KHABAROVSK. The Secret Mansions of the Man Who Put Furgal Behind Bars

Hi, this is Navalny. We investigated the person

who orchestrated the takedown of the Khabarovsk

governor, Furgal. Everything there is top-level:

classified estates,

undeclared land holdings, and the family

nest. We’ll show you all of that, but first

let’s talk about what is happening in Khabarovsk Krai

Many people think everything there happened easily

and simply: the governor was arrested,

and all the people took to the streets for him

and against the Moscow authorities. But in fact,

this is a long, drawn-out battle

between the region’s residents and the Kremlin. That is exactly

how it should be viewed.

The Kremlin, Putin personally, and Putin’s

appointees running the Far East

hate Khabarovsk Krai and its residents

because time after time they defeat them in

elections. And the beginning of our story is

September 2018. Putin

actively supports a candidate named

Vyacheslav Shport. Shport is a member of the Supreme Council

of United Russia. He had already become

governor in 2013. He won

incidentally, against the same Furgal.

So they spared neither money nor

TV airtime nor administrative resources for Shport.

However, the region’s residents told Putin then

something he very much did not want to hear: your

power

has gone bankrupt. We will not vote

for your candidates. And in the second round,

Sergei Furgal defeats the United Russia candidate

Shport, receiving 70 percent of the vote.

That number is very important, because

a few months earlier there had been

presidential elections, and Putin got

66 percent in them. And he did not forgive Furgal for that.

Yes, of course, we have many

governors who get 70 or 80

percent — meaning, however much was fabricated,

that’s how much they got. But Furgal was

against the authorities and against United Russia, and

still he got more votes than

Putin. From that moment on, Furgal became an enemy, and there was

a special person

organizing a war against him. That is

Yury Petrovich Trutnev, Putin’s plenipotentiary envoy to the

Far East, a man who by virtue of his position

oversees

all the FSB, the Investigative Committee,

the police, and so on in the Far East.

More than that, a decision was made to punish all

the region’s residents, and for that purpose

a symbolic measure was carried out: the capital

of the Far East was moved from

Khabarovsk to Vladivostok. Thus

the people of Khabarovsk were punished, while at the same time

helping United Russia’s candidate win the election in Primorye

— Kozhemyako. And this

initiative was pushed through by

Oleg Kozhemyako, the acting governor at the time.

One of the first to support this idea was Yury

Trutnev.

The presidential envoy. Because you have to understand:

this was not just Khabarovsk Krai by itself;

the entire Far East would be

very unhappy. So, after the 2018 elections,

Furgal became an enemy. Then came

the 2019 elections. We remember them

very well because

we organized Smart Voting for them

so there would be fewer United Russia deputies. Hi,

people of Khabarovsk, this is Navalny. On September 8, in

your region, elections will be held for the city

duma of Khabarovsk and the legislative duma

of the region, and the combination of Smart Voting with

the fact that the region had a governor not from

United Russia led to a striking

effect: United Russia lost absolutely

all seats in the election to the city duma

of Khabarovsk.

And in the legislative assembly of

Khabarovsk Krai, they came in second.

Why did this happen? Very simply: only a minority votes

for United Russia. Smart Voting

helps the majority avoid

splitting their votes and give them to a single

candidate

and win. And a government that does not

belong to United Russia does not

falsify the results.

Whoever won, won. And it became

a tremendous slap in the face to Putin’s власти from

all the residents of Khabarovsk Krai.

After that, the Kremlin says, “Go get him,” Yury

Petrovich. And the very next month,

together with his investigators,

operatives, and men in black

caps, he starts going after Furgal.

Furgal.

Using the methods of our authorities, they

fabricate criminal cases, carry out searches

at the Amur Steel plant linked to Furgal’s family,

and arrest his aide

Nikolai Mistryukov. Then, in November

2019, the famous

dialogue between Furgal and Trutnev took place. The recording

was obviously made by Furgal himself, who

says: “You launched an attack on me.

The people will defend me.” To this, Trutnev

tells him plainly about

the main problem: Furgal’s rating is rising,

while Putin’s rating is falling. “You are simply starting

deliberately

to destroy the ratings — the rating of the authorities,

the rating of the government, the rating of the president.

And they are doing it entirely correctly,

professionally. Those are your own people from Moscow.

You said that a movement was forming,

‘Let’s defend the governor’ — so the population is

defending you. You don’t want it to look as though

this is what is happening, because by the numbers

the story looks very sad: the rating

of your president is falling.” After that,

everything develops according to the laws

of real politics: Furgal publicly

tears into officials. Most of

which United Russia members use to boost

their ratings.

There are no Black people here, you see, so you think that

if we there

have stirred up certain people and pumped them full

of information through the press and everything else,

the federal authorities, on Putin's orders and through

Trutnev, are going after Furgal through

newspapers and criminal cases, and then

there come

yet another election—in quotation marks, this is

the nationwide vote—and it is super

important for Putin, and he hopes that

Furgal

intimidated by the criminal case, will organize ballot stuffing

the way it was organized across the country, but he

did not do that, and turnout in the region was 44

percent, one of the lowest

figures in the country.

But the instruction was to fabricate something around 80

percent. I mean, what does that look like?

From the Kremlin's point of view: we're great and powerful here, while over there

in the middle of nowhere in the East, a bunch of insolent serfs

numbering 1 million 315

thousand people, under the leadership of their

governor, over the course of several years

in a row, in three elections, have publicly humiliated us

and are setting a bad example for everyone else.

Drunken scum. Why won't the federal TV channels

show the rallies? NTV—why would they, and why should they?

Why should they show them? And if they do show them, it's not

in the way you would like. For example, all this

all this drunken scum out at night—Furgal

must answer for it. His arrested

assistant, a man named Mistriukov, is sitting in

a cell in Moscow. He has cancer

and is not being given painkillers.

A person in that situation has nothing to lose.

He will give any testimony against anyone.

And he is giving it—the main witness for the prosecution

is Mistriukov.

Someone like Mistriukov is being crushed in Lefortovo (a Moscow detention prison), six

meters—while his wife begs you to...

but Putin... while under anesthesia...

under surgical intervention

for only two hours, having lost 5 kilograms, and they got him to

give testimony against Furgal.

He had been his associate, his partner. So for

refusing to talk, or for false testimony

they intimidated him so he would get a plea deal instead of prison.

Or take Karpov—he writes that

Furgal was involved in murders from 15 years ago,

and Furgal is immediately

arrested and also taken to Moscow

by plane, and then they begin trying him

in a closed court, and everyone understands why:

there is no evidence.

And if the trial is open, and especially if it

takes place in Khabarovsk, then everyone

will see what a fake was cooked up

by the FSB and the Investigative Committee under the direction of presidential envoy

Trutnev. To be honest, I am sure that

law enforcement would never

have moved to detain a sitting

governor if they did not have one hundred

percent ironclad—well, and then

you know, the streets of Khabarovsk and

Komsomolsk-on-Amur and other cities

filled with people. The scale of the demonstrations

was such that, for Moscow, for example, it would

have meant some 700,000 people, and this

went on for several days in a row.

Nevertheless, Putin decided to get even for

the humiliation and, in turn, humiliate

the residents of Khabarovsk Krai

He appointed a new governor for them—

Mikhail Degtyarev, who before that

had only seen Khabarovsk on the 5,000-ruble banknote

(about $50–55 USD).

I'm also preparing to fly into space in twenty

twenty-one; the program has already been approved

for a return capsule, a private spacecraft,

the company KosmoKurs—and Elon Musk can take a rest.

In general, Degtyarev was my

opponent in the Moscow mayoral election and

got two and a half percent then.

Think again—he ran in the Moscow

elections.

He got 6.5 percent. Thousands

of people are marching through cities in the Far East and

shouting: we need a local governor, we

want to choose him ourselves—and Putin, with a

smile, appoints one of Zhirinovsky's boys

from around Vladimir Zhirinovsky (a Russian nationalist politician).

stop kagari sonnets pink refinements

through good by strength by... I, as the future

mayor of Moscow, also guarantee that with

Muscovites I will go out every week—this is

a classic, the Russian soul demands

weekly communication, weekly into the arch...

They received Degtyarev accordingly, and I

hope that this public humiliation

the people of Khabarovsk will not swallow. I brought with me

an icon of the Mother of God of Oran.

[applause]

boif

close aides

But all of that was a very long introduction

to an investigation about another person. I

have called on, and continue to call on, everyone to support

the residents of Khabarovsk Krai

in whatever way they can, and this is our support.

In essence, the confrontation is unfolding

along the lines of the Far East versus Putin.

In practice, this means presidential envoy Trutnev, carrying out

Putin's will, jailing Furgal and trying

to restore United Russia's position in

the region. What happened, happened.

The governor of Khabarovsk Krai or whatever, but

the entire machine of regional administration

must work. Trutnev himself, by the way,

is a member of the party's Supreme Council and one of

the country's leading United Russia figures. In 2013,

Trutnev was appointed presidential envoy to

the Far East.

This is exactly the kind of case where you do not need to be

a political scientist to understand what he

is doing—it's right there in the job itself.

it is stipulated that the plenipotentiary representative

of the president—that is, he is the very embodiment

of Putin, specifically for you, dear

residents of Khabarovsk—he answers to no one but Putin

himself.

He carries out his personal orders and plans and, on

his behalf, deals with your problems and

appears before you as the embodiment

of lawfulness. He is very honest and upright

and will punish those who violate

the law.

So let’s check whether Yuri

Petrovich Trutnev has the right to tell you

residents of Khabarovsk, how to live. I believe that

the work of

the leadership of Khabarovsk Krai

is poorly organized, and I have every reason to say so.

The basic facts: Trutnev has spent almost a quarter century

in public service; he is one of Russia’s most senior

officials, but to the broader

public

he is little known. You in Khabarovsk know him

only slightly better than the average

Russian does.

Judging by the news, he comes to see you as often as

once a year—lucky you—and each time

he puts on an important air while inspecting facilities,

getting reports on a school here, a sambo center there.

But absolutely no one—neither in the Far

East nor in the rest of Russia—

understands one important thing: where does Yuri

Petrovich get his money?

That is the biggest

mystery surrounding Trutnev. There is an anomaly here, a real

anomaly: income for 2018—half a billion

rubles. Sums like that are hard to grasp,

but compare it with your monthly income.

Trutnev earns 45

million rubles a month—that is, roughly

a thousand times more than the average

resident of Khabarovsk. In 2017, Trutnev reported 377

million; in 2016, 357 million; and the same pattern appears in

all the declarations we were able to find.

Since 2006, Trutnev has consistently

declared annual income in the hundreds of millions of rubles,

and with each passing year that figure

only grows. Naturally, we could not

help becoming interested in this—especially since

the question practically asks itself. Just look at the man’s

vehicle fleet: a Porsche Cayenne,

a BMW X6, a Mercedes E-Class, snowmobiles,

an ATV, and so on.

A study of Trutnev’s property shows

us that he deserves a place on the list of the most

well-fed and wealthiest United Russia politicians (the ruling party). But

even after we sifted through

hundreds of extracts, certificates, and documents,

and reread everything that had been written

about the official Trutnev over the past 25 years,

we still did not learn the answer to the main

question: where does the money come from, Yuri Petrovich?

Trutnev went into business in the early 1990s, and

as was common for businessmen of that era,

he did a bit of everything: imported

sports equipment and office equipment,

and opened stores in Perm. His main

money, according to reports, was made from importing into

Russia chocolate, sweets,

Kinder Surprise eggs, and various other

hard-to-find candies. On the Russian side,

this was handled by Trutnev; on the Swiss

side, by Oleg Chirkunov, who at the time was an active

officer of the SVR (Russia’s Foreign Intelligence Service), Oleg Chirkunov.

Incidentally, both of them later became, one after the other,

governors of Perm Krai. But this did not last

all that long: already in 1996,

Trutnev ran for mayor

of Perm and won that election. Yuri Trutnev

does not say much about this period, Petrovich.

His partner Chirkunov then returned

from Switzerland to Russia and, instead of

Trutnev, took over running their business. As for

Trutnev, he embarked on his first

official career, and it went

quite well. Four years later, in 2000, he won

the gubernatorial election and headed

Perm Oblast, which was later

merged with the Komi-Permyak Okrug

to form Perm Krai.

That was what Yuri Trutnev wanted too.

Our views do not coincide together with Rudnik.

We will succeed; four more years there.

Then Trutnev was sent to Moscow to the post of

minister of natural resources, and in

the government he served for eight years. But

after that, as you know, came the Far East.

Is it possible to combine the office of mayor,

governor, and federal minister

with running a business? Of course not. It is

impossible both legally and physically.

Either you govern a huge region, or

you run a business—there is simply not enough time

for both at once. And then there is the conflict of interest. In

short, his business, which by the early

2000s had turned into a large wholesale and retail

trading network, in any case had to be sold by Trutnev,

and he did sell it.

Though exactly when remains disputed:

some say it was back in the late

1990s, others say it was before moving

to Moscow, and on an installment basis. In short, there is no

clarity. But we figured out how to establish it for certain.

Previously, United Russia

used a certain political

technology trick: party lists for

State Duma elections were made up of

popular regional politicians—

well-known, recognizable figures. People

voted for them willingly, and then when they

won, those politicians would give up

their seats

and pass them on to less

well-known minor United Russia members, who

would end up in the State Duma in their place.

Trutnev, too, was used as that kind of

vote-puller. He nominally took part in State Duma

elections twice, even though all that time he was

a minister and, of course, in reality did not.

No parliament was being assembled, but for us

this matters, because every candidate for the

State Duma (the lower house of Russia’s parliament) submits a very detailed

campaign disclosure, in which, unlike in

a regular disclosure,

the full list of shares

they own is also listed, as well as the balances

in all personal bank accounts, so

it’s very easy to verify what exactly was going on with

Trutnev’s business. Here is his campaign

disclosure for 2006: we look at what

he owns and understand that there is no business

left anymore. There is a huge income—4

million—but it seems to be specified that this is

from the sale of property rights. Presumably

that refers precisely to that business.

We double-check the campaign disclosure for

2010.

And no shares appeared, so

for many, many years now

Yury Trutnev cannot have been receiving dividends

from shares in some business.

So where does half a billion a year in income come from? And

with all United Russia politicians, it’s the same

story: Shuvalov, Volodin, Mishustin, and now

just recently Shaposhnikov. Some legend

about a business in the 1990s, then decades in

government service,

and all of them are billionaires. And Trutnev

is exactly the same: there was a business, he sold it

many years ago,

then spent a lot, buying houses, apartments,

Maseratis, Porsches,

but nevertheless he keeps getting richer, richer

and richer, and his income keeps growing

and growing. If you have money, you

spend it, and you have less of it. But if

you’re a Putin minister or presidential envoy,

economic laws work differently.

No matter how much you spend, you just get richer

and richer. So I suggest

that all residents of Khabarovsk Krai and

the Russian Far East begin any conversation with

Trutnev with the question: explain

where your enormous income comes from. What did you

invest in at the end of the 1990s that made

a river of money flow into your pockets, no matter how much

you spend?

And it only keeps growing. One more

small detail.

The perfect description of a Putin-era

United Russia official: a multimillionaire bureaucrat with

an insane income, and in 2005 he

begs the state for an official

apartment—a nice, expensive one, 153 square meters

on Narodnogo Opolcheniya Street—and then he

privatizes it in the name of his 11-year-old son

Alexander. Needy, you see. Tell me,

when was the last time people in Khabarovsk were given

free apartments? But Trutnev got one, and

then sold it to his longtime

business partner—that is, he made money simply

by taking that money out of our pockets. Trutnev, by the way,

still has a garage

in that building. But of course, if you have

that many Porsche Cayennes, you need

a lot of garages to store them. Now

let’s move on to a topic that is especially infuriating, and

we hope it will be mentioned at those

very rallies in Khabarovsk.

Did you know that Trutnev is apparently a super-

important figure, whose information

all the world’s intelligence services are hunting for? Have you heard of

the secret operation to kidnap

the strategically important presidential envoy in the

Far Eastern Federal District? I haven’t, but clearly

such programs must exist, and Trutnev

must be in mortal danger every minute,

because all his property has been classified. You

won’t find it in any official

database. But something tells me

that Trutnev is being hidden not from Mossad, and not

from the CIA,

but from you, my dear viewers from the

Far East, so that sitting in your panel-block

apartments, for which you pay 6,000 rubles in utilities

a month, you would never, under any circumstances,

find out where and how your presidential envoy lives. Putin

is sparing your nerves. I won’t. Look:

the last property record in which Trutnev had not yet

been classified is the record for his house

in Serebryany Bor in Moscow. It

survived from 2016—we’re careful like that. Here

is what that record looks like now: instead of

Trutnev’s name, it says “Russian Federation.”

And then there’s even worse news: this

real estate

the “Russian Federation”—that is, Trutnev—

sold in 2018. And that’s it: now, whatever

Trutnev buys

in the future, it will be impossible to find out about it.

Everywhere, instead of his name, it will say

“Russian Federation.”

At the Anti-Corruption Foundation (FBK),

we take this as a personal challenge—

a challenge from brazen, thieving

United Russia officials who think that little

people like us have no right to know

where they live. We do have that right. We arm ourselves

with Trutnev’s latest disclosure and see that

in 2018, at the same time as

the above-mentioned plot disappears,

a new one appears, and Trutnev has clearly

upgraded: the plot is now twice

as large—72 sotkas (7,200 square meters)—and the house is also twice

as big as before: 820 square meters. There is even

another house as well, apparently a guest house, and

we were ready to turn

all the country’s land registry maps upside down

to find plots with houses like that, but

it wasn’t necessary.

Trutnev’s new house turned up within

a few minutes, because it is located

right next to the old one. First, let me explain

where we are: Serebryany Bor is a

nature reserve in western Moscow,

right within the city limits, a huge

artificial island where

several dozen of the richest people

in Russia, and it’s easy to see why: it’s a wonderful place

about 15 minutes by car to central Moscow, but

at the same time you live as if in the countryside: pine

forest, your own beach, silence, peace

because of its location and natural surroundings

real estate there costs more than on

Rublyovka (an elite residential area outside Moscow)

and here is the brand-new house of none other than Yuriy

Petrovich Trutnev

a three-story wooden terem (traditional Russian mansion) right by

the water’s edge, a huge luxury log house

820 square meters, three stories, and on the property there are also

two smaller cabins for guests and

staff. Let’s take a closer look at

the main terem. It has such wonderful

architecture, just look at this beauty

balconies and terraces, a grand stone

staircase, wood carvings—so very

Russian—and guarding the terem are exotic

animals: two elephants and two antelopes

living in Serebryany Bor is incredibly expensive

look around and you’ll understand why. Right

now, a house half the size and far

less luxurious than Trutnev’s

is selling for 1.2

billion rubles, which means we can safely value his little terem at

2 billion rubles

at a minimum

and now we have important business: we need to

remove presidential envoy Trutnev from office

reason number one: in this column of the

declaration, an official is required to report

all major purchases if their

cost exceeds his income for three

years, and he must state

where exactly the money came from. Trutnev

as you can see, this column is blank

despite buying a new house, his

total income for the previous three years was

888 million rubles, but the

cadastral value of the property he acquired alone was

960 million

rubles; the market value, as I already said,

is over 2 billion. Trutnev was

obliged to report where he got

such a sum from

but he did not. That is grounds for dismissal

reason number two

even more important: let’s once again

take a careful look at Trutnev’s

plot. This is

the 7,019 square meters he declared

see the problem? The plot is actually

twice as large: it is joined with

the neighboring plot of 6,874 square meters

presidential envoy Trutnev is in fact

using the neighboring plot, which is registered to a legal entity

not connected to him, but this

does not appear anywhere in the documents and is not

declared. Look, he even

had a path laid specially from his

house to the other plot. There is no doubt

this is a single property with a total area of almost

1.5 hectares. Here are satellite images

from 2017, before the plot was purchased

by Trutnev: there is no fence. Here is 2018

the plot is bought in April

no fence; in May, still no fence, but the path is already

there; June through August, everything is exactly the same as

today. That means that in his 2018

declaration, Trutnev was obliged to indicate

the neighboring plot that he uses

since that plot is not in the declaration, please

step down, Petrovich

so Khabarovsk and the entire Russian Far East

at the next rally

should feel free to add the slogan: Trutnev

must resign, Trutnev must stand trial. He lies in

his declaration, he deceives, and he has no

right whatsoever to lecture you about life and

lawfulness from his little Moscow nest

we’ve dealt with envoy Trutnev’s Moscow home, but

you know, that’s not the only place

he lives. You might think that

we would now move to Khabarovsk

or Vladivostok, where he works, but

his family nest and main refuge

are located 5,000 kilometers (about 3,100 miles)

from Khabarovsk, in Perm Krai

right here, in the settlement of Polazna, Yuriy Petrovich

was born in 1956, and here, literally

3 kilometers (1.9 miles) away, 50 years later, he

established his family estate

this settlement is called Lukomorye

it is considered one of the most luxurious places

to live

not far from Perm, the place really is superb

on the bank of the Kama River, deep forest, and

wooden houses with not even

a fence between them

we fly over the river and head toward

a small peninsula. At first glance

there is nothing unusual, except perhaps for

this neat hangar and the brand-new

helipad in front of it. And here

there’s another helipad tucked away

small, but quite sufficient for landing a light

helicopter. The mystery of why there are

as many as two helipads here

is solved very simply: the entire peninsula,

the neighboring land, and the buildings on it are

the dacha (country estate) of Yuri Trutnev’s family—their estate

sprawls across almost 3 hectares

there is also a small bay where there are

two motorboats, two jet skis, and some kind of

cool two-story houseboat

with “Dad” written on it. Of course, we looked for it in

the elder Trutnev’s declaration

and did not find it, nor the other watercraft

we saw. We climb higher

and fly a little farther ahead; visible above the trees is a

weathervane sticking up—we’re definitely headed there, because

here

there is yet another, even more elaborate terem (traditional Russian mansion)

knock knock, who lives in the little terem?

the presidential envoy to the Far Eastern Federal

District. The house is well hidden among the trees

but we can still make it out a little

from about 800 meters away, no less

we move a little to the side and see

a jet ski and a building on the shore

Trutnev's son Alexander says on his social media

he calls it

a little bathhouse. Compare the photos — everything matches.

This is exactly the building whose construction began

in 2008, and it was done properly right from the start

on these carefully concealed hectares that we are

flying over, officially leased by a company

that was initially registered in Cyprus

through an offshore entity, and then transferred to yet

another one of Trutnev's sons — the eldest

Dmitry. We also found a recent court ruling.

Trutnev's company was suing the local

Ministry of Natural Resources

The ministry wanted to increase the monthly

rental rate, but nothing came of it.

For the next 45 years, Dmitry Trutnev will

lease 2 hectares of land here

for just 30,000 rubles a month

As you can see, if in Moscow they hide things with the help of

a corrupt Rosreestr (Russia's state property registry)

that simply erases records about them, then in

Perm

he is lord and master. Formally, nothing here belongs to him at all.

Everything is supposedly

state-owned and supposedly leased by his son.

The houses are not even officially registered; nothing

has been formally documented, but everyone knows that

a senior state official lives here

with his dacha, little bathhouse, and helipad.

What we want, Yuri Trutnev wants too.

Our wishes coincide with

Trutnev's — so everything will work out for us.

By the way, as for the eldest son,

Dmitry Trutnev, in one interview his

father, the official, philosophized as follows:

well, ministers' children have to

do something with their lives too, and so his

son is doing something — but in no way

is it connected to his father. I quote

our presidential envoy (the president's regional representative) verbatim:

"My eldest son is an adult and free to do

whatever he wants, although if he does something

in the field of subsoil use / natural resource extraction, then I

would probably be very ashamed." What

fine and wise words. But do you know what

Trutnev's son does? Oil extraction and

refining. He owns a stake in

a joint venture with Lukoil.

And this year alone they received four

new licenses to develop

fields in Perm Krai.

So, by Yuri Petrovich Trutnev's own

words, he ought to be burning with shame

every day and every hour, but

for some reason he isn't. Once again, to be clear:

Daddy spent 8 years as minister

of natural resources, and his dear son

makes money from those very natural resources —

oil and gas.

It must be very hard for him to get

licenses — he must be clawing them out in fierce

competition. The younger Trutnev's business partners are

exactly the same people with whom

Daddy did business in the 1990s. From firms

linked to these people, he bought his

Moscow dacha, and through them he also sold

an apartment. So who, exactly, is in the oil business here —

the younger Trutnev,

the businessman, or the elder Trutnev, the official?

That is the essence of this confrontation.

A gang — a real gang — that

hides behind the name of the United Russia party

or "the party of President Putin's supporters"

— and this gang is simply devouring the whole country. And now in its path stand

the residents

of Khabarovsk Krai, who for their own

reasons started voting against

them, elected their own governor,

refused to falsify elections, and went out to rallies.

And that is a threat to the gang. The gang

is afraid because so many people have come out

that they could tear everything apart to hell

and no Rosgvardiya (Russia's National Guard) will help.

So now they will try to solve this through deception, bribery,

and propaganda,

drag everything out over time,

wait until people get tired, and then

crush the protest and rot Furgal in prison

The protesters' demands

are absolutely lawful and completely understandable.

First: if Furgal is guilty and there is

evidence, then bring him back to

Khabarovsk and try him in an open court. Second:

we want to choose our governor ourselves. And third:

we no longer want United Russia. But

Khabarovsk Krai can achieve this

only with the support of the whole country. Every

one of us must help them defeat censorship

and break through the information blockade,

support any of their actions, rallies,

demonstrations, and strikes. We all

hope they will not recognize Degtyarev

as governor, will not let themselves be deceived, and

will not leave the streets. At the very least, Siberia and

the Far East can hold

solidarity actions and also take to the streets.

In all the major cities there, the mood

is the same as in Khabarovsk, and all these

actions, if they happen, will also need

our support. And most importantly, the Kremlin is now

simply crushing Khabarovsk Krai because

it is the only region where United

Russia lost everything. You and I

must create several such regions.

Do you want it to be like Khabarovsk? Then

sign up for Smart Voting right

now — the link is in the description. It worked

there, and it will work in your city too if we

unite and bring everyone who is against the authorities

into it. In September there are elections in 31

regions, and either we take away some

seats from United Russia, or they will eat us up again.

This will be a long and exhausting

confrontation, but what is at stake is our

This is our country, and we have no other. Subscribe

to our channel and support the free

people of the Russian Far East.