who was given
recommendations, was given recommendations in
these matters. There.
Yes, no. I'm not the one telling you not to shut your mouth
.
Listen, Putin's daughters live
abroad.
They live abroad. So what, is that a lie
or not?
It's not a lie.
Listen, Medvedev uses your money
to buy a vineyard in Italy.
Fine.
And he makes wine out of
And he makes wine out of it,
you understand? And you're telling me that
your roads are in such terrible shape because
Medvedev is buying a vineyard in Italy.
Let's touch on the Constitution. What do you have?
Excuse me. Just wait a second.
We pay $1 billion daily to
America.
With $1 billion, we'd fix all our roads.
What's your name? I've met Anatoly Dmitrievich. And what is your name?
Lidiya Arkadyevna. Here's the phrase: leave
your roads. Our roads are for us. Excuse me,
of course. Excuse me, of course. Here in
this city, you are not the only one living here. These people
who have gathered also want to walk
on decent roads. They do not
agree with you, understand? We, you see,
Alexei, know perfectly well that you
are working off someone's money. You understand,
that you've filled people's heads with nonsense.
Once again.
Aren't you ashamed? You have two children
and you're selling your... I'm showing you,
that Medvedev is investing your money
in...
Come and ask questions.
We are telling you
the question. We're asking now. We are telling you
that. Mm. Not one question
are you answering. Come on. State the question clearly
and give a clear answer to it.
A clear question.
Do you believe that the Constitution of Russia
is the constitution of a non-sovereign state?
I absolutely do. Russia's Constitution
is a bad constitution, and together with your
leader, deputy Fyodorov, on this point I am
100% in agreement: Russia's Constitution...
So, the articles of the Constitution.
Which articles would you repeal immediately?
What exactly would you do? Say you're president,
you've been elected.
No, you can't talk like that. Which articles
would you repeal? You should already be ready. You're running for
president. Let me answer. You
won't be able to hear my answers if
you keep chattering nonstop. This person
asked a normal question. Do I consider
the Constitution the constitution of a sovereign
state? The answer is no. Because under
this Constitution, sometimes the president is elected,
and then he stays for many years. Because
governors used to be elected, but now
they are appointed. Because city mayors, including
yours. You no longer elect
your city's mayor. And your personal
sovereignty has been taken from you, stolen. And under this
Constitution
Billions of dollars are being siphoned out of Russia
and transferred abroad.
The Cypriot state has effectively become
the owner of the entire Russian Federation.
So yes, of course, I’m answering you.
Do you know who wrote
the Constitution for us?
Who wrote the Constitution?
Yeltsin, who appointed your Putin.
The one who appointed Putin.
Yeltsin personally wrote it.
Well, I don’t know, there were some people involved.
More specifically, future president, you...
don’t know such things—wait, I’m talking to
him.
Let’s do this. All right, I answered your
question about the Constitution. May I
ask you a question then?
You didn’t answer me. I also want to add to
this question. What are the main, what
are the main features, the articles of occupation in
our occupation Constitution?
Please name them.
Are you ready to hear my answer?
We are.
The main features of its occupation character. Are you
ready to hear my answer? You asked
the question. The main articles—just a second.
Go ahead,
so,
well, tell us
one second. So,
the occupation articles in our
Constitution are those, those articles...
Just give me the article numbers.
The entire Constitution is occupationist,
if an occupation regime sits in the Kremlin.
That’s all. That’s all. Because
the authorities are occupationist in essence.
You should know these things. Which articles?
It’s just a question, a simple question.
Your future president named them. Are you really going to
just keep shouting by yourself or what,
Why wouldn’t we? Let him answer. He’s the
future president. He doesn’t know.
Look, there are a lot of people standing here with you.
And I’m not even saying that you’re here,
well, you clearly came because you have
certain views. I’m not saying that
you were paid 300 rubles each, but the fact that
you keep talking and talking and talking all the time,
makes it seem like people have nothing
to object with. Go on, we’re at least asking specific
questions.
May I ask you a question? One simple
question for everyone. Do you like corruption?
No,
So corruption doesn’t suit you?
And the fact that I fight corruption—you don’t
like that? You’re only fighting for
corruption. Not for all of Russia, only for
corruption.
And at the inter—at the international level, aren’t you
fighting for Russia so that it can be
free? So that it can be free?
A hundred times more than Putin’s authorities do.
I’m fighting to bring Russian money back here
from Switzerland and Cyprus.
I do that, you understand, not Putin. I write to
the Swiss prosecutor’s office and demand:
"Return the Russian money." And Putin does not
do that. Why?
Did Putin jail Geizer?
Aryona
He did.
And Vasilyeva—did he jail Vasilyeva? No
he didn’t. And did he jail Serdyukov? That’s it.
Medvedev...
after Serdyukov. But there were new weapons. He was
something else.
It’s just impossible to talk over this. All right, I’m glad
to have spoken with you. If you want to
ask a question, please come to
You didn’t answer any of these questions. We
understood that you are deeply... Alexei. Alexei,
one more question. Alexei, one more
question. Come
A short one. You asked us
whether we were paid 300 rubles each.
No, he didn’t say that.
I said no. I said no. That you were not
paid.
I said that it’s also obvious from looking at you that
you weren’t paid anything. But over there, 300 rubles are being paid.
Well, I mean, you provide them with your crowd extras,
which, of course...
I don’t doubt that you came here
because you have two children.
I came here because I have two
children, because I want your
Kremlin, I don’t know, admirers not to
keep bargaining. They’ve been bargaining it away for 17 years.
If salaries here in Altai
were 100,000 rubles, that would be a different matter. Who’s next there?
Oh, my friend, he worked for Putin in the
government
Nakashin’s little son
a billion dollars.
If it is leaving, then why are we paying it?
Explain that. Because
Is Putin paying, or am I paying this tribute?
The system is built that way. So,
then why doesn’t Putin change it? Putin? Why
won’t he change the system? Isn’t it because
under the Constitution as a citizen
he is obliged to?
Then, my friends, I don’t understand at all
why you’re not standing with a picket against
me. Stand with a picket for me,
together with me. That we do not want to pay
tribute to America—you won’t be able to...
then first and foremost you should vote for me
not for America’s protégé
someone trained in the States will not work against
America, that’s how it works
I was already about to leave, but I can’t help
asking you the following question then, to those
standing here
one second
Do you think you can sell off the country quickly?
I published an investigation and found that the mayor
of Nizhny Novgorod had an apartment in Miami
and apartments registered to his mother. Explain to me why he
is still mayor?
Well then, explain how you manage
to find all this?
An open registry. You search by last name. It’s an
open registry.
All right, come by if you want.
A cottage development. Build yourself a little dacha there
there, anti-corruption fighter.
And here too there will be a real
election campaign. The campaign
for the mayoral election
in 2013—with volunteers, leaflets,
young people, and so on. I don’t know, probably
someone watching closely there thought, here
this will never happen. The exact same
campaign. This summer, the same campaign,
the same clubs, the same canvassing, the same
canvassing, the same headquarters, the same everything. That
is, that’s why we came here, for
that’s why we’re opening this headquarters, because
Biysk, Barnaul, Kemerovo, Novosibirsk—all
the cities we’ve traveled through over the last
3 days are equally important to us. In all
the cities where very many
voters live who support the
values and the program
that we are running on. This headquarters has a
specific practical task, and a
difficult one at that.
So,
coordinator Vadim Ostanin—there wasn’t enough room for him.
.
So. And in front of this campaign headquarters, a very
small one, you can see that, overall, we
treat the donations
you send us, which are sent to us
from all over the country, carefully. We’re renting
not luxurious premises, but for work
this is exactly what’s needed. People will work here, here
they will work and process things,
prepare for the collection at the end of December—100,000
signatures.
So what do you think, is 100,000 really
signatures realistic?
Well, that’s it. Get out there,
and basically, we win. The campaign
will be a success. Woo-hoo.
And Vadim will talk with
volunteers, with those who signed up as
volunteers, to understand who can help with what,
who can distribute leaflets in their building,
who can
do it at work, who is ready in the summer to campaign at street booths
who can help with a car,
who doesn’t know yet,
who doesn’t want to,
they don’t want to.
Why fight? They’ve already bought everyone off at the border.
That is, the headquarters will talk to everyone and
figure out how each person can help and what is needed
from them. And then it will keep working with
those who left their information on the website,
invite those who are ready, verify this
information,
run it through all the databases so that everything is
in order. So that by the end of December, when
the real signature collection begins,
all the lists will have been prepared in advance,
properly assembled and certified, with only
the actual collection left to do.
Otherwise, it can’t be done legally—to collect
300,000
between December 25 and January 10. Well,
that’s not an accidental setup. If all this isn’t
fully prepared in advance,
perfectly, then it can’t be done. But
of course we can do it, because right now we already
have, I don’t know, about 100 people
or more. So a substantial part of the
task already looks solved. So that’s the point.
Remember this address: Ploshchad 93.
For exactly a year, this will be the center of
political life here, and we hope
for much longer than a year. And after that,
in some form, this headquarters will continue to
exist. And we must collect these
signatures, we must persuade everyone. We
have a chance to do it, because we
have the right program. And as for the
program and the ideas, Alexei can explain them much better than I can
himself. Candidate for President
of Russia, Alexei Navalny. Thank you
very much.
Thank you very much. Thank you so much, guys,
for coming here. I’m very glad to be
here. And I sincerely apologize for my
appearance. Though just now, as I was coming back from those
debates, I was walking past and there was already a line,
and I heard someone behind me say:
"Well, he’s not actually that green."
I’ve already learned a lot about folk
medicine—scrubbing it off with lemon,
with formic acid. Well, I’ve gotten a little
lighter. But
most importantly, I genuinely don’t understand this:
as I understand it, your governor
Karlin organized that attack there.
Do they really think that this will change
anything? I mean, I came here simply
because I am against thieves in
government. And as I understand it, you are
against thieves in government too. That’s
right, isn’t it?
Whether I’m green, or they paint me orange,
or I’m my usual standard pink, or
yellowish because of some people working in the
office—none of that matters. I will still be
against these thieves. And I will still never
stop and never calm down. Because,
I see injustice.
I see that life, in general, is arranged
the wrong way. At those same debates, they
those NOD activists (members of the pro-Kremlin National Liberation Movement) told me a remarkable thing,
who, by the way, as you can see,
are far fewer than us, right? But even so,
they think they are the authorities,
that they represent the state. They say: "Why
did you come here? We don't
need you. And we don't need a fight against
corruption here. Do you need a fight against
corruption?" Yes,
that's exactly the point: the whole country
needs a fight against corruption, but through
television, through their radio, through these
little stooges of theirs, they go around
telling people, trying to convince the whole
country that no one here wants a fight
against corruption, that no one wants change,
that everyone is perfectly satisfied, like the woman who told me,
said: "Leave our Biysk
roads alone."
Well, aren't they your roads too? They are my
roads too, and I drive on them.
I understand that there isn't a single country, even a
somewhat developed one, not a single country
in, say, Eastern Europe, where
there are roads like this. There are simply none
anywhere.
And yet somehow, in our country—a huge, rich
country full of oil, with
140 million people, with an Academy of Sciences
that built the atomic bomb and constructed
nuclear reactors—for some damn reason we
have roads that look like they've been bombed.
How is that even possible?
They are completely serious,
you understand? It's a paradox.
They criticize my program when I say
that in Russia people earn
low wages. They say: "No,
they don't earn low wages.
No one in Altai earns 20,000 rubles.
They don't even get that much.
Exactly. Tell me, please,
do you know—whether personally or among people you know—
anyone who earns 20,000 rubles
or less?
20 or less.
Good.
There are people who earn 17,000 and
less.
There are people who earn 15,000 or less.
Guys, thank you. I'll keep raising this to the very end.
This is a national catastrophe.
They can say whatever they want about me on television,
but I know the truth—I travel around the
country. I understand: this is a national
catastrophe when people in our country
don't even make $300 anymore. In no
country, not even in Eastern Europe—I won't
even mention Western Europe—does anything like this
exist. You can't live like that. I just came from
Novosibirsk.
People there were really upset because
utility rates had been raised, and even the raised rate
in Novosibirsk
is still lower than here in Altai.
And this is such a simple but
horrifying thing: people earn
15,000 rubles and have to pay for housing and utilities. How much?
How much do you pay?
Seven.
You see, they claim that supposedly everyone
pays two.
Well, where did they find people who
pay two? If a person
If a person earns 15,000 or 20,000
and pays five or six, how can they
live? How can they get medical treatment? How can they
possibly
Man, I need to make you vice
president. You keep saying everything for me.
I got carried away there. What I wanted to say is,
that
and all this is happening not even against a backdrop
of, you know, general poverty everywhere,
where there's nothing. It's not as if prices for oil
collapsed and that's that. This is happening against the backdrop
of the astonishingly luxurious lives of the entire
Russian elite and top ruling circle.
You've seen Robbie Williams's "Party Like a Russian" video,
haven't you? How does it look to them,
to foreigners? There are the Russians,
throwing money around, riding around on
yachts and everything else. But we see this
life differently. We see the lives of these Russians
in a completely different way. And we see that this
oil money—where does it go? It goes
into all these palaces. It goes into
yachts. And nothing at all is left
for us here. So it's not just that we don't
live very well—we are genuinely poor. And
what the authorities are offering us is
the stability of poverty and the stability
of destitution. Because for the last
four years, people's real incomes have
been falling. Every year
they fall. And they can't do
anything—I mean the Kremlin—to make them
grow. It's impossible now, because if
incomes weren't growing in 2013 when
oil was $120 a barrel,
then at $55 now they certainly can't
grow. We are guaranteed stagnation,
setting everything else aside. That's why I'm running this campaign,
but I'm 40 years old. I plan to live
for quite a while yet. I have children.
And I hope they will live in Russia. I
want them to live normally, like
human beings, to elect their own mayors. Do you
want that for yourselves? Do you want to elect your governor?
What is it—are we somehow unworthy? I don't
understand. All over the world
they say, "No, residents mustn't be given
the right to elect a mayor—those idiots will choose the wrong one."
That's what they think.
We'll elect a normal mayor. Why can't we
elect the governor? Why
can't we elect the president? I was recently
in Yekaterinburg, and there's that
Yeltsin Center there,
where all sorts of relics of the 1990s are. And
one of those relics of the 1990s is
a ballot that says
presidential election ballot,
it says Yeltsin, Zhirinovsky,
Yavlinsky, Zyuganov. Yeltsin was replaced
by Putin, his appointed successor, and that was it,
everything stayed the same. What the hell kind of
relic of the 1990s is that? I see a lot of
young people here. You’ve probably all spent your whole
lives with this.
These are not elections.
And the fact that they haven’t managed it for 17 years
means they will never manage it
ever. I drove into Biysk, and as I was driving along the
road, all I saw was advertising.
Loans, credit lawyer, help with
bailiffs. Credit lawyer.
That tells you that people are
flat broke, taking out all these
loans. They can’t pay them back,
because wages are minimal.
And against that backdrop, who watched my...?
How unpleasant. And as for
I love you. Just think about it
just think: actual charitable
foundations—and 70 billion rubles were pumped in. 70 billion
rubles. That’s several times more than
all charity across the whole of
Russia raises over several years. In other words, all those
kind, compassionate people who
chip in money for operations for
a girl, a boy, who help, who buy
medicine—they raise less money
than these thugs stole just for Medvedev’s
palaces. And they’re pointless palaces—he doesn’t even
live in them. He goes on that yacht
twice a year, and on Instagram they
post photos of fireworks. He came to one
place, hung out there for a week, then to another
place, and they spent 70 billion
rubles on it. With that money, we could have paid for
every operation needed by every child
who needs one, and probably, in general,
for every person in Russia who
needs a paid operation—we could
have done that with this money, but instead it was just
spent on Italian vineyards.
That’s why I’m running in the election, and that’s why I travel
around the country looking for people who think
the way I do, and I feel close to that here. I
have found such people in you as well, and I’m
very grateful that you came here.
Because, well, it’s important to show everyone
that we are the main political force. They
have nobody at all. By the way, here you
on
wife
on Crimea.
And they didn’t even organize it, because
come on, tell me yourselves: have you seen
even one rally for United Russia where
people came of their own free will? Usually they
say everyone comes voluntarily,
but they’re forced—they just herd in
state employees.
But in reality, we are
the only political force where
there are volunteers, where people come
for free, where people—in fact—
how is our campaign funded? You
send money. So people pay,
and then they also come and work.
They say, “We paid you—can we now
come work for you?” And we’re the only ones who
do that. And that’s really great, really cool. And
it actually shows that we are
the majority, strange as that may sound,
we represent the interests of the majority,
because every point in our program,
is the program of the majority. Fighting
corruption, fighting illicit
enrichment, a minimum wage
of no less than 25,000 rubles for those who
work full time,
taxation for oligarchs, not for
small businesses. Everyone agrees with
that. It’s just that over the past 17 years, politics
has disappeared. No one believes in anything anymore.
There were journalists here at the beginning. I
asked, “So what’s going on?” They said
everyone just thinks that now there will be
more of the same.
Indifference. Exactly.
As far as I,
and that, therefore, is the main goal
of our campaign. We’re not fighting Putin
himself. Who is Putin? Well, he’s just
a man accidentally appointed by Yeltsin.
Simply a cunning, lying, cynical man who
clung to power and is ready to do anything
to stay there. But he remains there
not even because of election fraud, but
simply because of one phrase: “But nothing
can be changed.”
I encounter it even among supporters.
There’s always someone who comes up and
says, “Well, Alexei, you’re absolutely right,
good job, let me shake your hand,
let’s take a picture.” But nothing can
be changed.
Come on, be honest—it can’t be.
Yes, it can, for God’s sake. Why can’t it
be changed?
Along with that phrase, “nothing can be changed,”
there always comes another one:
that Russians are the stupidest,
the worst, the most doomed? I
don’t believe that. I don’t think I’m worse
than any Finn, or any Canadian, or
any Pole, or any Estonian,
or than those Russians who live in
the Baltics in large numbers. There,
average salaries are 500 to 1,000 euros,
there are decent roads, there is no
oil, they elect decent
mayors, and everything works there. But here, apparently,
all we have is drudgery and the phrase “nothing can be changed.”
It means only one thing: that then we
admit that we are a doomed people,
a doomed country. We will live in
poverty, our children will live in poverty, and
our grandchildren will live in poverty, traveling
on roads that are not at all
like roads.
I refuse to believe that,
of course, everyone is already fed up with all of this.
That’s it. The future
is the most important thing. It is the political
system, it is a vacuum where no one does
anything. The city’s main
political force has gathered here. And in fact
I can see some ironic smirks there.
I’ll answer. I said this at the meeting
before. I’ll repeat it here. So, we
ran focus groups—not in Altai (a region in Siberia),
but we did conduct several
in Novosibirsk, and we asked people:
"Guys, how do you actually find out
how, from where, and for whom to vote, what’s
going on in politics?" What information
do you have about politics? What do you think
they answered?
Television. What else?
The internet, the media, newspapers, radio. But in
first place, it was always
that’s right. I have this one friend, and he
tells me everything.
That is the single most important source of information about
politics. Every one of you must become
that kind of friend.
And this cannot be overstated. People, in
general, are good and wonderful, but they
mostly follow those who lead them
forward.
Therefore, we must become the ones who lead
forward. All change is made by 1%
of the enlightened and engaged population in
any country. There are no
revolutions in which 100%
of the population takes part. It is always 1%. No
positive change ever comes from
100% of the population—it is always 1%. Here, we can
believe in our own strength, believe that
we can easily win people over if we start
working properly.
There is no one here to support.
There is not a single person here whose
salary is 18,000 rubles (about 18,000 RUB) or even a kopeck more.
Not a single person. Russian
healthcare is very good, and let it
remain that way.
That will not happen. We are the hope
of all Russia and the main program for all
of Russia. Let us believe in this ourselves. This is not
optional. Simply because they
are historically doomed. History develops in such a way
that these people
came to power,
and there they are, some last for years,
some last 17 or 27 years, but they are still
doomed anyway, because humanity
has already figured out that in a democratic
system people simply become richer, that there is
a direct relationship between corruption and
wages. That means the less corruption there is,
the higher incomes are—absolutely. It’s simply
100% certain. Therefore, in the fight against
corruption, there is a direct benefit for every
person. And this needs to be explained. Simply
explain it, clarify it, explain it. People
will hear us, and we will get 51%.
86%.
Thank you very much. I’m ready to answer your
questions. You can still remain standing.
That’s not fair to you. It seems to me that right now you have all
gotten stuck in an awkward spot.
Everything is clear.
the biggest force
all of me
that’s what I was taught
That’s how they do it in America.
All right then.
Buddy.
I know,
what happened.