Text version
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Hi, my name is Georgy Alburov, and I’m sitting

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in Alexei Navalny’s place.

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And he is being held in a special detention center. The reason

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for Navalny’s detention is this rally against

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raising the retirement age on September 9

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Whereas before, the authorities would simply grab

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Alexei off the street and jail him after a protest rally,

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now they’ve decided

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to play it safe: two weeks before and two

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weeks after. What kind of new tactic is this,

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you may ask?

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What’s behind this innovation? The explanation is simple:

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pensions are a very important and very

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painful issue.

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They see the numbers. They see that 90

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percent of people in Russia

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are enraged by these so-called improvements

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to the pension system, and they’re simply

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covering themselves. And when Navalny is locked up,

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what do we do? That’s right: we keep working

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for ourselves and for him. Today I’m going to tell you

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a story that, forgive the expression, you’d have to

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make up

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if it weren’t true. We’re entering

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the territory of absolute absurdity and

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blatant mockery. Just look.

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There is the Pension Fund of the Russian

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Federation.

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It is a gigantic, enormous bureaucratic

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machine employing and paying salaries to

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110,000 people. That’s almost three

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completely full Fisht Stadiums (the Olympic stadium in Sochi). In essence,

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these people decide nothing, invent nothing,

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and earn nothing themselves. They have

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no money of their own that they are

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generously sharing. They simply calculate

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our pensions—a gigantic

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accounting office you can come to and

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ask something: why wasn’t I paid an extra

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500 rubles to my meager pension

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(about $5)? Well, because that’s what you’re entitled to.

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Here’s your paper, sign here and

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here.

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[music]

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In fact, they are supposed to make life easier for those

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who really need it: elderly

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people, benefit recipients, all kinds of people in need. It is

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a service organization,

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a service that is owed to you and me in return for

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our taxes.

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Now, who do you imagine could head such a service?

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The imagination conjures up some kind of

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mega-bureaucrat, a boring miser,

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the sort who says, “There are many of you, and only one of me,”

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some kind of deputy chief accountant in glasses and a worn

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jacket.

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But not at all, dear viewers.

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Not at all. At the head of the Pension

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Fund we have a dollar millionaire,

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a lifelong career official, Anton

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Viktorovich Drozdov.

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He began working at the USSR Ministry of Finance in 1986.

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Many of this video’s viewers,

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I assume, had not even been born yet at the time.

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But Drozdov was already in government service. Drozdov

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is not a minister, not an adviser, not a geologist.

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He simply heads an accounting—or rather,

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a treasury—agency that

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calculates how much of our own money should

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be paid out and to whom. So let’s do some calculating

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ourselves: how much money, over 32

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years as an official, has

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Drozdov earned? One thousand five hundred seventy-eight... Let’s start with

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an apartment at Patriarch’s Ponds. In 2008,

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the Drozdov family bought a seven-room

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apartment with an area of 335 square meters

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in an elite building on Maly Kazyonny

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Lane. In the same building, by the way,

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lives State Duma Speaker Volodin. We wrote about

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Drozdov’s apartment in 2014, and back then

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we valued it at 240 million rubles. Today,

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based on the average price per

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square meter on Cian (a Russian real estate website), it is worth

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around 490 million rubles. We keep

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full accounts, so let’s also add

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two underground parking spaces in the building.

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A private underground parking spot in the very center

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of Moscow is a fairly

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expensive pleasure: 4 million rubles apiece. And that is

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his official annual salary, just so you know.

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And what does Drozdov park in those garages?

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Well,

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his wife’s two cars: a Mercedes and a Lexus LS,

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both worth 6 million rubles each, 12 million total.

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But for the head of the Pension Fund,

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that’s small change—just

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the family’s declared income for a year and a half. Family income,

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that is, including his wife’s income too.

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Let’s add that to our ledger. And their next

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item is not all that impressive, but for the sake

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of completeness we’ll include it: an apartment near

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the Garden Ring on Dolgorukovskaya Street,

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with an area of 87 square meters.

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It belonged to the Drozdovs

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as a couple, but in 2007 it was transferred to

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Anton Drozdov’s then 69-year-old mother.

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The building is not elite at all, but it’s central Moscow,

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so the prices match—around 30

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million rubles.

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We add that. And while we’re at it,

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let’s add another 30 million here as well: in the same building,

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there is another apartment belonging to Drozdov’s father-in-law,

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his wife’s father. Very convenient—

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all the elderly relatives in one building. From the apartment at

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Patriarch’s Ponds it’s not far, about fifteen minutes

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on foot. I’ve walked that route many times myself, but

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back then I could never have imagined how much

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Moscow would change

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during Sergei Sobyanin’s time in office.

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Now it is a comfortable European-style city,

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clean and beautiful. So, on our

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Drozdov family asset counter, we have five hundred

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seventy million rubles at market

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prices. You can probably already guess that I’m not

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going to leave you without the crown jewel of our

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accounting. This is exactly what I meant when

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I said this is a story you’d have to

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make up

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if it had not been officially

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recorded by Rosreestr (Russia’s state real estate registry), now we

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rise into the air over an elite residential community on

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Rublyovka (an ultra-wealthy area outside Moscow)

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beautiful houses, a lake, a gated country

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community. We approach the plot we need and

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find there the dacha of Anton Drozdov’s mother-in-law

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we are talking about Natalia Andreyevna Dymfinskaya

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born in 1939, so she should now be

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79 years old, and as often happens with

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elderly relatives of senior

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officials, her life only really began after retirement

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On December 30, 2009, at the age of

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70, she received as a gift

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a plot of 33 sotkas (3,300 square meters / 0.33 hectares), a house measuring

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617 square meters, and a garage of 128

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square meters — enough space to easily fit

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about five cars. She received all this from her

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daughter Olga Dymfinskaya, the wife of official

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Drozdov. The date of this New Year’s gift

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was not chosen by accident. Had the official remained the owner of

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this property for just one more day,

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the house would have had to be listed in his asset declaration, and

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why expose in a declaration real estate for which

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you officially have no money at all

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not even remotely enough money? And then

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the jewel of jewels

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the cherry on top of the jewel. In short, so that you

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understand this is not some vegetable garden with

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garden beds, but a super-elite location

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all you have to do is look over the fence

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Do you see that enormous construction site? It is being built by

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Boris Rotenberg, one of the richest

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men in Russia and one of Putin’s closest friends

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What could be more symbolic than a pensioner,

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the mother-in-law of the head of the Pension Fund, sharing a fence with

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one of Russia’s richest men, who made

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his fortune from state contracts? You could

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stop right here

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but a couple of formalities remain. First,

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we need to add to our running tally of

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Drozdov’s wealth another 400

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million rubles — that is what

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a similar house in this community would cost. And

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we should record the total at 907

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million rubles, or fourteen and a half

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million dollars. Without much effort,

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simply from open sources, we

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found that the head of the Pension Fund has

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property worth nearly 1 billion rubles

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1 billion rubles. Second, for the record,

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Drozdov’s official salary is just

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over 300,000 rubles a month, about 4

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million rubles a year

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his family’s total income over the last 9

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years is 78 million rubles —

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10 times less than the value of their real estate

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So how do you explain that? And you know what

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really infuriates me?

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Most of all, we understand perfectly well

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that this Drozdov decides nothing; everything for him is decided by

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Putin. Putin came up with

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raising the retirement age. Putin brought

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the pension system to the brink of default

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Putin spent all the money on

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his palaces, on wars, on his cronies, while

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Drozdov is just an administrator, a functionary

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But if he had even a shred of conscience

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after all, he heads an organization that

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hands out a pitiful

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13,000 rubles a month to the elderly and boasts of an annual increase of

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1,000. When he reports a triumphant

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pension increase of next to nothing, and then

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gets into his official BMW and drives to a 7-

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room apartment in the most expensive

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district of Moscow — does nothing

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stir inside him? And when some payment of

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a couple thousand rubles for a single mother of a child

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with disabilities is issued, does he remember the two and a half

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million rubles a year that he spends

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on his own children’s school?

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An excellent question. Since we have come

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to the subject of his children’s education,

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Drozdov never spared money. For many years

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in a row, he paid 2.5

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million rubles a year for two children to study at

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a Moscow private school, and that is

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the lion’s share of his annual salary, let me remind you

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But now only his son remains at the school

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while his older daughter has gone abroad to study

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at the prestigious Scottish

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University of St Andrews

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That is where, for example, the heir to the

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British throne, Prince William, studied

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The annual tuition, if converted

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into rubles,

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is 1.5 million — and that is without housing and

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other expenses. The man has not spent a single day

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in business, not one day, and yet he has

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a 7-room apartment at Patriarch’s Ponds, children

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abroad, and a mother-in-law on Rublyovka — and this is

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the head of the Pension Fund. This is an Orwellian

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plot — you could not invent this on purpose

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but it is true

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This is what we, our families, our

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elderly relatives — all of us — live with every

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day. A former teacher, a doctor, an engineer

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are often forced to go hungry after 40 years of

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backbreaking work, while walking the same streets

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as the billionaire head of the Pension Fund

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This is not just corruption — it is blatant

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injustice

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It is naked brutality. This government — Putin,

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Medvedev, the ministers, the deputies — they

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have held power in the country for 20

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years. They have managed to acquire yachts,

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palaces, planes, vineyards. They

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blew all the money on senseless

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wars and endless mega-construction projects

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and now they say: we have no more money

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so we will take it from you, raise

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the retirement age, and steal from you

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the very last of what you have. They did not even try to pretend — simply

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there is no money, so we will find it

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we will find the money, we will make them. On September 9, we

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have the opportunity to go out into the streets and

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ask this government: how did this happen, and

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Say: we no longer want to support you.

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Start with yourselves—sell

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your villas, your yachts, your Mercedes.

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Put your sneakers up on Avito (a Russian online classifieds platform).

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Stop stealing, after all, we

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are not going to believe crooks who

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stole and squandered everything, and now run around

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lamenting that there is no money left. If you

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think the same and are not going

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to answer for someone else’s theft, then come out

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into the streets of your city on September 9.

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Take part in the nationwide

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protest against raising the retirement

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age. If you are in Moscow, come at

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2:00 p.m. to Tverskaya Street.

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Tell those in power to start with themselves.

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