Resetting Putin’s term limits, Simonyan and Keosayan, Yandex under control

[music]

Hello everyone, it's exactly 8:00 p.m. in Moscow. This

means that the program is live on air,

Russia of the Future, and I’m its host, Alexei

Navalny, or the “perpetually unemployed, half-baked

lawyer,” as I was called by a man who

really ought to be in quarantine,

Vladimir Solovyov. Let’s watch these

wonderful seven seconds: “perpetually unemployed,”

“half-baked lawyer.”

They accuse people who work hard

of also earning money for what they do.

money.

The radio program is on. Vladimir

Vladimir Solovyov isn’t showing off, but

the chair is empty because he’s somewhere at Lake

Como. I don’t know, probably there.

Of course, Vladimir Solovyov

who keeps wandering back and forth

to northern Italy, into the risk zone, and back,

definitely ought to be put in quarantine and

tested for coronavirus and everything

else. We’ve got a new feature on the channel. So,

if you’re watching this video live

or will be watching it online later,

scroll down a little and you’ll see

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I’ll start the news with coronavirus.

Coronavirus. It’s clear that what’s happening in

Russia—so much has happened, it’s

been some kind of super-week overall,

really, since the start of the year, just some kind of

concentration of news, and that concentration

of news has reached a peak, although I don’t know,

maybe it’ll go even further

this week. But in any case, coronavirus

is the main global story, and in Russia

as we can see, it has been very heavily tied

and will continue to be tied to politics.

Five minutes before the start of this program, I

learned that Justin Trudeau, the prime minister

of Canada, had been placed in quarantine.

Actor Tom Hanks announced this morning

that he tested positive—he had a positive

coronavirus test, and his wife had the same

positive test. Altogether, at this moment

there are already 124,000 infected, and Angela Merkel

slightly alarmed the whole world when

yesterday, at a government meeting, she said

that

70% of Germany’s residents may

become infected with coronavirus. And right now in

Germany there are more than 3,000 infected, and more than

200,000 tests have been carried out to

detect it. The question is: how many infected people

are there in Russia right now? Twenty-eight people. How many

tests have been carried out to detect it?

Nobody knows. Nobody knows how many

people have been tested, and this, this

continues to be the main coronavirus story

in Russia: that in Russia

hardly anyone is being tested for coronavirus.

What’s more, they constantly lie about coronavirus

and treat it very carelessly. Here’s

a story that came out on the day Putin

announced that he still wants to remain

effectively president forever,

while formally observing term limits—this

story from the Doctors’ Alliance union, which

other doctors called and explained how in

Moscow, uh,

the response to corona-

virus would be organized. Simply because it got caught

up in this news wave, it wasn’t

really noticed much. But pay attention

to how all this is set up in Moscow right now.

In three hospitals they have organized

large wards with several thousand

beds. They don’t call it a hospital

for coronavirus patients; it’s called

for patients with serious, uh, something like

pneumonia or severe ARVI (acute respiratory viral infection). So

we understand perfectly well that these are beds

for those who are suspected of having

coronavirus. As usual in Russia,

everything is always done this way. First, they do all

of it secretly and covertly. Second,

the patients who were already lying in those beds

but were sick with other things—in the

cardiology department first of all—

they were simply moved around,

distributed among different departments, like

gynecology. In other words, some

completely different departments were cleared out.

That’s it. The doctors in the departments that are

meant for patients with corona-

virus were told: you will treat everyone.

And when they said, “Hmm, maybe

you could give us some protective equipment? Because

after all, you understand...”

So they basically set up places

for the spread of coronavirus, because

everyone here will simply infect each other. And then we

will go on to infect everyone else. We

doctors will get infected and just keep traveling around

near the metro, infecting everyone else. And

they were given nothing, so these doctors panicked

and started calling the union

to say: Hello, do something so that it won't be

so that we are given at least some protective equipment.

Let's listen. One of those doctors

is speaking with the union.

We have not been provided with anything.

Almost all the patients who had already been there

the hospital's regular patient profile

couldn't be redistributed across Moscow, so they had to

move them into surgery, gynecology, and so on. And

basically shut it down.

There are no proper protective suits or anything.

By the way, did you hear that the doctor's

voice has been altered? Usually that's done

when there's a secret witness in some kind of

mafia movie, and there's some person whose

face must not be shown and whose

voice must not even be heard.

Because things will go very badly for them here.

The union was forced to do this for the doctor

because when

the hospital management and the head

of Moscow's healthcare system heard

the complaints—that we would complain to the Doctors' Alliance

and they would send the video to Navalny

to put on his program—they simply

threatened them with dismissal and all kinds of terrible

punishments for the doctors themselves and their relatives,

saying they'd ruin everyone somehow, and so on.

That is, basically, for some reason this is

incredibly stupid, but for some reason it's the authorities'

strategy: to keep silent and

to lie. Today there was news that

the first person infected with

coronavirus had died. He had arrived from Italy, and then

some kind of denial immediately began, saying

no, he didn't die from that. For some reason

it's very important for them to say that, because in

Russia is protected by some sacred barrier,

perhaps Holy Korsun (a reference to a sacred Orthodox site) is spreading

such emanations across the whole country, and therefore

coronavirus cannot make its way here. Well,

basically, we understand why, because

how else are they supposed to hold this

idiotic sham vote of theirs,

the April 22 vote, because, well,

the vote

nationwide on April 22 will turn into

the world's biggest mechanism

for infection and the spread

of coronavirus, especially considering that

elderly people will go too. But Putin already

wants these little amendments adopted immediately,

so they are simply keeping quiet about

the number of infected people and just lying

endlessly. Again, why am I saying this? You shouldn't

panic; you need to take

normal

precautions, but you also shouldn't

treat this lightly. The dumbest people right now are those

who keep repeating: yeah,

what nonsense, it was just ordinary pneumonia, there was

swine flu, it's all nonsense, there's nothing

to it. It's not nonsense at all. It's

absolutely real, and first of all

we can see in Italy that it's real. It's not

that there are dead bodies lying in the streets,

nothing like that, but even the Italian healthcare

system simply could not cope.

If, say, in Moscow, all at once there come

3,000 people who have coronavirus, and

if you have coronavirus and you're,

for example, 50 or 55 years old, you need a

ventilator, and there isn't one.

In Moscow there are, well, I don't know how many

exactly—maybe 500 or 1,000. So if

Italy ran out of them immediately, then here

we definitely won't have enough, and in the regions there are

practically none at all—one, two, three per region.

So hospitals will be packed with people.

There won't be corpses lying in the streets, but in

the hospitals there will be quite a lot of elderly

people who could be treated and who

would survive. But for that they need a

ventilator, and there

aren't any. And this can lead to a great many

different problems. So you need to observe

precautions, not panic, but

also not believe the authorities' lies that in

Russia there are only 28 infected people, considering

that they are not saying how many people

have been tested. And on top of that, there's all this

petty, endless lying around

it—so much of it, it's disgusting to watch.

For example, on Rossiya 1 (a Russian state TV channel) there was a segment about

students in quarantine. There was this

touching detail in the segment: these

students, in their dorms, were in

quarantine, and to communicate with the outside world they

were supposedly sending out paper airplanes. But then those

students filmed what it was really like from inside

the quarantine, showing how those crooks from Rossiya 1

those vile correspondents were themselves taking and

throwing around those paper airplanes. Let's

take a look.

They are tossing these kinds of

paper airplanes out the windows, with various

joking messages. And here one of the

students has apparently drawn

the coronavirus. I'm picking up this paper with gloves

just in case.

We're taking the airplanes off the paper.

Fake news in its purest form, some kind of fake news,

petty lying. It's obvious that it's just

to dress up the segment. Here I am,

picking it up with gloves just in case—well,

people really do lie about the small things, and they understand

that it's fairly easy to catch them in

that lie. But the students weren't sending out

paper airplanes—they know that perfectly well. But they don't care.

After all, they're Rossiya 1 news.

a state TV channel will keep receiving

its billions regardless of whether

how much it lies, a lot or a little. 40,000

people are watching us live. I

forgot to say at the start: send your

questions with the hashtag #RussiaOfTheFuture

on Twitter, and I’ll try

to answer them. I understand, I can already see

a huge number of questions right now

about

Putin, about the voting strategy, a ton of

questions.

I’ll get to that in a moment, I just don’t

want to, sort of, pass by an important

story. It seemed incredibly important to me, and

we’ll be feeling the consequences of this news

for a long time, even though today it was kind of, well,

covered by a couple of media outlets, but mostly it wasn’t.

Yandex is our national search engine, our

genuine national pride,

a super-cool company. There are only three or four

countries in the world that have

a national search engine in their national

language. We have one, and we can be

proud of that. And you’d think the state

would be proud too, would promote Yandex,

but our state is trying to swallow Yandex

whole, and unfortunately, regrettably,

it’s letting itself be swallowed, and unfortunately, regrettably,

it is constantly ready to collaborate with this

disgusting state. Well, it’s not as if I’m

calling on Yandex employees to

immediately walk out and smash everything up and

just protest nonstop. But still,

they’re smart, normal guys, and I’m

sure many of them watch this

program. I know for a fact that many people at

Yandex support the Anti-Corruption Foundation

(ACF), and I’m tremendously grateful. But when I

read the news that, uh, at Yandex

they created a foundation that effectively

controls Yandex — it was this kind of

compromise with the state — and

the idea was that the state, which

is very afraid that Yandex, with

foreign influence, might somehow affect

political processes, set up a foundation

that would stand above the company and

control the biggest, most important

decisions: personnel matters, the most important

issues of ownership transfer, and

data storage. And supposedly

the compromise was that we’d

create a foundation made up of respectable and

semi-respectable people, and, well,

nobody would do anything, neither bad

nor good. But now, at the head of this foundation,

uh, yesterday they appointed a certain Elena

Shmelyova, and Elena Shmelyova is known for the fact that

she heads the Sirius foundation in Sochi, uh,

supposedly for gifted children. She was also

co-chair of Putin’s campaign headquarters. If you

start googling who exactly Elena

Shmelyova is — the one who is now supposedly one

of the key people there and is supposed to

control our national

search engine — you’ll find videos like this:

Elena Shmelyova at Putin’s campaign headquarters in

2018, in the most recent

election, which you and I boycotted,

where we held a strike, which was

simply completely rigged. And this is Elena

Shmelyova, who is now supposed to be responsible for Yandex.

Again, she talks about how

people united and everything is fine. Let’s

take a look at this lady, who was in my

region.

Everyone responded very strongly to those instructions,

to those prospects, to that strategy

presented by Vladimir Vladimirovich (Putin’s first name and patronymic).

I was in the corner with Elena Shmelyova so that

NTV wouldn’t get us banned. In other words,

it’s not that I was at Putin’s campaign

headquarters — don’t get the wrong idea. It’s just

one of YouTube’s rules. And, well, it’s

terribly frustrating. Yandex has done

many good things and one enormous

very bad one. If you go to Yandex,

to Yandex.News, you’ll see that there,

basically, are the very same FSB (Russia’s security service)

Yandex has created the biggest

censored media outlet in Russia. It lies.

Yandex.News — these are the news items

that exist in the news, and it’s an algorithm

that suppresses real news. In other words,

it is a very sophisticated instrument

of lying. It was built by cool people who

like drinking coffee from paper cups,

they wear glasses, they have beards, they may

even have T-shirts with funny or

protest slogans on them. We see them at

rallies with us, but they also built

this gigantic tool of lies. And I’m

actually very afraid that with Shmelyova

there and everything else, all of this will just keep

getting worse and worse, worse and worse. So I

just want to say to the Yandex people: guys,

same thing — don’t submit to the parasites. Yes,

they may force you to do certain things, but that doesn’t

mean you have to do them gladly

or do them well. At least, somehow,

show at least a little, a small amount of

resistance, please. Because, well,

once they devour Yandex, that really will be

completely depressing. Shmelyova herself

is the kind of person they use for delicate

assignments, because this foundation of hers —

she’s always talking about

gifted children — but we shouldn’t forget

that her institution for gifted children

was, uh, founded by a certain cellist, the most

famous in Russia, Sergei Roldugin,

who serves as Putin’s wallet. This

Roldugin — you remember him well. He suddenly had $5

billion turn up in Panama

belonging to a simple, just a simple old Putin friend

who supposedly has nothing, the one Putin liked to talk about,

the one Putin used to say about: this is

Seryozhka is just a simple guy, and yet somehow affects

things with his cello.

I don't remember exactly how you're supposed to play the cello.

Forgive me for this, but it seems to me

that it's something like this. Well, okay, fine.

I'll believe that's how it is.

I'm ignorant, sorry, sorry.

Please forgive me, but it doesn't matter whether he plays like this

or like that — he cannot possibly have $5

billion. But he does have it.

We all understand perfectly well that this is money

belonging to Putin — money stolen from

state-owned companies. This is the man who holds it;

he's also the one setting up various foundations

for gifted children. Maybe they really are

gifted. Some of them definitely are.

Talented — remember that famous incident? There was

a scandal when Putin came to visit,

and one of those “gifted children” came out

wearing a T-shirt — he took off his jacket, and underneath was a T-shirt saying

“Navalny 2018.” So all of this

looks pretty dubious. And for us,

personally, it's quite upsetting that in this

dubious scheme

Yandex is now being forced to take part.

I can see Medvedev popping up in the corner here,

which means I forgot to mention

something very important. After all, we

really are forced right now to raise

money in different ways, and we're not

ashamed of that at all. We're proud that

the Anti-Corruption Foundation, Navalny

Live, exists only on donations.

That's why there's also a link there,

and by clicking it you'll be able to send

little ducks that float across the screen, bears

flying out, and so on. It's very important to us, and

we want to preserve this independence, and

yes, I will keep asking you endlessly

for donations like that and so on, but in return

I will know for certain that, yes, as far as I am concerned, and

for all of us at the Anti-Corruption Foundation,

no one gives us orders, no one can tell us

what to do — no Putin, unlike with

Yandex, for example. No one can come and

tell us whether to do this

investigation or not do it — not even

order us, but even wish, ask, or

recommend anything to us. No one can,

because I depend only on you, and I

try to be completely honest with you.

48,000 people are already watching

live right now — that's great. Usually only toward

the end of the broadcast do that many people show up.

First of all, don't forget to subscribe.

Second, I started the broadcast by saying that we have

a new sponsorship button. Click

on it. And of course, about...

And here's Daniil asking: “Alexei, what do you

think — does some kind of control over

Yandex pose a threat to national

security?” Yes, absolutely. Yes, when

a bunch of crooks controls

the national search engine, that is a threat

to national security. But quite

seriously, I believe that the fact Yandex lies

in its news coverage

— you know that Yandex is now the largest

media outlet, bigger than Channel One

bigger than any TV channel. Something like 40

— 140 million people, or 45 million

people visit it daily — that is,

an enormous number of people, tens

of millions, and to all those tens of millions

Yandex lies about what is happening in

the country. That is a threat to national

security, of course. Yes, if some

structure, on the orders of some crooks,

lies, then of course that is a threat to national

security. They suppress news, uh...

our parasites, our beards...

We released

it. For five minutes we celebrated; the rest of the time we

were miserable. Why? Because, well, because

we really wanted to release the investigation.

Margarita Simonyan irritates me terribly, terribly.

That program is unbelievably irritating,

International Sawmill (a Russian satirical TV show). I mean, yes, clips of it

were constantly popping up on Twitter.

I watched and watched and thought, dear God,

this is just disgusting, this is

super vile. Who is paying money for this? But

when we started looking into it and saw that

this wasn't just some pathetic

show made by very

stupid people — Simonyan and Keosayan — but also

simply a source of enormous amounts of

money, we really threw ourselves into this case. We were very

emotionally invested. Simonyan

in the film comes across as this kind of

new-generation liar, and a completely

shameless one — just, basically,

an extraordinarily brazen liar. Remember that famous

tweet? When there were protests in Moscow, she sat there

and wrote on Twitter that

the protesters — show this if we have it —

were using flash-bangs to force their

way through. She was just sitting there, that lying toad,

literally making things up and

writing them down. And now it turns out that quite

possibly she was also being paid

huge sums for it. Because anyone who

watched our investigation through to about

the 30-minute mark saw that she

apparently received 100 million rubles from an FSB fund

— for some reason from an FSB fund. Why? We don't

know. From an FSB fund, 100 million rubles for

“continuous PR support” for the Interior Ministry. What exactly

that means is unclear. I think they

just blatantly stole it. Along with some of those

FSB guys, they simply

split it up: Simonyan took 50, and 50

she handed over to someone else. And maybe those

tweets were probably filed as PR

support for the Interior Ministry. But, I mean,

that's why it was so important to release this. One

of my personal motivations was that Simonyan is a super-liar,

a person who controls a gigantic

a channel with a budget of 20 billion rubles

20 billion rubles, and a channel that

nobody watches

a huge number of Telegram channels

by the way, take note

this investigation into these parasites—you didn’t

see a link to it in a single

Telegram channel, neither praising it nor criticizing it

because she buys up almost all Telegram channels

through the budget of Russia Today or through

this parasitic budget—she buys them

she bankrolls them all. That’s exactly why they

kept quietly silent. I mean, they didn’t even

put out the usual lies about how we released

an investigation and got paid, that someone slipped us

such-and-such amount in bitcoins. After every

investigation—there was recently one about Usy

there was a post, or even when I just said, uh,

you immediately see it spreading through Telegram channels

saying that Lyosha was transferred such-and-such amount of bitco

bitcoins for it. I mean, they just take

some

abstract random amount and write

Navalny released an investigation

and received such-and-such amount of bitcoins this time

but this time there wasn’t even that—absolute, total silence

she controls all the Telegram channels. It’s not

some incredibly valuable asset either—it’s also this kind of

pathetic, marginal thing, completely

artificially inflated, but still involving huge

amounts of money. And she herself

That’s why this was important. She presents herself as

this simple

woman from Adler, I’ve got this big

Armenian family, I love Vladimir

Vladimirovich Putin, I’m just so simple

just like you guys, today I ate

boiled beaver, just like you do, it’s a

dish of Slavic cuisine, I love

shashlik and all that, like, I’m just a simple

woman, I love Putin, but I’m sly, I’m smart, we’ve got

a big channel. Like, I’m a woman of the people

and I’m not ashamed that I

post endless

photos here of us grilling shashlik

this simple life of people who

came up from nothing, from Adler or wherever

from Anapa, uh, from Kuban, and made it through their

hard work and thanks to their love for

our president, now we’re at the top, flesh

of the people. And it was important for us

to show the truth: these are super-rich

people. I mean, genuinely rich people. What

we showed, what we were able to say

documentarily, I’m sure, is only a small

part. This is just what they steal from

one program—good Lord, from just one program

and a few contracts with Aeroflot

they’re simply fleecing Aeroflot for several

hundred million rubles, and they’re fleecing us

because we pay for it indirectly

how much she steals from Russia Today—I’m

even afraid to think about it. But looking at how

openly all this is done, you have to

figure it out: you’re the head

of state television. You simply

take your own studio and hand it over

for filming your own commercial program

and at the same time

Simonyan published this kind of response to us

a very strange one, in which she somehow managed many

times to lie. Let’s take a look. I mean,

she effectively refused

to comment on our investigation because

as she says, at some point I allegedly

said something about her giving birth to her children

in America, even though I never

said that. Well, that’s her method of not

answering questions. She says, “I’m not going to say anything

to Navalny because

he lied that I gave birth in America

to my children.” Twice, out of curiosity, I looked it up

and I never said anything like that. But really,

their theft schemes are very simple

and very brazen, so my assumption is

that at Russia Today they steal three times

more than what we described in our

film. Let me just remind you

of a short clip, uh, one that

struck me. I mean, you make

a program—how much can you skim off it?

I mean, like

15 percent? Some really pushy, brazen people, uh, maybe

25 percent, 35 percent can be stolen. But these people, these people

just straight-up

in true Kuban style. Let’s watch

So now, to make it completely clear, I’ll

draw you a pizza chart. Let’s take one year

for example, 2017. In total, from all sources, the “Sawmill” received

from all sources

223 million rubles. The writers, actors,

announcers, administrators, and everyone

else got 12 percent of that

sum. State-run Russia Today

got only 7 percent for all

production, the studio, and so on and so

forth. The state received 18 percent

in taxes. And this much—

63 percent—was taken by our parasites and

their relatives. That’s what was transferred

to their personal accounts and is confirmed

by accounting documents. And that’s what they’ve been doing

for four years. By our calculations, just

to the accounts of Margarita and Tigran

from the program International Sawmill

there has already been deposited

480 million rubles, and another 160 million will come in this

year

and while I was showing you that clip, they apparently launched

what looked like a DDoS attack on us. Well,

I assume it was her, of course,

who organized the DDoS attack, and as far as I

understand, you can hear the audio fine, but

the picture keeps

jumping around. Fifty thousand people are watching live

right now. So if something is wrong with

the image on your end, it’s not us—there is currently

an attack directly on the program

and there seems to be a link to those donations at the bottom

they dropped too because there was also, you know, that thing there

everything got clogged up

I’m glad — I see Daniil is asking

me: Alexei, tell us what prompted you

to do an investigation into the family of Kis

Simonyan and Keosayan. Well, that’s exactly what prompted me

— I want everyone to know what they’re really

like: parasites, super-rich

people, not some ordinary folks from Anapa

just idle but simple, our-own kind of people —

they are

super-mega greedy, calculating people

who, as you saw from this

scheme, they just — I mean, it’s not that they steal this much,

they steal exactly

as much as their greedy hands can grab

that’s how much they take. By the way, this

scheme here — and that pizza I mentioned

had this funny

consequence. We talked about how

the actress — that funny girl

who

takes part in these, I don’t even know, sketches

if that’s what you’d call them, these sort of funny

little scenes

where she’s constantly mocking

foreigners — we explained that she

was getting only 10,000 rubles

when we saw it, we actually felt sorry for her, to the point of

it being serial humiliation and disgrace, but we thought

they must have arranged things so that they still

pay everyone pretty hefty fees

— it turned out they pay absolutely

peanuts to people and keep everything for themselves, Simonyan

and Keosayan. But, uh, anyway, this

girl — let’s first watch her, uh,

amazing sketch so you can really

get a feel for what she does. Here

— this is the kind of thing she was paid 10,000 rubles for

for one episode. I’ll stay off to the side again

so as not to violate NTV’s copyright, and

joining us live now will be none other than

Admiral Richardson, who will answer for

his words. Wind at sea, storm at sea,

hurricanes howl at sea

and big ships... Good afternoon

[music]

here’s a question

sank again? What? Well, you said “again,” I

said “sank” — Battleship

why did you decide to attack Russia right away

and China? Well, either way, this way we can

blame it on the enemy’s numerical superiority

of the enemy. And how are you planning to strike?

Do you have a plan? Of course we do. Now

everyone has a plan now

— they legalized it, after all

actually, China and Russia are only the beginning, not

for you — China and Russia are only the end

all the best, peace

a sharp geopolitical joke for you

“China, Russia — that’s the end.” It was strange

watching the screen, as if I were on

the show International Sawmill (Mezhdunarodnaya Pilorama, an NTV satirical propaganda program). I wouldn’t

want to end up there, by the way

Maybe — I hope this, this

Saturday, since they even started the broadcast

— maybe I did something. So, this

girl was getting, for this

work of hers — well, let’s be honest, not exactly great work —

10,000 rubles for each episode, and she

first gave an interview where she said, “I’m

completely shocked by what’s

going on. Yes, I really was paid

10,000 rubles. I didn’t think Simonyan

and Keosayan were skimming off so much,” and now she

has even recorded

a heart-wrenching video because

it turned out this girl had left

Pilorama. More than that, she didn’t just leave

— she moved to New York City, and just as

she used to record all those

videos on Pilorama about how Putin is great and all foreigners are

[__], with the same passion, after moving

to New York, she was saying, “It’s amazing, I

finally moved to New York

Real life too

the first of many days in

New York has begun. Right now I’m somewhere

around here in, I don’t know what neighborhood. It’s

a Hispanic neighborhood. Anyway, I’ll show you the way

New York, no

— I came home, you understand, I came home

What a happy girl — she got away from all

that stuff she used to serve and went to New York. And

there she is, just happy. Well, naturally

people wrote to her everything they thought about

that kind of method

of building happiness. Today she

posted a whole video in tears

about how “I’m not a parasite, I just

worked for 10,000 rubles, I was just

working my tail off,” and there she says this interesting phrase

— “our whole country is basically

a kickback scheme.” Let’s watch this tearful

video where of course she’s angry with me

for supposedly setting people on her, but still

the video was worth getting — so let’s

watch

I want to explain something to you. I’m an actress. I

am not a propagandist, I am not a supporter of Putin, I

didn’t skim any of that money, I had no idea

what that program was even about. I was earning

my hard-earned 10,000. I think many people understand me

— many performers who are on the brink

of survival in this city. And what is happening now

— people are writing such terrible

messages, cursing me and my loved ones

People, I was surviving, I am surviving, I am not

a criminal, I didn’t do anything wrong. I’m

just an actress

I’m not trying to make you feel

some kind of pity for me right now. I’m just saying

that we all understand what kind of country we

live in, that we are not living here — we are surviving

Do you know what the most hurtful thing is in this

situation

the situation with my loved ones right now

people might not even shake my hand. If

you accuse me of being a parasite

a propagandist [ __ ] [ __ ] whatever else

you're writing

Then let's, then let's accuse

everyone, including the cleaning lady who works for

International Sawmill. Let's accuse

people who work for the state, but

people who also skim off, siphon off

money from us. The whole state is

about carving up cash. Why should I

have to take this much hate

You're writing about America, like, let's

go after her, let's ruin her life. Hey, people,

for what?

what bad thing did I do? I had a job

to get into character, play the role, and leave

damn, I didn't want to cry

of course, I decided to leave

International Sawmill. Such terrible

threats are being made against my family. Are you

out of your minds or what? How dare you

Why? Why?

I'll survive this hate, I've been through

things like that in my life. I sincerely

thank everyone who supports me. I

won't let myself be broken

what a great tear rolling down her cheek

There, you saw it. If I could do that now

52,000, 52,000 people are watching us live

on air. If I could do it like Albina, then

my livestreams would be twice as

popular, because I would tell

some tragic things, or sadly, and

the same tear would roll down my cheek, but

it's just interesting, the mindset of such

people. On the one hand, really, well,

the person just worked, uh, at a company of

these media prostitutes. She was invited

and told: you'll just be here

dressing up as different people and

spouting strange ideologies. Should she be

hated for that? No, she shouldn't be

hated. But does she have the moral

right, as she's trying to climb onto

a little moral stool, that moral right

to say, how dare you, what am I doing, I

did nothing. Well, I was just surviving

and what are the other 145 million people here

doing? Yes, they're all surviving, but they

are forced to survive because people

like you, Albina, go

for 10,000 rubles, or I don't know for how many

rubles, for any amount of money, ready

just like that to sell themselves and do

the most vile, disgusting

things here, and then go to New York

and say, guys, I'm in New York, this is the best

day of my life, New York is so great

Tigran Keosayan is 5,000 km away, Margarita

Simonyan is 6,000 km away. I'm in New York, I'm

happy. And what about us here? We were left in

the hole with these parasites of yours. Well,

so for us it's completely... therefore of course there's no need

to hate this Alina too intensely

the hate should be directed at the rest of the

parasites themselves. But is Alina a parasite?

You can find her video on YouTube

Albina or Alina? Albina

Of course she is, just a small-scale

parasite, a parasite that parasitizes

there are some big

bloodsuckers, and on them run some

little bloodsuckers. But this whole system is

of course parasitic, because it

does nothing good, nothing

but pulls money out of us on a large scale and in

small ways too, even in the little things. As I said in

the video, I was absolutely blown away by the episode with

that Cadillac Escalade, my God

I mean, once again, what exactly is the scheme here?

Let's first watch a few

seconds, I'll play 37 seconds for you about

the Cadillac Escalade. Margarita Simonyan. I

personally lobbied to put there

a song by Nagan

bought Margarita Simonyan a Cadillac

Escalade

got himself top-level

security like the president's. In it she

goes to work every day, while at the same time

renting it out to her own

channel. For me, in this small

episode lies the whole essence of these people, their entire

parasitic nature: she has already stolen hundreds

of millions, yet she still makes

the state-controlled channel pay her

money to have her driven around in her own

Cadillac by a driver. Nagan has so much money

he doesn't know what to do with it

Also, in that investigation, the reason I

decided to bring up the Escalade again is that there are a huge

number of these side threads. If you

do go to the text, "Parasite

Parasites" on navaly.com, there's a lot

that didn't make it into the video because it would have been

gigantically long. For example, this

driver — you saw his name. The driver

who drives Margarita Simonyan around in this

Escalade — the Escalade belongs to her husband's company

and she rents it out to the state

Russia Today, so basically

then they leased it to a state company, and now we

are paying for this damn Escalade

and that's not all, uh, on Twitter in the

longread that Alburov published on

Twitter, the family of this driver — I don't even

know — she simply used him, uh, as

another money-laundering tool. So

these Simonyan-linked entities transferred 20 million

rubles

20 million rubles were dumped onto the driver. Well,

I assume, I don't know, they

had some kind of arrangement. His name is Murat

Murat, I'll transfer 20 million to you, give

18 back, probably — maybe that's how it was, or

maybe in some other way, but just understand, again

Gromov is effectively the boss over Russia

Today, over NTV, and over VGTRK (Russia’s state broadcasting company), and so

look who we see in the documents

why, it’s the younger darling son of our

Kremlin TV boss, Danila Gromov

the companies of our parasites are paying a salary

to the younger son of the First Deputy Head

of the Presidential Administration, Alexei Gromov

to Daniil Gromov. Daniil is a very young

man, and even before he

turned 24, he had already received from

Simonyan and Keosayan 3 million 100 thousand

rubles

well, our dear grandmother still took us down. I

understand the broadcast was taken down for one minute, and apparently

right before this clip, in one minute the broadcast

dropped. And on such a major video

52,000 people were watching us. Right now

some number of people have dropped off

32,000 people are watching live

they took us down at the moment when I was talking about

the corrupt connection between Simonyan and

the First Deputy Head of the

Presidential Administration, Gromov. I’ll repeat it because

it’s very important. I have no doubt that

it was precisely because of this episode of our

investigation, among other things, that they’re just

running around in circles there, because we

directly proved a corrupt

link, a direct one, between the chief censor

of basically all media, a very

high-ranking First Deputy

Head of the Presidential Administration, who

of course has his own

schemes, and he’s skimming off something too, but I

think, I assume, that their corrupt

relationship—Simonyan, where we found only

a tiny part of it, namely the salary that

she was paying the little sonny—3 million rubles—simply

for who knows what. Most likely they’re carving up

the entire Russia Today budget. I think that, well,

it was kind of a

form of corruption not authorized by Putin. That is,

he allowed them—meaning, steal from this,

steal from that—but they went somewhere else

with it, because of course I have no doubt

that Simonyan has, well, really crossed her own

double solid line of corruption by a lot. I mean,

they let her, like, steal

a million dollars, 2 million, 3 million dollars,

sure, steal—but she steals far, far

more, together with her family. That’s because

it’s done through the most absurd schemes, and I think

that of course for them this is a super

painful thing that happened. And

to wrap up this topic, I of course can’t help but

show you something absolutely astonishing. I mean,

a lot of things happened

that were funny and

not so funny while we were putting out

the investigation, but both funny and

sad was this comment

from the editor-in-chief, the editor-in-chief

of Russia Today, Maria Baronova, whom you

know was a strange person whom

for some reason they called an opposition figure. Why did you

hire her, Khodorkovsky? When

we spoke on Skype, I told him,

“Mikhail Borisovich, you made

a big mistake.” He told me, “No, she’s

supposedly a great, good, honest person.”

Well, Baronova now works at Russia

Today. When Dmitry—when Dmitry called her

Nizovtsev for a comment, there

was outright madness there, including the claim

that I had deprived her family of the right to live

How exactly is unclear. Let’s, uh,

listen to 1 minute 13 seconds

Please prepare your psyche

or rather, brace yourselves

Why did you describe a child

and his right to life, you [ __ ] how much

how much—just

to rack up real [ __ ]

real crimes in reality

participants, participants in horrific deeds for which

for which you’re going

to answer to me

with your own ovaries, I strongly advise you. Thank you

to you, understood, yes, thank you

I got it—it was pretty loud, but basically

more or less understandable. All right, once we sort out

our question, we’ll call you back

the last part wasn’t allowed, Lord

Well, as I think you’ve probably already guessed

Dmitry Nizovtsev now is never called anything other

than “little [ __ ] pod” in the office by anyone

else, and probably never will be

called anything else. But this is, on the

one hand, funny, but also very sad

because we are the ones paying her salary. And I

am sure—uh—100 percent, a large

salary. She earns a salary much

higher than the average viewer of this

program—much, much higher. All of that

comes from our money, and that is

really, uh, a kind of tragedy. 47,000

people are watching us live. I was told

that by now 700 people have already, uh,

clicked the button below the video

to sponsor, to become a sponsor. We have become

a sponsor of the Navalny Live channel, hooray

Thank you very much, that’s very cool. And 50,000

people are already watching live, that’s

really great. So at the beginning I started

to say that for five minutes we felt

really great when we released the

investigation, and then we started feeling

very bad, because, well, we

I mean, we made and released this

investigation not just on the most

inappropriate day of the year, but in the most

inappropriate 10 minutes of the year, because

at 12:00 on Tuesday we hit the button, and

at 12:10 we published the video. At 12:10

something started happening

first they announced elections to the

State Duma, then not elections to

the State Duma, and then it turned out

that Putin was resetting his term limits, and this

train wreck just kept escalating, and it

is still unfolding right now, and it’s some kind of

complete theater of the absurd right now.

In the Moscow City Duma, deputy

Besedina has introduced 50 amendments to

stop United Russia members from approving these

constitutional amendments, somehow

to halt this idiotic, utterly idiotic

procedure that is happening right now, and

right now it’s already 20:46, and I still probably

want to spend some time

talking with you about what is happening and

what to do about it, what problems

we have in connection with all this.

I may be somewhat

scattered in places, because, well, just like

you, I don’t have all the information.

In fact, everything I’m about to

say—for example, the April 22 vote—

no one still knows. That in itself is an absurd

thing, right? Something has supposedly already been scheduled, Putin

speaking in the chamber says: April 22,

come, show up, vote. They’re already

herding public-sector workers there, forcing them

to sign up for this vote, some kind of

campaigning is underway, but even now, first of all,

the date of this vote does not even formally exist yet,

and there is no

procedure for this vote. Listen,

we are changing the Constitution, and not only that, we are changing

it in a completely fundamental way. We

have this amazing situation: the guy has been

at the head of the country for 20 years, he has served, uh,

a whole bunch of presidential terms, and now tells us

just a second, now the Constitutional Court, we’ll

reset all of this for him—what the hell, how are we

supposed to reset all of this? And we’re going to reset it

through some kind of vote, the procedure for which

still hasn’t even been written down. This is

genuinely insane, and it deserves

of course

constant discussion and constant

updates, and our strategy by the 22nd with regard

to all of this, and beyond, will

continue to be refined. But I wanted to start by

talking about

the heroes of Russia. Truly, the heroes of Russia

today were a Buryat man and a Yakut woman—I checked specifically,

it’s not “Yakutyanka” but “Yakut woman.” A Buryat man in the

Federation Council, a member of the Federation Council

from, uh, Buryatia, turned out to be the only

member of the Federation Council—Markhayev—who

went ahead and voted against all

this filth. And the vote in the Federation

Council was important. I mean,

there was enormous pressure on everyone, and yet there was

one person. I’m very proud that

many people from Ulan-Ude wrote to me saying, support

Markhayev in the mayoral election. I supported him,

even though I had never seen him once in my life, had never

spoken with him, was not acquainted with him at all.

I supported him. There was fraud there,

he did not become mayor, but still, the man

went ahead and voted. And then there is this

deputy in the Yakutia regional legislature with a difficult

name which, so as not to make a mistake,

I’ll read from a piece of paper, even if while reading it

I spill water from my cup. Her name is

Sulustana Myraan; she is a deputy of the State Assembly

of Yakutia. So, today in the State Assembly

of Yakutia there was a vote on these

amendments. This is very important, and I’ll speak

about it separately now, because

the procedure is as follows:

the State Duma, then the Federation Council, then approval

by all, all

regional legislatures in Russia—two-thirds must

vote in favor, and this is literally

happening right now. And this deputy in

Yakutia came out and said that the president

has no right to hold all three

branches of government in his hands—an obvious thing, we

all say this all the time, but deputies stay silent.

She came out and said, besides that,

the vote being initiated

is illegitimate; I have nothing more

to do here. I do not want to and will not disgrace my

gray hair, after which she even, simply as a sign

of protest, gave up her powers as a deputy.

I applaud this person, just

bravo.

A decent, honest person,

and not the only one. In Moscow right now

deputies are fighting, and in Moscow, thanks to you,

thanks to Smart Voting, 13 or

14 deputies voted against these

amendments. That is the biggest result in

the country. Well, you can see here—though you probably can’t

make it out—but it says

“against, against.” If in all the other

federal subjects (regions) there was one person, two

people, three people—or there are these

sorts of, uh,

super-deputies—whereas in Moscow

they really organized some kind of resistance there.

Those deputies whom we

elected through Smart Voting—that is super

cool. And these people, uh, really are

the heroes of Russia, they truly are.

Well done to them, and they did not betray us, their

voters. So,

right now there is, and there will be endless

discussion of our attitude toward this

vote—what should be done, how

people should act, how people should vote. Well,

I see posts from various good,

honest people who say, come on,

we urgently need to organize a campaign. No,

we need to organize a vote against it,

we’ll come and vote, and so on. Guys,

we can do different things, and we will do

different things. I would just like everyone to

understand

one thing: nobody reads lawyers.

Lawyers are hard to read; they explain everything in a tedious way.

And yet, look:

Amendments are being made to Chapters Three through

Eight of the Constitution, and these amendments have

a procedure for adoption, and it is also set out in

the Constitution — in the current

Constitution, where nothing has yet

been changed, there is Article 136,

which governs these amendments, and it

states in black and white that these

changes enter into force — let’s read what is

underlined in red — after their approval

by the legislative bodies of no fewer

than two-thirds of the constituent entities of the Russian

Federation. So I have bad

news for you — well, just news: these

amendments have already been adopted today because

all

constituent entities of the Russian Federation have voted.

Take note: all that remains now

is simply a grand show for

deceiving pensioners and deceiving those who,

well, have trouble with legal matters, who do not want

to dig into the legal

details. Putin, the Duma, and United

Russia — they did everything strictly according to

procedure. The procedure says:

the State Duma votes, the Federation Council

votes, then the constituent entities

of the Russian Federation vote, the president

signs — and from the moment when

the federal subjects have voted, all of this

is considered adopted. So what did Putin do?

Well, since all these amendments are

a gigantic swindle, deception, falsification,

exactly, absolutely — a deputy,

a deputy from Yakutia, says that this is

an absolutely illegitimate thing — they

added to it, well, something like a cherry

on top, or tied a bow around the whole thing:

an additional nationwide

vote. It is unnecessary and has

no legal significance whatsoever. Sort of like,

“you can’t spoil porridge with butter,” as they say.

Among themselves, and in legal

discussions not meant for cameras, it’s: we followed the procedure

precisely, everything strictly under Article 136,

plus, well, we just also, additionally,

held a nationwide

vote, and wrote somewhere that it

enters into force after the nationwide

vote. That contradicts Article 136,

but we complied with Article 136, so these

amendments have already been adopted. You need to understand this

very clearly. And everything that happens

on April 22 has, well, political significance.

Because Putin invented a procedure

that is completely false, completely outside

any law, and in that sense it is also important

to understand why I said this is

super bad news. The most important news

is that Putin was afraid to hold

a referendum — a proper referendum, the way

it should have been held. He did not

hold it because he would have lost it

to us, that referendum. So he is

creating some fake, strange

unclear structure, an incomprehensible

contraption in which it will be impossible

to observe, impossible to control

anything. But, for example, do you know

that the voting will last three days? And that

even political parties will not be able

to send observers? Do you know that there

will be no separate accounting of whether people voted

before voting day or on voting day,

or whether they voted at a polling station or

outside the polling station? Why am I

drawing attention to this? Look, we

both

understand that this is a fake procedure. You

must destroy this procedure — that is

our task. We do not recognize it. We

understand that as soon as there are normal

deputies, the first thing they will do — they won’t even

simply repeal it, they will simply

state that all of this that was

adopted was absolutely illegal. But from

the point of view of any lawyer, any

bad one or good one, this is absolutely illegal,

an illegitimate thing, and we do not

recognize it at all. But still, within the framework of this

non-recognition, we of course

will want to document their deception,

their falsification — for example, turnout — and we place

observers, and an observer stands near

the polling station and counts people, and he counted,

for example, 600 people, but in the official record there are

3,000 people. And before, we would say: aha,

let’s look — here you have

the ballots, it says this many people

voted at home, this many people

voted early, we add it up,

we look at what the result was at home,

what the early-vote result was, what

the result was at the polling stations, and in this

way we expose these people for having

falsified turnout, for having

falsified the vote. In this

case, we come and say: here is our

counter, here a video camera was set up, and we

counted that 600 people came in here, but you have

written 3,000. And they tell us: hmm, and do you

know that people voted at home?

We say: how many? They say: we don’t know, it was all

recorded together, all in one

single total. We don’t know how many

of those three thousand voted

at home, and some of them

also voted online. We say:

how many voted online? They

say: we don’t know, we have a single combined count.

Someone voted over the internet, and someone

voted in a shopping mall, because

there too — and we say, what do you mean in a shopping

mall? They voted in a shopping mall. And

people who live

in other regions also voted, because you can

vote at any polling station in the country. And

someone else voted there too, well, like...

in some other way, that is, and

it is absolutely impossible to control

because this is a procedure that is not

regulated by law in Russia, that’s it, that’s it

the elections are unfair. But even in unfair

elections—in the Moscow City Duma elections—I urged people

to take part, and there will be elections in September to

the regional legislative assemblies, and I will

urge people to participate. There is at least some procedure there

of some kind there. We may lose, they may

rig it against us, steal mandates, but there are

at least some basic rules of the game

here there will be nothing at all. If you want

to vote, come and vote, sure

out of principle. I see people writing: this

pisses me off, Putin pisses me off, what pisses me off is that

Putin wants to stay, so I’ll come and

vote

Come and vote, but just don’t

worry that your vote won’t be counted

because, you know, these are not connected

they are not communicating vessels. Here

is the thing where you drop

your ballot or press a button, and over here

is the screen that will show

the results. They are not connected to each other

there is no wire connecting one

to the other, and there is no law that

regulates it. Here you cannot violate

any law; you can do absolutely

anything. And what’s more, look at this

just funny thing

Ella Pamfilova says, uh, answering journalists’ questions,

there are no campaigning rules whatsoever

this is a procedure not regulated

by law, so in our vote there will be

no campaigning rules at all—campaign

however you like. And everyone says, okay, fine, and

there are people running this campaign. Well,

they are calling on everyone: come vote

against it. They made a website that says

come and vote no. And what did

Roskomnadzor do today? It blocked

that website because it said those were

campaign materials. You just said

you can campaign however you want, and at the same time

you blocked that website. So, I mean, there

are no rules, no real voting, nothing at all

this is a gigantic trick designed to

simply scam pensioners. Well, let’s

just remember how all this

actually unfolded that day

because that is also very important in order to

understand why this happened, how

it happened, and it seems to me I was still

right when I said that Putin himself does not

understand what he is doing. I mean, it is clear

that the main idea was to stay in power

forever, preferably to remain in power

forever by some elegant method. Well,

for example, in Kazakhstan, uh, Nazarbayev

headed the State Council there, or whatever it was

he headed; they chose a temporary

president under his control, his daughter then

headed something, and some kind of

system emerged, and it all looked more or less

respectable

Lukashenko in 2004, last year, did something that from

the Kremlin’s point of view was less respectable

he held a referendum, but still

he took the risk and held a referendum, and in that

referendum he extended his own terms and remained

president indefinitely. They tried to do something similar

with Armenia’s president, Sargsyan

or Sarkosyan—Sarkisian—and he turned

a presidential republic into a parliamentary

republic. He also held a referendum

a fake one, won that referendum, but

only when he directly began

trying to become prime minister

that was when they overthrew him, and rightly so

so, I mean, there were various models, and Putin

wants to stay in power but to do it

in some seemingly elegant way

And within all of this, they came up with some

kind of strange scheme. I mean, he both

wants it and is afraid of it, and they started

inventing things and overcomplicating everything because

everyone is trying to guess what

grandpa wants. Grandpa wants power and money

that part is clear. Then they started thinking what to do next

what to offer the old man. They offer him

early elections, they offer him

something like constitutional amendments, a

State Council, and he acts—or rather, well,

he looks at all of this and does not

trust anyone, because power is super-

personalized, and it is hard to do it the way they did in

Kazakhstan. He understands that, well, it

won’t work; the system will collapse, this system

and he is even afraid to do what Yeltsin did

Yeltsin in 1998, in

1999—yes, in ninety-

eight he understood that it was impossible

to stay, and in 1999 he began the whole

successor process. And that successor, Putin, fulfilled

all the promises; in particular, he did not jail

the corrupt Yeltsin family. To this

day they are living very comfortably. So, I mean, he

traded our freedom for safety for

his own people—for his thieving daughter, her husband

the thief—and, well, it all worked out. Putin

is afraid even to do that. He understands

that if he appoints Medvedev or Shoigu or

someone like that, then in three years they will all

devour him, jail him, and in general it will be

who knows what. So apparently, at the

last moment, he changed everything. So, on

Tuesday morning. Why am I now absolutely

sure that there is total chaos and a complete mess going on there?

Because on Tuesday morning, remember how

it all began

the first announcement was: there will be early elections

for deputies. Why? Because one of the

founders of United Russia, deputy

Karelin, the famous wrestler, basically one of the

symbols of United Russia, suddenly

takes the floor in the Duma and says

So, how about this: a new Constitution, new...

new rules there, and we’ll hold an early election...

to the State Duma.

There had been talk about this, so everyone understood

that this was indeed the case. Let’s look at Karelin.

He says it gives us broader powers.

It is obvious that the president

is increasing—proposes to increase—the role

of the party, to strengthen the role of the majority

of our population through representation

in the federal parliament. Therefore, I believe

that it would be fair to hold a new election

to match these new powers of ours.

Thank you very much.

Thank you, Alexander Alexandrovich. Please put your

proposal

into the form of an amendment that

you plan to submit for consideration

in the chamber today. Yes, exactly.

So, you understand, Karelin is not

some kind of clown. Before that, Zhirinovsky

had said, “Let’s hold an early election,”

but everyone thought: well, it’s Zhirinovsky, for God’s sake—he says that

ten times over. And separately, what’s especially

funny is that two weeks before that,

Volodin—the very man who, after hearing

Karelin’s proposal, said, “Well then, let’s

introduce it right from the floor, and we’ll

vote on it today”—I mean, everyone

looks at this and remembers that two weeks

earlier Volodin had literally said:

“Let’s hold accountable

those spreading rumors that in the lower house

there would be new elections.” You see?

He said—who said it?—that

foreigners—sorry, I’m stumbling over my words out of

indignation—foreigners had planted this story,

a fake one, about early elections. Two

weeks pass, and United Russia members take all of this and submit it

right from the floor, right now, all of it

is happening. Everyone understands perfectly well, which means

there was an instruction from the Presidential Administration

because this kind of thing does not happen on its own.

There would be elections soon enough, and then...

then our great female cosmonaut appeared,

who, unfortunately, unlike these people, is not

a Hero of Russia, and she

completely disgraced both the State Duma and

her own biography. She came out and said,

“And in addition to all this,

let’s also—why bother

talking, scheming, being clever? Let’s

simply reset Putin’s terms, and

let him be, all over again, a first-term president,

as if he had just

come into office, as if everything here were somehow

starting from scratch.” Let’s look at Tereshkova.

“I propose either removing the limits on presidential

terms, or writing into one of the articles

of the bill a provision that after

the updated

Constitution enters into force, the sitting president, like

any other citizen, has the right

to run for the post of head of state.”

At that point, things just started turning into

complete trash; all of Twitter went wild.

We were sitting there sadly, wondering who now was going to

discuss Margarita Simonyan when

something this insane had happened. And yet

everyone understands perfectly well that Tereshkova

didn’t just pop up on her own. Have you seen those funny

photos of her with all the general secretaries?

Please show them. Here is a person

whose special job was this: she used to go around flattering Khrushchev,

then she went around flattering Brezhnev,

then she fawned over Yeltsin,

and now she fawns over Putin. And this is

just that kind of specially made person

who was once sent into space. There is

a well-known book, People of the Rockets. Why

I, for example, do not feel the slightest

reverence for Valentina Tereshkova. Yes, she

went to space, the first woman cosmonaut,

blah blah blah, a legend, everyone knew her, of course.

Read that book—it is very candid there,

it describes very well how Korolev

was swearing and shouting that never again

would women be sent into space because of

Tereshkova, because, for example, she

did everything wrong. Absolutely everyone there

among the professionals hated her, but, well,

they had already sent the first

woman cosmonaut into space. So after her,

the next woman flew, I think, only

19 years later—that was the kind of impression

Tereshkova made then on Korolev

and everyone else. I mean, she flew once,

and then for the rest of her life she

did this sort of thing: sat on presidiums

and fawned over everyone. It’s actually very funny.

In fact, do you know what Constitution there was

before Yeltsin’s? The Brezhnev

Constitution of 1977.

Guess who spoke the loudest in the media

and proposed adopting—uh, accepting—

the Brezhnev Constitution of

1977? Valentina Tereshkova. Here are

some very striking articles—please show them.

From the newspaper Izvestia, that old

Soviet paper: “With renewed enthusiasm, we will

work for the prosperity of our

great Motherland, actively participate in

fulfilling the grand plans

for building a communist society in

our country.” She doesn’t care at all, really.

This is Valentina Tereshkova: she stood there and

spoke in favor of a communist society.

Now she is for an oligarchic society.

Under Yeltsin she was for some kind of

slightly democratic society, and in general

she couldn’t care less—she just fawns over

whoever is in power. It’s rather sad, actually.

And now Volodin is running around shouting, “Let’s

defend Valentina Tereshkova from attacks.”

Do we have that video? Let’s show it,

if we have the video of Volodin

trying to defend her

from the attacks that are being directed at Tereshkova today.

These are attacks on our country because it

put forward the proposal that makes

our country stronger and our home

and members of the United Russia party and members

of the Communist Party faction and members of the LDPR faction and

members of the A Just Russia faction. I hope

you will support me.

Everything is being done so that we

can defend the truth. Once again, I want to emphasize

that today, given the challenges that

exist

and

and, if you like, the threats that exist in the world

today.

Oil and gas are not our advantage. As you

can see, both oil and gas can fall in price.

Our advantage is Putin, and we must

protect him.

Awesome, right? That was the best quote from

all those little videos from the Duma (the Russian parliament).

That was just the best quote of all.

That those who disagree simply do not

love the motherland. And in general, our national treasure is

Putin — literally.

The state is me. Just look at how

the level of flattery and servility has shot up.

I mean, Volodin had already set a high bar,

this is really top-tier stuff, and basically our

main national treasure is Putin. So maybe

then we should take Putin and sell him. Well,

we ship oil and gas off somewhere and

sell them — so let's sell Putin instead

for 200 billion, and with that money

we could build something worthwhile. Uh, and that way

that is how the great

value of our nationwide leader would finally be realized. And now,

about this supposed sanctity surrounding Tereshkova (Valentina Tereshkova, the first woman in space),

well, I see even fairly reasonable people

saying, well, it feels awkward to attack Tereshkova,

she's a famous cosmonaut. So what if

she's famous? Today she

declared that those who disagree with me

do not love their motherland. But what motherland do you have,

dear Valentina Tereshkova? A Soviet one?

The one that had just been building a communist society?

Or a Yeltsin-era one? Or

a Putin-era one? No, you have no

motherland. Your motherland is the nomenklatura (the Soviet/post-Soviet ruling elite),

special privileges and some medals

they pinned on you here — that is your motherland. To

our great regret, they sent you into

space. Well then, we should be ashamed that

people who flew into space

— ashamed that the person who became the first

female cosmonaut in the world, the very first,

is engaged in this kind of

shameful filth and has disgraced all of

us by coming in and saying, well,

let's just reset

Putin's terms. Why should we reset

his terms?

He has already been president many times. He has

been in power for 20 years. How do you even

have the nerve to come to us and say, well,

let's pretend none of that happened?

For heaven's sake, it did happen. Fine, okay,

it happened, to hell with it — let's just let him start all over

again.

Well, this person is an enemy

of Russia, really, truly speaking,

an enemy of Russia, because insulting

all people like this is an insult to everyone.

So then, she gets up and speaks,

and Tereshkova — they simply do not

understand what is happening at all. Then it is announced

that Putin is about to arrive, and that

suddenly he will come answer questions,

simply because, of course, on his own personal

initiative, all of this was introduced.

Putin arrives. Of course, he is holding

a prepared speech — apparently he drove from

the Kremlin to the Duma and wrote an entire speech on the way — and

basically everyone assumes, and I do too,

that now he will do

the following: he will support early

elections to the State Duma and

will not agree

to reset his terms, because he cannot

agree to that, since

consistently,

many, many times, he has said that a third

term was impossible, and they staged this whole

mess with Medvedev — consecutive, non-consecutive,

put Medvedev in for one term so that

they could technically comply with that

requirement, and all that.

And Putin's whole pack of cheerleaders kept

drawing attention to it. Even Margarita Simonyan

said many times that the Boss

is of course a tough guy, but

of course he would never break his own

rule — he would not stay for another term.

Venediktov also loves to say that Putin

is a legalist. He follows the letter of the law, so

of course he would never do away with it. Putin himself, since

2003 — let's take a look. In 2003,

how do you feel about the possibility

of extending the presidential

term of office and the possibility of being elected to

this post three or more times? I view

that negatively.

I view it negatively — very clearly

and plainly. Then 2008 comes, and we ask President Putin

the same question. What does he

answer? I was never tempted

to stay for a third term. Never.

From my very first day serving as

President of the Russian Federation, I

decided for myself immediately

that I would not violate the current

Constitution.

How clear, how plain, how firm — never, he said it outright.

He said never. 2008 passed,

2012 arrived, many different events

had taken place — there was fraud, there were

protests, there was a crackdown on the protests — but

Putin still consistently said, quite

clearly, that he would never go for a third term.

the term limit in 2012 could easily have been changed

the Constitution — and I’m talking about myself now

to be elected for a third term, but the Constitution

did not allow it, because in

the Constitution it is written that one cannot be

elected more than two times in a row

and therefore your humble servant did not

change this Constitution to suit himself

left the highest office in the state and

moved to a more modest position, but

of course a very important one for the functioning

of the state

and what is this humble servant doing now?

what has changed? He comes to the Duma, but I

even wrote on Twitter then that, well, I think

that of course this is such a clown show

a performance — he’ll come now and say that

thank you very much, Valentina Tereshkova

I’m very pleased that I have

support; I can see that people love me

we need stability; you know, since

2003 I have said so many times, promised

spoken with the sternest face, the most

convincing voice, that now I simply

cannot, and we’ll somehow do all this differently

— I expected something like that. And what

does Putin tell us, and in a very muddled and

strange way? Let’s listen

in principle, this option would be possible

but on one condition, namely if

the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation

issues an official opinion that such a

amendment would not contradict the principles

and the fundamental provisions of the basic

law, the Constitution. Thank you

[applause]

you can even see that in the hall all the United Russia members

are of course clapping happily, but of course everyone

is in slight shock, because why

then, over all these 20 years,

Because he was asked about this at

every press conference for 20

years, and each time he repeated: no, never

will I go for a third term. And then he comes out and

says, after already being in power for 20 years,

he says: you know, in principle such an

option is possible, only let

the Constitutional Court make such a decision

while at the same time they wrote into these same amendments that

he now appoints the judges

of the Constitutional Court — as if, let

the Constitutional Court, which I, by the way,

will be appointing, consider it and say whether I have

the right to do this or not. And this

well, I mean, of course simply caused

absolute shock among people, and the most

interesting thing is that in this short

speech Putin, to the deputies who, well,

sort of thought, we handed Putin something nice

and he’ll hand us something nice in return

— namely dissolution — for some reason he

it was all agreed; it’s clear that United Russia

introduced all this, and then suddenly he says there will be no early

elections to the State Duma either. Let’s

listen to his position on that as well

Alexander Alexandrovich Karelin’s

proposal on the need for new early elections

to the State Duma

my point of view here is well known: if

the citizens

of Russia vote for amendments to the

basic law, including the transfer of

part of the president’s powers

to the State Duma and the Federation Council

then such changes should come into

force immediately after the publication

of the adopted amendments. And that means the

State Duma must receive

its new expanded powers immediately

But if on this issue there is no consensus in parliament

— and the speaker said there is none —

then I see no need for

early elections to the State Duma

everything changed — that is, obviously they

had agreed on early elections, but while he

was on his way there, they changed something behind the scenes, and he

canceled the early vote. Did you hear those

weak claps from the deputies? Well, because

they were completely in shock. I mean, in that

interval between Karelin’s speech and

Putin’s words, all the United Russia members had already

including Turchak, head of the party’s Supreme Council,

said what a great idea it all was

that this was all very good and absolutely had to be

done, and now they’re sitting there like

they’ve been spat on, because they did something wrong

So why did all this happen? Because, as I

already said, Putin himself does not understand what

to do. He understands the main task

the main idea is to remain in power forever

he wanted to come up with an elegant option. Well,

he realized that elegant options do not

work. It doesn’t work. It doesn’t work

no option works except staying

in power for a second, third, forty-seventh, whatever

term, because he is not sure

that the State Council will work; the whole system is

a wreck, people are poor. They can say as much as they want

on television about how

great everything is and how everything is developing, but

he knows that people’s incomes are falling. They

inserted into the Constitution, in order to

into these amendments, in order to

lure pensioners, a phrase that

sounds good

to equate

the minimum wage to the subsistence minimum

but the subsistence minimum is 10,000 rubles

This means that the Constitution will

guarantee poverty — plain and simple, the most

genuine poverty, nothing else. And even

some pensioners will figure it out

they will understand that this is exactly how it is set up, and

the system will not be stable. He is afraid

to move to the State Council. He is afraid to head

some other structure, the Security

Council, because he understands that he has gathered

such crooks and thieves

such unprincipled swine around him that they

will destroy him. Margarita Simonyan, as soon as

she realizes it will be easier for her to steal

by criticizing Putin, will be the first, through

her channel, on her own Russia Today, to start

exposing him and saying, “So where did

the cellist Roldugin get $5 billion

from?” They’ll ask him that even faster

than I can open my mouth. All these people will come running out

— all these Volodins and the rest of them — and

some governor, um, who

today on, uh,

the Krasnoyarsk governor spouted some

nonsense, explaining that, uh, we must

reappoint Putin and the new Constitution

because it’s like an airplane, and we shouldn’t

discuss it in parts, but simply

either get on board and fly. He’ll be the first

to demand Putin’s execution.

Let’s listen to the nonsense he came out with. How

should one vote on these amendments — as a whole or

on each one separately? It is absolutely

obvious that the Constitution should be voted on

only as a whole. And I’ll give

an absolutely concrete, simple example.

Forgive the analogy: on our

runway there stands a new airplane, and we are

being asked to express our attitude toward

it. If we go down the path of evaluating its

individual parts, we’ll go very — we’ll

go very far. Someone will say,

let’s make it have

windows like the ones in our supermarket

so the view is better, while another

says, generally speaking, it gives me

nostalgic memories of the An-2, so we should

give it crop-duster-style wings, and

a third says the engine should be replaced

with a propeller one, because jet noise

is, let’s say, unacceptable.

In exactly the same way, the Constitution is

an integral whole,

a document whose separate parts

are called... fives and organic

compounds.

What airplane? What windows?

What supermarket? What kind of nonsense is this? Why do they

keep repeating this nonsense in different ways,

repeating it endlessly, over and over?

Because the current Constitution

states absolutely clearly

that if you introduce some issue, it

must be put to a referendum, where

there is a clear procedure, and in that

referendum we would beat them. That’s why

they are not holding a referendum. More than that, in a

referendum, each question would be separate. What

would it say there? “Amendment: We want

to reset Vladimir Vladimirovich

Putin’s terms.” Or no: “We want to add the word ‘God’

to the Constitution.” Or no: “We want to add

pension indexation to the Constitution.” No,

that’s how it should be structured. But they

understand they would lose on the main

question — Putin’s term limits — so

there will be no constitutional

referendum, and not a single amendment

can be bundled together like this.

It is explicitly prohibited. That means everything

they are doing is fundamentally illegal and

will be overturned. For that, you won’t even need

the Constitutional Court. This is, in principle,

void from the outset.

It is null and void, and we should treat it

accordingly. So if there is voting on April 22,

then on April 23 they will announce

that everyone voted, that turnout was 70 percent,

they’ll fabricate the numbers, and that 90 percent

voted in favor. And once again everyone will lament and

write on Facebook, “My God, emigration,

it’s impossible to live like this.” Don’t even think

about worrying over it. It means

nothing. Everything they are doing is legally

absolutely null and void. It is impossible

to submit a thousand or a hundred amendments, or however many

they are proposing, all together. It is simply

forbidden. And that is why they

make excuses and say such, such

strange, strange, incomprehensible things. And overall,

of course, the political conclusion from

all this is that Putin

does not trust his inner circle. He has

absolutely no reliable people. He is not even

capable of forming any kind of

unified strategy that includes

elections or no elections, or no

State Duma reshuffle, as a way of extending his

term. He sends different signals, and his

entourage does different things, trying

to guess what, in his crazy mind, might

be set up in such a way

that he’ll like this and not like that.

He cannot put all of this together, but he wants

to remain in power, and that of course is

a major problem. This

April 22 vote is not

some huge problem. After all, we knew

that Putin would remain in power,

we knew that. And so he decided

to do it in an inelegant way. He turned out to be

less bold and less self-confident

than Lukashenko, or even the Armenian

president, much less self-confident

than Nazarbayev. He simply decided

to rig things, not even to push through

a referendum — he just decided to cheat somehow

in a completely ridiculous way,

by setting this whole thing up like this. Still, I

see a huge number of questions: what

should be done, how should we treat this?

Alexei asks me: what do you think,

will the vote be postponed because of

the coronavirus? By the way, as of now the 22nd

is still being mentioned, but the date has not been officially set.

The session could be postponed because of

the coronavirus, but I think most likely

they will not postpone it. Putin would sooner sacrifice

a large number of pensioners who

they’ll all infect each other there and come down seriously ill with something

will happen

how this thing will be reversed, how we should

relate to it, what we should do about it

what we should do. First: non-recognition.

That is, we should not treat it at all as

something real, because it is not

a real thing, not a referendum. No. Right now

everyone keeps repeating, over and over,

the word “plebiscite,” and no one knows what it

means. If you go and google

the word “plebiscite,” you’ll see it is

a nationwide vote, and a nationwide vote

can, properly speaking, take

two forms, which is why there are two different words.

There is a referendum: a clearly defined legal

procedure. It’s like an election: there are observers,

campaigning is allowed, and it produces

legal consequences. And then there is a plebiscite,

which is simply a political device, just

a nationwide vote. For example, right now on

YouTube there’s also a polling tool here.

I could say: let’s make Alexei

Navalny the head instead of Valentina

Tereshkova, appoint him in her place, and

make him the first cosmonaut who flew into

space wearing a pink tie. That’ll be

the title I give him. I’ll run a poll here

on YouTube, and it will have exactly the same legal

consequences as this vote

Putin is holding, or like the primaries

of United Russia, or the “Active

Citizen” voting in Moscow. There is a voting

platform called Active Citizen: everyone goes into

the app on their phones and votes. Everyone knows

that it is completely rigged there; there are many

investigations showing that the results of it

are entirely falsified. They cannot be monitored,

but Moscow City Hall says:

“This is how we voted.” And here—

here’s an example.

The vote on airports—this is

an astonishing thing, by the way: in

Russia, you can change the

Constitution and extend terms in office without a referendum, but for 77

airports they organized some kind of

three-round voting, and in this way

renamed all the airports in Russia. So now

Sheremetyevo is called

Pushkin Airport. Is that written into any law anywhere? No.

Is there a procedure under which we are supposed to

name an airport after Pushkin through this kind of

vote, or name it after Kukushkin through this kind of

vote? No. It is not provided for anywhere.

It’s just some nonsense that

some people came up with because they wanted

to distract the public from something at that moment.

So they staged this kind of thing all across the country.

And this vote on the 22nd is

something of the same sort. All the amendments have already been

approved, signed by Putin, and have entered into force.

What is happening now is just clownery.

We do not recognize this clown show. We

expose it. If you really want to go

and vote—fine, go and vote.

But it will be, you know, like writing a Facebook post

saying “I’m against it.” Same thing: you came,

you voted. From the standpoint of mobilization,

maybe that is a good thing. It’s not that

I’m going to urge anyone not to go.

When there were elections, for example the presidential ones,

I urged all of you not to go and

to take part in the Voters’ Strike.

Because participation in that procedure then

legitimized those elections and increased

turnout—they falsified it anyway, but you went there

and voted for Grudinin or for Sobchak

or for Suraykin, and by doing so

you legitimized elections that must not be

recognized. But they were still elections.

Now this is some completely incomprehensible

nonsense. If you want to go, then go.

Buy yourself some milk and bread, and on the way

stop by and vote. If

they’re forcing public-sector employees to do it,

then go and vote. But again, your

vote will be falsified, it will not be counted,

but there is no need to turn this into

some huge tragedy. Because

if you treat this thing as

very important, then on April 23 you’ll be in for a big

blow, because of course they will fabricate

the results in such a way that it will look as though everyone

wants to extend Putin’s term in office.

That is not true—people do not want that. So we

must, in essence, attack

real things, the real structure: United

Russia, in real elections, however

difficult they may be.

Propaganda work, and in general

the dissemination of information—this needs to

be done. Mass actions too, of course. But people are

writing to me right now saying: let’s hold

a huge rally against all of this.

Against all of this, of course, we need

to hold huge rallies—not just one or two.

And I am sure there will be enormous,

colossal rallies when, as in Armenia,

Putin, having now prepared for himself

the possibility of moving into a third term,

when, as in Armenia, he directly begins

to implement that possibility—there will be

rallies, and then some. But right now,

to gather a rally—well, you know, at the beginning

of the program I said:

Moscow City Hall is doing stupid things,

spreading coronavirus, and generally should not

be holding this vote—coronavirus will

spread because of it, and at the same time

—and that is simply a fact, you understand. Right now in

the Czech Republic, any gathering of more than

30 people has been banned, and quarantines around the world

are restricting travel. Am I supposed to say:

yes, let’s hold an opposition rally right now,

let’s gather everyone together and have them all infect each other with corona-

virus? That would be, at a minimum,

irresponsible. But this is not the last

day of our lives.

definitely street confrontation

Putin's attempts to stay on for a third term

there will have to be, and I will be very

actively involved in it, you just shouldn't

think that this pathetic

vote on April 22, or whenever it is

is somehow truly momentous

thing. It is not a momentous thing at all

the amendments. I repeat, 78,000 people are

watching live. When 40,000 people were watching live,

I

was explaining that under the procedure

set out in the Constitution

the amendments come into force after approval

by two thirds of the Federation Council, this

case

moose. There, you see again

Article 136 of the Constitution — this has already happened

it's all already been adopted, everything further no longer

matters. But whether Putin remains for

36 years or not depends only

on us — whether we take to the streets in sufficient

numbers or not

whether, in real elections in

this September, in the regional ones, in

the next September already in

the federal ones, whether we will really crush

United Russia, destroy United Russia

that depends on us. Well, in a way, some

contribution will be made by me too, and on my part

something depends as well — whether I will be more

effective or less effective. I have in

xlrs asks: Alexei, what do you think

they then... I see another question there was

a question like this: here I'm being asked about

the ruble exchange rate and the popularity of the amendments. Ah, well

definitely

I started talking, I'll answer this question

whether the popularity

of the amendments will be connected to the ruble exchange rate, uh, the

things happening in the economy right now

the fall of the ruble, the drop in the price of

oil — Vladimir Milov explained this in great detail

talked about it, and did it well

in his program. Watch it. Well

of course it will have an impact. Well, that's one of the

reasons why they are not holding a referendum

because they would lose the referendum

because it's very popular... there was

a question, but I was reading it throughout the whole program, it

whether your decline in your

activity is connected with the raids against

ACF. It doesn't seem to me that our decline

in activity — we've just started putting out fewer

videos because we're busy with

notes... we've been dealing with these parasites for a very

long time, but of course we need to work

better, and everyone should make their own

contribution. You just shouldn't think and

worry that on the 22nd we will do something

or not do something, and something will happen

or won't happen. There is no such thing as when

we have to come, say no, and something

will happen. Everyone keeps talking endlessly about

the Chilean referendum. In the Chilean

referendum there was a question, and it said

written

"Do you want Augusto Pinochet to be able

to run for another term?" People came

and voted no, because there was

a referendum, there were observers, there was

a procedure. Right now it's completely unclear what

this is. It's not a referendum, it's not a procedure. There

it's impossible to control anything. Nevertheless

we will

torpedo this whole strange setup

including by proving its illegitimacy

if you are being forced to take part in it

record all of it on a voice recorder

publish it. We will try to do at least

some kind of monitoring of everything in order

among other things to show people once again

how fake this procedure is. But

I repeat, sorry for sounding like a parrot, the same

thing over and over: how many years Putin remains in

power depends on us. Now the coronavirus will

end

we hold a rally of a million people — there will be no Putin

Tomorrow we hold a rally of

half a million people — there will be no Putin

in a week we hold a rally of a thousand

people, and again, that means, we'll say to each

other: we're great, there are lots of us

people, we came out into the streets, we saw each

other, we met, so many

wonderful faces — that will be great. A rally

of 70,000 people is also very large

but not large enough to

remove these people from power. It's just that

everyone has to put in, invest

some of their own personal effort. Only in

that lies the strategy, and not in

doing something on April 22. On April 22

nothing, nothing will happen. 78,000

people are watching live. Thank you

very much, I'm very glad. They're writing to me that 800

people clicked the button below to become

a sponsor. That's 1%. That's less than, uh,

the mortality rate from coronavirus, uh... Let's

let's raise that to the actual

coronavirus mortality rate of 3.4%

Let's wrap up. I want the program to end with this

little segment, which also

illustrates a lot. Why

this whole nomenklatura gang

clings so tightly to Putin, and why they

like this vote so much — they are ready to

falsify it however they like, they are ready to

really stage a clown show, and

everyone, every single one of them, understands that this is

completely, utterly illegal, but takes part in

it. And why we have to crush them is because

they will never let us live. This

is all illustrated by the example of a

Toyota Camry. You won't believe it, but in the city of

Vologda, what's happening there in the city of

Vologda — there's a local guy, a local

official

He is the head

of the sports committee, and he decided to buy himself

a Toyota Camry. Well, he decided that

it would be cool to drive around Vologda in

a nice car. He had a child, and

he literally wrote on the public procurement website

that it had to be equipped with a child seat

included.

We got it canceled once.

Then they submitted it a second time, and we

at the headquarters got it canceled again. Then

they tried to buy it not through

the state institution directly,

but through—well, again through this

this guy, his name is Alexander Glin

Glininov, through the local football club,

the Rotor sports club, and they, from that

state institution, which is completely

loss-making, also announced a procurement, and

they want to buy this Toyota Camry yet again.

Our headquarters got it canceled again, and then

look: the head of the headquarters called

the woman who runs this

completely loss-making budget-funded institution,

and they talk about it, and she tells him

flat out: “Yeah, I don’t care.”

“I’m going to buy it anyway. I’ll buy it just to spite you.”

So there is this official, and she says to a person,

to a taxpayer, perfectly calmly,

“Yeah, I don’t give a damn, I’m buying it anyway.”

Sorry, I mean Volgo—

this is Volgograd, in Volgograd,

it really is complete lawlessness.

Uh, I was saying Saratov, Samara—

but all of this is happening in Volgograd. And she

just tells him, “I’m buying it anyway.”

It’s just an incredible exchange that simply

explains everything. It explains why they’re

so brazen, and why they cling

to power, and it explains why we have to

go after them this hard.

“I’ll break the law,”

“I’ll pay the fine and still buy it just to spite you,”

“I’ll pay the fine—using your money,”

“and then I’ll still buy it with your money,”

“drive past you in it and laugh in your face.”

These are the people we should hate. We

have to fight them. Volgograd is

a completely lawless region. Remember how

they fabricated a criminal case against the previous head

of the headquarters because

he had supposedly desecrated the statue

The Motherland Calls (a famous war memorial in Volgograd) with an image on the internet, and they

fabricated a criminal case against him.

And at the same time they look us in the face

and say, “Yeah, we’re buying it anyway.”

“We’ll pay the fine and still buy it, yeah, we

don’t care about you.” And this happens in

everything, you understand—from this lousy Toyota

Camry in Volgograd to

multi-billion contracts. Yes, it’s Russia Today,

and they look at us and say, “Yeah, we’re still

going to keep broadcasting this international

propaganda mill whether you like it or not, Navalny,

whether people watch you or not, however many are watching you—look,

you’ve got 78,000 people watching live. Yeah,

we don’t care about you. We’ll buy the

propaganda machine anyway, we don’t care about you.” And they

hold on to this power. Well, we need to

just do a little bit—there are so many of us, guys, we

with our efforts can bring down United Russia

and all of them too.

Easily, if we want to, and if we put in a little

work. 950 people clicked

the “Sponsor” button. A lot of people clicked

the link so much that it really

got DDoSed. To make this happen, we need

to keep going. Let’s at least get it up to 1,000.

Thank you very much to everyone who watched this

broadcast. I’m incredibly glad that 78,000 people

were here with us. Let’s not

just watch, but actually do something.

Do something—it’s clear what needs to be done. And I think in the coming

broadcasts we’ll talk about a much

clearer and more understandable strategy for where we

can really hit these people where it

hurts, hit them in their weak spot,

hit them once, hit them twice, and the third time bring them down

and win. Thank you all very much.

See you next Thursday, bye.

[music]