Text version
0:00

Hi, this is Navalny. I have some

0:02

news for you—both good and bad.

0:05

The good news is that you and I have

0:06

won a small but important

0:08

victory. For many years, the nonprofit

0:11

foundations controlled by Dmitry

0:13

Medvedev published no

0:15

financial reports at all—they hid everything. And despite

0:18

the requirements of the law, well, they simply

0:20

ignored them because they could. Of course, we

0:22

filed complaints, and

0:24

journalists wrote about it, but those efforts were in vain.

0:26

Medvedev did not want you to find out

0:28

how much was being spent on his palaces and dachas (country houses), and he

0:31

didn't show it. But just the other day, by pure

0:34

chance, I happened to wander onto the Justice Ministry website and

0:37

couldn't believe my eyes: all of Medvedev's

1:00

most likely a sharp feeling of sadness and

1:03

maybe even

1:08

hatred. Because no normal

1:11

person can imagine that

1:13

this amount of money, under the guise of

1:17

charity, could be squandered on

1:19

the needs of one person. Yes—what kind of needs?

1:22

Entertainment and hobbies. Let's start with the report of the

1:25

Foundation for the Support of Winter Olympic Sports.

1:27

As a reminder, it is the legal owner of the

1:30

mountain residence in Psekhako.

1:33

691 million rubles (about $11.8 million at the 2016 exchange rate) is the amount spent annually on its

1:36

upkeep. You probably remember the list

1:38

of items we found in Medvedev's hacked

1:40

emails: decanters were ordered there,

1:43

there were housemaids, film-

1:48

... Let's move on: the report of the foundation

1:52

Gradislava—this is Medvedev's dacha in Plyos (a town on the Volga River),

1:55

the Milovka estate. Expenses:

1:58

768 million rubles a year (about $13.1 million). I stress: this is not

2:02

construction, not renovation—this is

2:04

just maintenance. Next report: the foundation

2:07

Sotsgorod. Thanks to Usmanov's efforts,

2:11

we probably know it better than anyone, and on

2:13

its books is the Rublyovka dacha (in Moscow's elite suburban area), a gift.

2:16

718 million rubles (about $12.2 million). And nobody even

2:19

lives in that dacha. As

2:21

Eliseev tells us, they simply maintain it, clean it,

2:24

take care of the grounds, and that costs

2:26

the Foundation for the Support of Socially Significant

2:29

State Projects 718 million rubles. And one more

2:33

main foundation connected to all the

2:37

palaces and dachas and apartments with

2:39

car elevators and everything else—

2:41

that's the DAR foundation. In 2016, it spent

2:45

1.5 billion rubles (about $25.6 million). In our

2:47

investigation, we proved that all these

2:50

four foundations are essentially one and the same:

2:52

one enormous corrupt slush fund

2:55

used to pay for

2:56

Medvedev's purchases. And the manager of this

2:59

charitable empire, banker Ilya

3:02

Eliseev, confirmed it: all four

3:05

foundations are run by him personally. So let's

3:07

add up the figures and see how much

3:09

we get in total. Altogether, the four

3:12

nonprofit foundations spent in a single

3:14

year 3.681 billion rubles (about $62.7 million). Right now,

3:20

anyone who has even a slight idea of

3:22

the state Russian

3:24

charity is in has probably already crawled under

3:26

the table to pick their jaw up off the floor. And for

3:29

those who don't, I'll now explain everything clearly,

3:31

visually, and briefly. I'll venture to suggest

3:34

the following: if I asked you right now

3:37

whether you know any Russian

3:39

charity foundation, you'd think for a moment and

3:41

then answer: yes, of course—the foundation

3:43

run by Chulpan Khamatova, Podari Zhizn (Gift of Life). Everyone

3:45

knows it. And you wouldn't be wrong: it really is the largest

3:47

Russian charitable

3:49

foundation. They have been working for more than 10 years and

3:52

have literally saved thousands of children. You

3:54

have definitely seen ads for this

3:56

foundation, or their events, or maybe

3:59

you've even donated money to it. So—

4:01

do you know how much this foundation spent in

4:03

2016? 2.3 billion rubles (about $39.2 million). That's almost 1.4 billion

4:08

rubles less than Medvedev's foundations. Once again:

4:12

less was spent on saving, treating, and rehabilitating children

4:15

than was spent—by a factor of one and a half—on

4:18

maintaining the splendor of Medvedev's palaces.

4:21

I am amazed, honestly, simply

4:23

amazed that Medvedev's disgusting

4:26

friend Ilya Eliseev even has the

4:28

nerve to give interviews and describe

4:31

what wonderful projects

4:32

his foundations are involved in—what a marvelous

4:35

spa complex with attractions they built

4:37

in Psekhako, or how profitably they swapped plots with

4:41

oligarch Usmanov in

4:42

Rublyovka. If I didn't guess right away and you

4:46

didn't immediately think of the Podari Zhizn foundation, then

4:48

you have almost certainly heard of

4:51

the Rusfond charity foundation. That's the one

4:54

that raises money for treatment via SMS on Channel One (Russia's main state TV channel).

4:56

It also collects money for treating sick people—

4:59

a very well-known, very large

5:00

charitable foundation. From all across Russia,

5:03

people chip in and send text-message donations.

5:05

Their spending in 2016 was 920

5:10

million rubles (about $15.7 million). That's four times less than

5:14

what Medvedev's foundations spent on dachas. Just

5:16

think about that: on decanters, wine, and

5:19

housemaids, four times more than on

5:22

treating children. And if the very head of

5:25

Medvedev's foundations, Ilya Eliseev,

5:28

admits that all four of these foundations are

5:31

essentially just subdivisions of one

5:33

big foundation, then here is the plain

5:37

truth, based on Justice Ministry data:

5:40

the largest charitable foundation in

5:43

Russia, the richest nonprofit foundation,

5:47

is the one that holds title to

5:50

Medvedev's palaces and dachas. By a wide margin, its

5:53

spending is comparable in scale to

5:55

all of Russian charity as a whole. And please

5:58

don't think that Medvedev has

6:00

some separate money of his own, while

6:02

sick children have some other money.

6:04

The upkeep of Medvedev's palaces

6:06

You and I are also paying for their perks.

6:09

We pay for that too. For example, Medvedev.

6:11

leases 40 million square meters of land in the town of Plyos (a small town on the Volga River),

6:16

for 39 rubles a year—you heard that right, 39 rubles.

6:20

That means one thing: the budget of Ivanovo Region

6:23

is not receiving hundreds of millions

6:25

of rubles that could have gone, for example, to

6:27

hospitals. When Alisher Usmanov gives

6:30

Medvedev a palace worth 5 billion rubles,

6:32

then of course he expects somehow to recoup it

6:34

for himself through clever

6:36

tax schemes that will be overlooked

6:39

or another piece of state

6:42

property. Medvedev and his friends

6:44

have built an entire empire of foundations that

6:46

has grown into one of the largest and

6:49

most opaque commercial

6:52

structures, whose main purpose is

6:54

to provide a luxurious life for one

6:56

man. And meanwhile the whole country

6:59

is chipping in by text message for operations in

7:01

Germany because we do not have

7:02

the equipment, while the oligarchs, apparently,

7:05

are chipping in tens of billions for

7:07

palaces for the prime minister, but not for healthcare for

7:09

everyone. And we do not have enough doctors either, because

7:11

the state budget pays them—the people who

7:14

save lives—a pathetic pittance,

7:16

which is simply impossible to live on. And

7:19

their salaries cannot be raised, because then

7:21

Dmitry Anatolyevich (Dmitry Medvedev) will not have 40 million

7:23

square meters of hunting grounds,

7:26

and as we all know, there is no other money. It is bitter for me

7:30

and disgusting to say these words and

7:32

these numbers, but such things must be said and

7:35

spoken about so that there are no

7:36

illusions, so that the vileness of this whole

7:39

corrupt machine—however revolting it is to

7:42

look at it—becomes obvious

7:44

to everyone. Because in a certain sense, this is also

7:47

our failure too, because we

7:49

the people of Russia allowed this to happen. We stayed silent.

7:52

We thought, well, all officials

7:54

steal—so what? Well then, now let us

7:56

all try to fix this together.

8:00

Stop staying silent. Act together. Spread

8:03

the information. I need your signature at

8:05

the link below—add it. Organize

8:07

an anti-corruption rally in your city

8:09

on June 12, or help those who are already

8:12

organizing one. Subscribe to our

8:15

channel—this is where the truth is told.

Original