Hi, this is Navalny. I have some
news for you—both good and bad.
The good news is that you and I have
won a small but important
victory. For many years, the nonprofit
foundations controlled by Dmitry
Medvedev published no
financial reports at all—they hid everything. And despite
the requirements of the law, well, they simply
ignored them because they could. Of course, we
filed complaints, and
journalists wrote about it, but those efforts were in vain.
Medvedev did not want you to find out
how much was being spent on his palaces and dachas (country houses), and he
didn't show it. But just the other day, by pure
chance, I happened to wander onto the Justice Ministry website and
couldn't believe my eyes: all of Medvedev's
most likely a sharp feeling of sadness and
maybe even
hatred. Because no normal
person can imagine that
this amount of money, under the guise of
charity, could be squandered on
the needs of one person. Yes—what kind of needs?
Entertainment and hobbies. Let's start with the report of the
Foundation for the Support of Winter Olympic Sports.
As a reminder, it is the legal owner of the
mountain residence in Psekhako.
691 million rubles (about $11.8 million at the 2016 exchange rate) is the amount spent annually on its
upkeep. You probably remember the list
of items we found in Medvedev's hacked
emails: decanters were ordered there,
there were housemaids, film-
... Let's move on: the report of the foundation
Gradislava—this is Medvedev's dacha in Plyos (a town on the Volga River),
the Milovka estate. Expenses:
768 million rubles a year (about $13.1 million). I stress: this is not
construction, not renovation—this is
just maintenance. Next report: the foundation
Sotsgorod. Thanks to Usmanov's efforts,
we probably know it better than anyone, and on
its books is the Rublyovka dacha (in Moscow's elite suburban area), a gift.
718 million rubles (about $12.2 million). And nobody even
lives in that dacha. As
Eliseev tells us, they simply maintain it, clean it,
take care of the grounds, and that costs
the Foundation for the Support of Socially Significant
State Projects 718 million rubles. And one more
main foundation connected to all the
palaces and dachas and apartments with
car elevators and everything else—
that's the DAR foundation. In 2016, it spent
1.5 billion rubles (about $25.6 million). In our
investigation, we proved that all these
four foundations are essentially one and the same:
one enormous corrupt slush fund
used to pay for
Medvedev's purchases. And the manager of this
charitable empire, banker Ilya
Eliseev, confirmed it: all four
foundations are run by him personally. So let's
add up the figures and see how much
we get in total. Altogether, the four
nonprofit foundations spent in a single
year 3.681 billion rubles (about $62.7 million). Right now,
anyone who has even a slight idea of
the state Russian
charity is in has probably already crawled under
the table to pick their jaw up off the floor. And for
those who don't, I'll now explain everything clearly,
visually, and briefly. I'll venture to suggest
the following: if I asked you right now
whether you know any Russian
charity foundation, you'd think for a moment and
then answer: yes, of course—the foundation
run by Chulpan Khamatova, Podari Zhizn (Gift of Life). Everyone
knows it. And you wouldn't be wrong: it really is the largest
Russian charitable
foundation. They have been working for more than 10 years and
have literally saved thousands of children. You
have definitely seen ads for this
foundation, or their events, or maybe
you've even donated money to it. So—
do you know how much this foundation spent in
2016? 2.3 billion rubles (about $39.2 million). That's almost 1.4 billion
rubles less than Medvedev's foundations. Once again:
less was spent on saving, treating, and rehabilitating children
than was spent—by a factor of one and a half—on
maintaining the splendor of Medvedev's palaces.
I am amazed, honestly, simply
amazed that Medvedev's disgusting
friend Ilya Eliseev even has the
nerve to give interviews and describe
what wonderful projects
his foundations are involved in—what a marvelous
spa complex with attractions they built
in Psekhako, or how profitably they swapped plots with
oligarch Usmanov in
Rublyovka. If I didn't guess right away and you
didn't immediately think of the Podari Zhizn foundation, then
you have almost certainly heard of
the Rusfond charity foundation. That's the one
that raises money for treatment via SMS on Channel One (Russia's main state TV channel).
It also collects money for treating sick people—
a very well-known, very large
charitable foundation. From all across Russia,
people chip in and send text-message donations.
Their spending in 2016 was 920
million rubles (about $15.7 million). That's four times less than
what Medvedev's foundations spent on dachas. Just
think about that: on decanters, wine, and
housemaids, four times more than on
treating children. And if the very head of
Medvedev's foundations, Ilya Eliseev,
admits that all four of these foundations are
essentially just subdivisions of one
big foundation, then here is the plain
truth, based on Justice Ministry data:
the largest charitable foundation in
Russia, the richest nonprofit foundation,
is the one that holds title to
Medvedev's palaces and dachas. By a wide margin, its
spending is comparable in scale to
all of Russian charity as a whole. And please
don't think that Medvedev has
some separate money of his own, while
sick children have some other money.
The upkeep of Medvedev's palaces
You and I are also paying for their perks.
We pay for that too. For example, Medvedev.
leases 40 million square meters of land in the town of Plyos (a small town on the Volga River),
for 39 rubles a year—you heard that right, 39 rubles.
That means one thing: the budget of Ivanovo Region
is not receiving hundreds of millions
of rubles that could have gone, for example, to
hospitals. When Alisher Usmanov gives
Medvedev a palace worth 5 billion rubles,
then of course he expects somehow to recoup it
for himself through clever
tax schemes that will be overlooked
or another piece of state
property. Medvedev and his friends
have built an entire empire of foundations that
has grown into one of the largest and
most opaque commercial
structures, whose main purpose is
to provide a luxurious life for one
man. And meanwhile the whole country
is chipping in by text message for operations in
Germany because we do not have
the equipment, while the oligarchs, apparently,
are chipping in tens of billions for
palaces for the prime minister, but not for healthcare for
everyone. And we do not have enough doctors either, because
the state budget pays them—the people who
save lives—a pathetic pittance,
which is simply impossible to live on. And
their salaries cannot be raised, because then
Dmitry Anatolyevich (Dmitry Medvedev) will not have 40 million
square meters of hunting grounds,
and as we all know, there is no other money. It is bitter for me
and disgusting to say these words and
these numbers, but such things must be said and
spoken about so that there are no
illusions, so that the vileness of this whole
corrupt machine—however revolting it is to
look at it—becomes obvious
to everyone. Because in a certain sense, this is also
our failure too, because we
the people of Russia allowed this to happen. We stayed silent.
We thought, well, all officials
steal—so what? Well then, now let us
all try to fix this together.
Stop staying silent. Act together. Spread
the information. I need your signature at
the link below—add it. Organize
an anti-corruption rally in your city
on June 12, or help those who are already
organizing one. Subscribe to our
channel—this is where the truth is told.