Hi, my name is Georgy Alburov, and I’m sitting
in Alexei Navalny’s place.
And he is being held in a special detention center. The reason
for Navalny’s detention is this rally against
raising the retirement age on September 9
Whereas before, the authorities would simply grab
Alexei off the street and jail him after a protest rally,
now they’ve decided
to play it safe: two weeks before and two
weeks after. What kind of new tactic is this,
you may ask?
What’s behind this innovation? The explanation is simple:
pensions are a very important and very
painful issue.
They see the numbers. They see that 90
percent of people in Russia
are enraged by these so-called improvements
to the pension system, and they’re simply
covering themselves. And when Navalny is locked up,
what do we do? That’s right: we keep working
for ourselves and for him. Today I’m going to tell you
a story that, forgive the expression, you’d have to
make up
if it weren’t true. We’re entering
the territory of absolute absurdity and
blatant mockery. Just look.
There is the Pension Fund of the Russian
Federation.
It is a gigantic, enormous bureaucratic
machine employing and paying salaries to
110,000 people. That’s almost three
completely full Fisht Stadiums (the Olympic stadium in Sochi). In essence,
these people decide nothing, invent nothing,
and earn nothing themselves. They have
no money of their own that they are
generously sharing. They simply calculate
our pensions—a gigantic
accounting office you can come to and
ask something: why wasn’t I paid an extra
500 rubles to my meager pension
(about $5)? Well, because that’s what you’re entitled to.
Here’s your paper, sign here and
here.
[music]
In fact, they are supposed to make life easier for those
who really need it: elderly
people, benefit recipients, all kinds of people in need. It is
a service organization,
a service that is owed to you and me in return for
our taxes.
Now, who do you imagine could head such a service?
The imagination conjures up some kind of
mega-bureaucrat, a boring miser,
the sort who says, “There are many of you, and only one of me,”
some kind of deputy chief accountant in glasses and a worn
jacket.
But not at all, dear viewers.
Not at all. At the head of the Pension
Fund we have a dollar millionaire,
a lifelong career official, Anton
Viktorovich Drozdov.
He began working at the USSR Ministry of Finance in 1986.
Many of this video’s viewers,
I assume, had not even been born yet at the time.
But Drozdov was already in government service. Drozdov
is not a minister, not an adviser, not a geologist.
He simply heads an accounting—or rather,
a treasury—agency that
calculates how much of our own money should
be paid out and to whom. So let’s do some calculating
ourselves: how much money, over 32
years as an official, has
Drozdov earned? One thousand five hundred seventy-eight... Let’s start with
an apartment at Patriarch’s Ponds. In 2008,
the Drozdov family bought a seven-room
apartment with an area of 335 square meters
in an elite building on Maly Kazyonny
Lane. In the same building, by the way,
lives State Duma Speaker Volodin. We wrote about
Drozdov’s apartment in 2014, and back then
we valued it at 240 million rubles. Today,
based on the average price per
square meter on Cian (a Russian real estate website), it is worth
around 490 million rubles. We keep
full accounts, so let’s also add
two underground parking spaces in the building.
A private underground parking spot in the very center
of Moscow is a fairly
expensive pleasure: 4 million rubles apiece. And that is
his official annual salary, just so you know.
And what does Drozdov park in those garages?
Well,
his wife’s two cars: a Mercedes and a Lexus LS,
both worth 6 million rubles each, 12 million total.
But for the head of the Pension Fund,
that’s small change—just
the family’s declared income for a year and a half. Family income,
that is, including his wife’s income too.
Let’s add that to our ledger. And their next
item is not all that impressive, but for the sake
of completeness we’ll include it: an apartment near
the Garden Ring on Dolgorukovskaya Street,
with an area of 87 square meters.
It belonged to the Drozdovs
as a couple, but in 2007 it was transferred to
Anton Drozdov’s then 69-year-old mother.
The building is not elite at all, but it’s central Moscow,
so the prices match—around 30
million rubles.
We add that. And while we’re at it,
let’s add another 30 million here as well: in the same building,
there is another apartment belonging to Drozdov’s father-in-law,
his wife’s father. Very convenient—
all the elderly relatives in one building. From the apartment at
Patriarch’s Ponds it’s not far, about fifteen minutes
on foot. I’ve walked that route many times myself, but
back then I could never have imagined how much
Moscow would change
during Sergei Sobyanin’s time in office.
Now it is a comfortable European-style city,
clean and beautiful. So, on our
Drozdov family asset counter, we have five hundred
seventy million rubles at market
prices. You can probably already guess that I’m not
going to leave you without the crown jewel of our
accounting. This is exactly what I meant when
I said this is a story you’d have to
make up
if it had not been officially
recorded by Rosreestr (Russia’s state real estate registry), now we
rise into the air over an elite residential community on
Rublyovka (an ultra-wealthy area outside Moscow)
beautiful houses, a lake, a gated country
community. We approach the plot we need and
find there the dacha of Anton Drozdov’s mother-in-law
we are talking about Natalia Andreyevna Dymfinskaya
born in 1939, so she should now be
79 years old, and as often happens with
elderly relatives of senior
officials, her life only really began after retirement
On December 30, 2009, at the age of
70, she received as a gift
a plot of 33 sotkas (3,300 square meters / 0.33 hectares), a house measuring
617 square meters, and a garage of 128
square meters — enough space to easily fit
about five cars. She received all this from her
daughter Olga Dymfinskaya, the wife of official
Drozdov. The date of this New Year’s gift
was not chosen by accident. Had the official remained the owner of
this property for just one more day,
the house would have had to be listed in his asset declaration, and
why expose in a declaration real estate for which
you officially have no money at all
not even remotely enough money? And then
the jewel of jewels
the cherry on top of the jewel. In short, so that you
understand this is not some vegetable garden with
garden beds, but a super-elite location
all you have to do is look over the fence
Do you see that enormous construction site? It is being built by
Boris Rotenberg, one of the richest
men in Russia and one of Putin’s closest friends
What could be more symbolic than a pensioner,
the mother-in-law of the head of the Pension Fund, sharing a fence with
one of Russia’s richest men, who made
his fortune from state contracts? You could
stop right here
but a couple of formalities remain. First,
we need to add to our running tally of
Drozdov’s wealth another 400
million rubles — that is what
a similar house in this community would cost. And
we should record the total at 907
million rubles, or fourteen and a half
million dollars. Without much effort,
simply from open sources, we
found that the head of the Pension Fund has
property worth nearly 1 billion rubles
1 billion rubles. Second, for the record,
Drozdov’s official salary is just
over 300,000 rubles a month, about 4
million rubles a year
his family’s total income over the last 9
years is 78 million rubles —
10 times less than the value of their real estate
So how do you explain that? And you know what
really infuriates me?
Most of all, we understand perfectly well
that this Drozdov decides nothing; everything for him is decided by
Putin. Putin came up with
raising the retirement age. Putin brought
the pension system to the brink of default
Putin spent all the money on
his palaces, on wars, on his cronies, while
Drozdov is just an administrator, a functionary
But if he had even a shred of conscience
after all, he heads an organization that
hands out a pitiful
13,000 rubles a month to the elderly and boasts of an annual increase of
1,000. When he reports a triumphant
pension increase of next to nothing, and then
gets into his official BMW and drives to a 7-
room apartment in the most expensive
district of Moscow — does nothing
stir inside him? And when some payment of
a couple thousand rubles for a single mother of a child
with disabilities is issued, does he remember the two and a half
million rubles a year that he spends
on his own children’s school?
An excellent question. Since we have come
to the subject of his children’s education,
Drozdov never spared money. For many years
in a row, he paid 2.5
million rubles a year for two children to study at
a Moscow private school, and that is
the lion’s share of his annual salary, let me remind you
But now only his son remains at the school
while his older daughter has gone abroad to study
at the prestigious Scottish
University of St Andrews
That is where, for example, the heir to the
British throne, Prince William, studied
The annual tuition, if converted
into rubles,
is 1.5 million — and that is without housing and
other expenses. The man has not spent a single day
in business, not one day, and yet he has
a 7-room apartment at Patriarch’s Ponds, children
abroad, and a mother-in-law on Rublyovka — and this is
the head of the Pension Fund. This is an Orwellian
plot — you could not invent this on purpose
but it is true
This is what we, our families, our
elderly relatives — all of us — live with every
day. A former teacher, a doctor, an engineer
are often forced to go hungry after 40 years of
backbreaking work, while walking the same streets
as the billionaire head of the Pension Fund
This is not just corruption — it is blatant
injustice
It is naked brutality. This government — Putin,
Medvedev, the ministers, the deputies — they
have held power in the country for 20
years. They have managed to acquire yachts,
palaces, planes, vineyards. They
blew all the money on senseless
wars and endless mega-construction projects
and now they say: we have no more money
so we will take it from you, raise
the retirement age, and steal from you
the very last of what you have. They did not even try to pretend — simply
there is no money, so we will find it
we will find the money, we will make them. On September 9, we
have the opportunity to go out into the streets and
ask this government: how did this happen, and
Say: we no longer want to support you.
Start with yourselves—sell
your villas, your yachts, your Mercedes.
Put your sneakers up on Avito (a Russian online classifieds platform).
Stop stealing, after all, we
are not going to believe crooks who
stole and squandered everything, and now run around
lamenting that there is no money left. If you
think the same and are not going
to answer for someone else’s theft, then come out
into the streets of your city on September 9.
Take part in the nationwide
protest against raising the retirement
age. If you are in Moscow, come at
2:00 p.m. to Tverskaya Street.
Tell those in power to start with themselves.