[music]
Good evening, everyone. In Moscow it's 8:06 p.m. Don't
worry, we're not being searched, I haven't been
arrested — it's a technical delay
connected with the fact that after the searches
everything here is being held together a little bit
by sheer goodwill, and something broke off, so it was being fixed. Still,
I'm still here in the studio — Alexei
Navalny, or a U.S. Marine, as one
Kremlin military expert called me. If you
look at
various Kremlin TV shows, you'll see
a military expert there, and that expert
stated that while I was at
Yale University, me — that is, not
the real Navalny — was kidnapped,
and replaced with a U.S. Marine. So
the person sitting before you now is a U.S. Marine. Today we
will be raising money for
restoring the structure of our
regional headquarters. Apparently we'll be raising it
for quite a while, because
today we've had more than 200 searches in 41
cities across Russia. I'll talk about that later, but
first, of course, I want to start with
what caused these searches, because of which
there's a link below this video
for donations, so I'm asking you very strongly
to take a look there. In fact, the reason
was, naturally, our victory. Congratulations
my friends — it's genuinely so nice to say that.
It was so nice to read those great
comments and messages saying, you know,
"For the first time in my life, I voted for
the candidate I was told to support, and he won." It's so nice.
In all my recent broadcasts, and in the last
broadcast, I started with rather strange phrases
like,
"Guys, we need to believe in our own strength." It
all sounded strange. I admit
it sounded strange, and even to me
— I mean, it had to be said, because that
was the main thing, but it was pretty hard
to come out with some kind of pompous
phrase, because what does "believe in yourself" even
mean, really? But it turned out that this
was the key thing. We believed
in ourselves, and we gave United Russia a pretty serious
beating. We just didn't believe in ourselves quite well enough,
because it turned out
already now — as became clear by Tuesday —
that we actually could have taken from them
even more, at least in Moscow. Back on
Saturday, and even on Sunday afternoon,
it seemed unlikely, but it turned out that we
were this close
to simply taking everything from them. In that
sense, Smart Voting did not
crush United Russia across the whole country,
no, certainly not, and we didn't — we didn't
take everything. Though we did take from United Russia
its majority in Moscow.
But still, if a few mandates hadn't been stolen,
Smart Voting and various
additional circumstances in
Khabarovsk completely destroyed
United Russia in Khabarovsk and the Khabarovsk region. Smart
Voting — but overall, the main thing happened:
we elected deputies. Together, we decided
which people we would support,
then we came and voted
and made them deputies in Moscow, in
St. Petersburg, and in other places.
This had happened before, but previously it
was the exception.
It was assumed that only through party
lists
could opposition candidates be guaranteed
to get in — everyone understood they'd get
15 percent or so, and that you had to
squeeze onto that list in order
to become a guaranteed deputy. But
running in a single-member district — that was a dead
end, because wherever there were just names on the ballot,
United Russia always won. And
we changed that. Yes, for now we've changed it in
Moscow, because for now in Moscow
there were enough people
who believed in themselves. But we'll do it
across the whole country. So right now I want
to give you just a few figures and examples
showing how great it is that
Smart Voting worked. But our task
organizationally right now is simply
to tell everyone about it, because right now
several hundred
thousand people took part in it. If in the next cycle
it's a couple of million, and in the cycle after that 10
million, then that's it — goodbye, United
Russia. We will win in every
election. We won't turn into garbage, and we won't
of course turn into United Russia ourselves,
but in any case, we will turn all of
this into a basic
confrontation with United Russia, the party
of power.
Smart Voting — and that's great, because
because
in fact, no party is going to
object to this, because we
helped everyone: the Communists formed a large caucus,
bigger than they've had in Moscow for a long time;
A Just Russia formed a caucus;
Yabloko formed a caucus. Everyone is pleased, everyone is
happy, everyone got a success they hadn't had
for many, many years. So, the overall
framework: let's remember what elections
actually are. Right now, in 25, in my view,
regions of the country
election campaigns were underway; in total there were 31
campaigns covered by
Smart Voting. Elections are always structured
like this: there is a party list,
where you vote for a party, and there are
single-member district candidates, where you vote
by name. In Moscow there was no party-list
component — here people voted only for names,
because United Russia was confident
that in this way they would take one hundred
percent of the seats, because wherever people vote for
a specific name, the opposition had never won
before, xxx
let's start first with the party
lists. This is very important, because the leader
of the new United Russia is, well,
nationwide—in general, the formal leader
of United Russia nationwide is
Dmitry Medvedev, Vladimir Putin, and, and
is the spiritual leader, but the main
figure speaking here is Mr. Turchak. He
heads it—let's take a look at what
he said. He said verbatim: United
Russia crushed everyone in these elections.
Can we show the graphic? I hope that
they're showing you this graphic—I can't see it.
United Russia crushed everyone in these
elections. So let's see exactly how
they supposedly crushed them—let's see in what way.
United Russia's representation
changed on the party lists. You
can see that it shrank absolutely
everywhere. Nadia, I'm very—I apologize for
the technical problems. I really hope that
they're showing you this graphic. Guys, come
over to me—sorry.
And tell me, are we showing the graphics or
not? It would be strange otherwise. We are showing them?
Finally, thank you very much, hooray. And once again,
sorry—when you send us a bunch of
money, everything will work perfectly for us
because we'll get properly
equipped. You're looking at the party
lists.
of United Russia. You can see that almost everywhere
they took a hit; in some places
Khabarovsk Krai
as I already said, they were completely
wiped out. Very interesting—look below.
Do you see the city of Sevastopol?
There of all places, it would seem that everyone
prays to Putin's portrait, and there the effect
of the 'Crimean Spring' (the 2014 annexation of Crimea) and everything else
should be at its maximum.
works in the city—but in Sevastopol, not at all,
excuse my language: United Russia lost 38 percent
there. So you see,
just about everywhere, except in
the Kabardino-Balkarian Republic,
the elections were absolutely, totally
falsified. Everywhere they lost
well, in some places a lot, in others a little, and that
is already great. Most importantly, we can see a trend
across the whole country. I'm sure that of course this
trend is also connected with our campaign
that we ran against United Russia,
the Smart Voting campaign. People were going out
and looking for ways to vote
against United Russia, which is why it fell. As for
this talk of 'crushing'—United Russia definitely didn't
crush anyone on the party lists; on the contrary,
everyone
—I apologize for the wording, that's Turchak's expression—
everyone crushed United Russia. Now let's
look at those single-member
districts, where there was an individual name on the ballot.
United Russia always thought that everything
was great there. You know that now they
even want to make State Duma elections so that all
450 seats are elected only in single-member districts, that is,
people would vote only for a name, because
that was where they were kings. In total, there were
up for grabs
in this kind of election in the previous
electoral cycle—in 2014,
there were 762 seats contested, and of those 762
United Russia then, as you
can see, won 643.
So, in other words, it had complete dominance.
Now, as a result of Smart Voting
and other factors—but nevertheless Smart
Voting was obviously the key
factor—in all of this, United Russia
seriously lost its
representation. It dropped—well, this is
of course not in a dramatic way, but as
you can see, quite significantly. They
lost ground in the number of single-member
candidates.
Of them, 145 people across the country were
backed by us through Smart Voting. That is,
we can see that it worked, one way or another,
across the whole country, although, to be honest, yes,
it's clear that first and foremost you
made Smart Voting happen through your efforts,
through those who watch this program or
through those who watch the videos. But broadly speaking,
essentially, your own
Smart Voting—you and those whom you
persuaded—mostly live in
large cities, and it's fairly hard for us
to reach smaller towns and
more remote areas, but even there
it worked—worked absolutely brilliantly.
But let's look at Khabarovsk again.
Yes, Khabarovsk is a special case. There,
basically, the governor represents
not United Russia but the LDPR (Liberal Democratic Party of Russia), and there
United Russia was absolutely trampled.
Because there, essentially, the
administrative resource was removed: the LDPR governor
simply chose not to help
United Russia. Look at what happened
to United Russia: in the Khabarovsk City
Duma and the Khabarovsk
Legislative Assembly, they have nothing at all.
In the legislative assembly they controlled one hundred
percent; now they control zero
percent. And you can see that most of the
candidates were Smart Voting picks. Zhirik (Vladimir Zhirinovsky's nickname)
was ranting about this very amusingly. Let's
watch Vladimir Zhirinovsky
shout that Smart Voting has absolutely
nothing whatsoever to do with
Khabarovsk. 'Navalny's got some nerve,' he says,
'claiming he did this for us. Have you completely lost
your mind? You need a psychiatrist...'
We’re winning there, and somehow he tried to latch onto it.
He also said something there about helping the LDPR in Moscow.
He doesn’t understand that—I heard it myself.
with my own ears... give him a piece of my mind.
under no circumstances for United Russia, but for
the Communists in that round—it's astonishing.
because of Yabloko and the LDPR, and you’re a scoundrel.
normal [__] you’re morally
[__] you, Navalny—well, actually I
really am not going to
credit Smart Voting with everything that
belongs to the vote, of course.
The main factor in Khabarovsk Krai was
that there was no administrative machine behind
United Russia, but nevertheless Smart
Voting kind of finished it off for good.
That was the final blow, and in that sense
Zhirinovsky was completely wrong when
he says that I was supposedly calling in
Moscow not to support the LDPR—that’s just nonsense.
In Moscow, Smart Voting basically could not
support the LDPR, because
there simply are no strong LDPR candidates here, and
in Moscow people don’t vote for them; they
vote for them in the Far East.
That’s where they have an advantage, and so in the Far
East we supported Furgal’s candidates
and
LDPR candidates; in that sense they are against
United Russia, and we are breaking United Russia’s monopoly.
We made our contribution, and you have
a very active штаб (campaign office) in Khabarovsk.
There’s a great story involving the singer Vika
Tsyganova—you know her? For the youngest
members of our audience,
17 seconds—let’s take a look.
This is what I’m talking about... 7.
[music]
In short, Vika Tsyganova really is
a fairly popular singer, at least
among the older generation—one hundred
percent of them know her. Tsyganova has that kind of
patriotic image,
with songs like “Russian Vodka,” “St. Andrew’s
Banner”—she’s well known, and
United Russia’s idea was very simple.
They thought: well, the LDPR people are sitting there everywhere,
but now we’ll just go ahead and
wipe out the entire opposition—both the Communists and the LDPR—
because we’ll simply nominate a famous
person, Vika Tsyganova, and pensioners will come out for her,
they’ll say, “Oh yes, that’s Vika,” and
they’ll vote for her. And Vika Tsyganova
came in third because she ran from
United Russia. But that’s not even the best part.
The best part is not that.
The best part is that Vika Tsyganova
said after the election—and after the election
she gave an interview and said, “I lost
because of that lousy United Russia.”
Let’s take a look: “United Russia
disgraced me and sank me, so I am not
going to lobby for the interests of those who
disgraced me—the people who ran my
election campaign.” In other words, a person
ran from United Russia and lost
because she was with United Russia. Out of affection for Tsyganova, had she run from another party,
from another party, then with a high
probability she would have won. And just
a moment earlier she was standing there with all those
slogans and banners, and it said
“Vika Tsyganova of United Russia,” and the
next day she comes out and says, “They
disgraced me, they sank me.”
A similarly great story happened in
Moscow too, and I’ll talk about that a bit later, but it’s
great—people recoil from all of this.
United Russia should become like a plague party,
one everyone runs away from, and we
—the people who make Smart Voting happen—
must make the single biggest
contribution to that.
Irkutsk—I’m talking about the whole
country right now, but let’s look at Irkutsk.
United Russia was absolutely crushed there.
Look: in 2014 they controlled
fully two-thirds and did whatever they wanted in
the city duma (city council); now they are the opposition.
And nine out of 21 opposition candidates
got through thanks to Smart Voting, so here too
we can see
the success of our whole undertaking in Siberia.
Moscow.
That, of course, was the most dramatic of all, and we sat
here through the night until 5 a.m., until 6 a.m.,
sitting in the штаб (campaign office), and actually everyone felt
very, very sad, even though it would seem
we should have been very, very happy, well
yes, because even when they stole
seats, 20, 24, or 25 people out of
45 got through thanks to Smart Voting,
thanks to their own work and to Smart
Voting. Of course, Smart Voting is not
some magic button where we can turn just anyone
into a deputy [__]; the candidate has to
do the work, and we simply
help, and then he becomes a deputy.
That’s more or less how it works. But they
were taking away seats.
And honestly, the mood here was just depressing,
and it was depressing for one reason: we
sat there saying to ourselves, “My God, damn,
if only we had understood that we just needed to bring
a few more people out, we would have killed ourselves doing it,”
because the main number regarding
the Moscow elections is this:
in Moscow,
the people who came—the people who came to
the polls—mostly, the majority of those
who showed up voted for Smart Voting
candidates. You can look at this
figure on this slide, and if not, you can
check my blog: 580,000
people came to vote for Smart Voting
candidates, and 550,000 for United
Russia. So basically,
the majority of Muscovites who came out
voted for the opposition. If we had...
That was our turnout, right there.
And because of that, I just sat there thinking: we didn't quite push it far enough.
I was genuinely devastated on
the victory night — we only needed
50,000 more people.
We just needed to add them to the number we already had,
just 10 percent more — 50,000
people is nothing at all for Moscow.
United Russia would have gotten nothing, and I
just sat there, and that thought
was killing me: that we just
fell a tiny bit short. We have a huge number
of candidates
who lost in places where there was
fraud, where there was
and United Russia simply stole the victory,
padding its total by 100, 200, or 300 votes.
There really are districts where, for an
opposition candidate, without any fraud,
backed by Smart Voting,
500 votes, 700 votes, 1,000
votes would have been enough.
Such a ridiculous number. We really could have
absolutely crushed them. I don't know what they
would have done — I mean, they would have
canceled the election, one hundred percent, or
declared some kind of martial law or whatever
else — I don't know. But it was so
close, and we could hardly believe it ourselves.
We ran a kind of office pool here at the Anti-Corruption Foundation
about how many, how many
Smart Voting candidates would get through in
Moscow. I said the number would be 15; I talked about it in
a video. Mostly people were like,
when I said 15, they were like, sure,
you're just trying to cheer yourself up. They were saying 8, 7, 2,
people — Bogomolov from the video
production team and Sobol said 20 or 22, and I
thought: these people don't understand anything,
they're just talking nonsense. I mean, they seem like
grown adults involved in politics,
especially Sobol saying 22 — well,
completely crazy. But that was exactly the kind of swing we needed,
we needed to go in with exactly that kind of momentum,
because in reality, we won more
than anyone predicted, more than even we
predicted.
Still, in the end,
it turned out great. Look: we got
20 people elected; 6 more mandates were stolen, making 26.
The Communists now have a huge
faction of 13 people, and I was already waiting
for all sorts of people to start
showing off and shouting, "Alexei,
look what happened — the Communists got in, and they
must be silent about Stalin," that the Communists
moved faster than A Just Russia, faster
than Yabloko (a liberal Russian political party).
They've already put forward a resolution. Let's look at
this resolution — what does it say, what
have the Communist deputies written? We can see
this resolution — they'll show it to us now.
And it says that they demand — here,
please — a statement by the newly elected
deputies of the Moscow City Duma
demanding an end to criminal cases. They write
right here, using the words "political prisoners."
They demand the right to assembly, they demand
and declare that they will demand
release, that they will fight. They declare that
electronic voting must be abolished.
They declare that it is necessary
to investigate corruption cases that
received broad publicity during
the election campaign. And obviously,
they mean the investigations that
we carried out. So you and I not only
elected these deputies ourselves, but at least
for now — and of course deputies do have a tendency
to go bad; they can be bought,
they can be manipulated, they can be deceived, and
so on — but at least for now we
see that the people who stood there
and said those things in the square have now made it
into the Duma and are saying exactly the same things. That's
really cool, and I just want to
congratulate everyone very warmly. The video I want
to show about Metelsky and Shuvalova — I've shown it
several times — has this moment in it:
a deputy from the very center of Moscow,
Yelena Shuvalova — she really fought, and on
election night they wanted to steal that
victory from her. You could clearly see that the protocol
from one of the commissions was missing; they wanted
to throw her out because she was so sharply
oppositional, so firmly and sharply
opposition-minded. And after the election, when it was already clear
to the city authorities
what was happening, she posted a short video
of a verbal clash with deputy Metelsky,
who was probably the main trophy for the Anti-Corruption Foundation
in this whole story. It's simply
the best demonstration of what
happened. Listen to how Metelsky
talks to her in the Moscow City Duma chamber,
how confident he is in his victory — and
two days later he was no longer untouchable.
Let's listen.
Today they plan to consider
legislative proposals that are disastrous for the city and for the country as a whole.
Draft laws.
I ask
everyone sitting in this hall to think
about the degree of responsibility they are
taking on today. People trust us.
And Muscovites, unlike you — and we are not
calling for any upheaval in the country,
coups, or all the rest of that
nonsense that is now being told to us in the name
of all Muscovites.
So I strongly recommend always thinking about
what you are saying. And Muscovites,
believe me, will sort it out — and we won't have
to wait long. We won't have to wait long.
You see, that's the whole meaning of what
happened: these brazen faces sat there
saying, "Unlike you, we are not calling for this, we
know better what Muscovites want, and they..."
They’re lying — Metelsky had been sitting there for, what, 15 years or so,
I don’t remember exactly anymore, and there he was, sitting there,
completely convinced that no one would ever force him out of there,
that he had become glued to that place.
Because he’s a billionaire, a hotel owner,
a United Russia party member — he paid these people off, paid those people off,
everyone around him was bought, and so, well,
Muscovites came and said — by the way,
additionally, it seems to me this was to a large extent
the Metelsky effect: what actually happened was
a total purge carried out by
United Russia in eastern Moscow. Usually,
the opposition vote comes from the center and
the southwest, but here, look — it was precisely in
eastern Moscow.
They simply wiped them out everywhere there, and it seems to me
this was also part of the effect of
Metelsky, who was heavily involved in all sorts of things there
in eastern Moscow, and simply
the sheer brazenness, arrogance, and audacity of these
people reached such proportions
that when we gave people this
small tool for consolidation — Smart Voting —
goodbye, United Russia. Smart Voting
worked.
Well, they had their own rigged kind of voting,
and United Russia set up
electronic voting in three districts, and
of course we understood that most likely this
would be some kind of mechanism for falsification,
but this whole thing was actively pushed by
Alexei Alexeyevich Venediktov, editor-in-chief
of Echo of Moscow (a Russian radio station).
And it was supposedly hard to
suspect him of directly
working for some kind of
fraud machine. Well, you could assume
that he was, say, helping Moscow City Hall
put together some kind of, well, something or other,
some shady scheme — but it turned out that this electronic
voting, this broken
thing, crashed several times during the day,
and then it turned out that, well,
everything there was simply faked. Let’s look
at the table for this electronic voting;
just by looking at it
you can see that the results at these
polling stations, where people voted
electronically, are just completely
different from
— you see, compare ordinary
voting, where people brought in paper ballots,
and compare it with electronic voting, and
you immediately see how different the bars are.
Rusetskaya, Tsvetkov, and Kartavtseva — these are three
United Russia candidates. You see how much fewer votes
they got at ordinary polling stations, and
it was precisely through these electronic polling stations
— each of which had 4,000 people
who supposedly voted — that there was
straight ballot-stuffing. They stole victory from
Roman Yuneman in District 30 — they stole it from him,
even though he wasn’t originally a Smart Voting candidate,
but we can see that by the
regular polling stations he won, and it was exactly
the 500 votes obtained through electronic
voting that took victory away from Yuneman. And in
Zelenograd, the CPRF (Communist Party of the Russian Federation) candidate
Ulyanchenko had victory stolen from him in exactly the same way through this
same electronic voting.
They stole the victory, and I once again demand
— and I’m glad that in the statement by the elected
deputies there was a direct
demand that this
electronic voting must be abolished. It is criminal.
If they keep electronic voting
in elections, then there will simply be no point at all
— I mean, it will lose any meaning to go
to elections, because some kind of black
box
— after all, they originally said there would be
electronic voting: you vote,
and then you’ll supposedly be able to check how your
vote
was counted. None of that existed. This thing just
popped up asking, “Who are you voting for?”
You vote there for Yuneman, Alyoshin, Zhukovsky,
and then the system just went — whoops — and said:
everyone voted for Rusetskaya. It was just
that kind of fraud, that kind of simply
blatant, shameless deception, frankly,
that no one even expected. I join
the demand to cancel all of this.
Of course, the victory over Ms. Khamzaeva
was gratifying.
That really turned out well, and it was
a pretty nerve-racking story for all of us,
because in the last
three days before the vote
we had to make Smart Voting somehow
get the word out to everyone around and
get them to vote for candidate Yandiev,
who had neither the time to run
much of a campaign, especially since
Khamzaeva from United Russia had become
such a symbol. I mean, she was literally
everywhere, on every corner, and she was
of course absolutely sure of her victory.
Yashin wasn’t allowed to run, and the Communists,
who pose a threat in Moscow,
more than anyone else, were kept out too.
They weren’t allowed in, so everything seemed guaranteed.
Yandiev, in no way, in anyone’s view,
could pose any threat. And yet we see Yandiev
here now — from A Just Russia (a Russian political party),
but nevertheless, first of all, he himself
really proved to be a solid guy. He
put out a statement saying, “I’m going to support everyone here,
I’ll be a deputy for everyone,”
and people looked at
him and said, “All right, we’ll vote for this
Yandiev.” Yashin endorsed him, he
did well, and Khamzaeva lost — and that was
great. But even better was that, as
Vika Tsyganova later said,
it turned out United Russia hadn’t actually needed
all that all this time, and all the trash that
was staged for her sake, it turns out...
There were attempts to throw a wrench in the works. Let's take a look.
A few seconds from the interview in Samara.
On the right is the AR channel... here it is in front of you.
They were clearing the field, and yet despite that...
No, that's not it.
That didn't happen, because in the end it simply...
In order to support someone.
They voted for this person.
...for him, whom, I'm sure, the majority...
...of those who voted for him had never heard of before that.
Maybe it wasn't worth taking part in this.
Valery, wait, you just...
...described the situation as if, for my sake...
...they were clearing the field for me. I believe that...
Everything you've just...
...listed was not clearing the field.
It was putting spokes in the wheels, and if that hadn't...
...happened, then I think the probability of our...
...victory would have been much higher.
What astonishingly brazen people, honestly.
They threw everyone out of the election, and handed her...
...what was it, 20 million rubles or so?
They spent it on Yashin's election campaign.
They kept him in jail until the very last day, and so...
And it turns out all of that was just obstacles...
...put in the way. Well then, she should have said so directly.
She should have said: I demand that Yashin be allowed to run, I...
...demand that the Communist candidate not be removed, I...
...will come to the debates. But she refused those...
...debates, even though Sobol had challenged her to them.
She refused, and now it turns out that of course...
...she would have won.
But evil United Russia was getting in the way.
It kept throwing obstacles in the way, and once again we...
...end up in a situation where this government...
...of disgusting crooks and thieves is simply...
...plague-ridden — the United Russia people are like plague carriers, and from them...
...everyone should run away. And all these various...
...people from Samara.
These are the kind of people who, with their...
...shifty little faces, are trying to figure out...
...which way they need to run.
They should all be running away from United Russia.
That's very important, and you and I will be working on that.
The funniest thing is, I talked about this...
...in my main video, and...
...this is now the most interesting...
...thing: waiting to see what came of it.
Yes, of course, this is in the district where we elected...
...the fake Solovyov.
Remember? The district where...
...the real Solovyov was supposed to be blocked.
Now you can see in the photo — he wasn't...
...allowed in; he was jailed.
And there was basically nobody there at all. There was this...
...woman running named Tsvetkova.
And for some reason this woman was very important...
...to the mayor's office, and they removed everyone there.
There was a Communist candidate there, quite a decent one...
...Timur Bushaev, I think.
Now, because of this Bushaev — here he is...
...you can see him in the photo...
...he was the only one left, and then later this...
...he too was removed. So the entire CPRF (Communist Party of the Russian Federation) slate...
...was registered — I mean, you have to submit signatures...
...and yet he was removed on some completely...
...fake grounds. It was done solely...
...so that Tsvetkova would win, because...
...she can't win on her own, and there we...
...looked around and there was nobody: there was a fake...
...Communists of Russia candidate, a technical candidate...
...there was a United Russia candidate, and there was a lookalike of this...
...Solovyov, whom nobody had ever...
...seen in person, just in case Pavel...
...did end up being registered. So we...
...wrote, all right, under these circumstances...
...I want to do this, Slava:
We have to support someone, maybe...
...just for the joke of it, out of principle...
...the fake Solovyov. He tells us at night:
"All right, let's do exactly that." They...
...put up a double, so let's see...
...you reap what you sow. Honestly, it looked...
...like a kind of...
...adventurous stunt, because it's hard...
...to elect someone just by getting people to come and...
...simply, you know, as a kind of hidden gesture of defiance...
...with a fig in the pocket (a Russian gesture meaning covert mockery or defiance).
...vote over two days. And now...
...he's a deputy, and nobody can find him. Some...
...profiles are appearing, and his photo...
...has surfaced showing that he was at a meeting with...
...Miron.
But not a single interview, nothing. I hope...
...he knows how to speak, and I hope he knows how...
...to read and write.
Well, maybe he'll turn out to be completely...
...normal. We don't know. I won't be ashamed of...
...everything I've said somewhere if he turns out to be...
...normal. But there will be some...
...Moscow City Duma session, and we'll see. I'm sure...
...that more journalists will run to him...
...than to anyone else, because all of us are terribly...
...curious about whom exactly we ended up electing.
To wrap up on Moscow, I want to draw your...
...attention to the party Communists of Russia and...
...this special little community of crooks...
...that takes part in every election...
...for the purpose of stealing...
...a few percentage points from the CPRF, but...
...in Moscow...
...it was a tool of the mayor's office. They...
...nominated candidates in every district, 45 people in all, and...
...everywhere supposedly through signature collection.
And based on those completely fake signatures...
...the mayor's office registered them. And now...
...it turns out that — let's take a look — I...
...misled you: not 45 people. They actually put forward...
...31 people, and out of these...
...31 candidates right away...
...each of whom supposedly brought in 6,000...
...signatures, and they were told: what excellent signatures you have.
How many of them do you think...
...received at least 6,000 votes? Out of those 6...
...thousand signatures they were supposed to collect...
...the answer is two people. Two people.
All the others received fewer votes...
...than the number of signatures they supposedly submitted, which of course is yet another...
once again shows that the whole thing was somehow...
absolutely—I, absolutely, I’m a fake, and...
I very much hope that the newly
elected deputies of the Moscow City Duma will deal with this.
My congratulations.
Sergei Boyko—my, well, basically my
congratulations to the city of Novosibirsk, which
failed to remove
the mayor—United Russia–KPRF (Communist Party of the Russian Federation) man Lokot. But
still, Sergei Boyko received quite
substantial support, came in second place,
and won 18 percent of the vote.
We’ll also connect with him later today.
We’ll watch a funny video from a search raid—another
example of why you need to believe in yourself. Everyone
thought, like, Boyko won’t win, he has
no chance, so what difference does it make?
We just need to consolidate.
Instead of voting against Lokot for different
candidates,
now it’s clear that if everyone had
consolidated and voted
smartly, only for Boyko, and if just a little
more effort had been made to turn people out, then
Lokot would have lost. In fact, Lokot got
with all the administrative resources at his disposal only
51 percent of the vote, while all the other
candidates got 49 percent.
If we had united around Boyko, he
absolutely could have won the election too. This is
an absolutely realistic scenario, just
super realistic. There’s nothing here that should
make it seem like some kind of
impossible thing—to unseat the mayor
of a major city. Novosibirsk is the third-largest
city in the country—though, though, people always
argue with that statement in
Yekaterinburg, but formally it’s still third.
It was absolutely possible, and
as residents of Novosibirsk, I urge you
to keep working with Boyko. You’ll soon have
elections to the city assembly and so on.
Boyko is now the main opposition figure in Siberia.
He proved his support in the election.
He proved that he is Siberia’s leading opposition politician. Let’s
consolidate around him. I’ll wrap up
this topic with the rest of the country, because
I’ve seen comments like, well,
sure, Moscow, sure, St. Petersburg, and so
on—but in the rest of Russia,
Smart Voting worked. Smart
Voting worked much better than
in Moscow, for example in Mari El (a republic in Russia),
because in Yoshkar-Ola there was an outright
super-mega triumph of Smart Voting.
Let’s take a look at Yoshkar-Ola. Do we have
the graphic for Yoshkar-Ola? There were 32
United Russia members out of 35 there. The graphic is missing,
so I’ll just say it out loud, sorry
please, I’m repeating myself here,
technical difficulties. There were 32
United Russia deputies out of 35—that is, complete,
absolute domination by United Russia.
Now it’s 16 out of 35.
So we can see that the opposition, with the help of
Smart Voting—and of those 16, 12
people were Smart Voting picks—simply
came in and landed a solid blow against United
Russia in a place where it seemed, well,
good Lord, in Mari El you just couldn’t
break through—and yet they did. The same thing
happened in Birobidzhan: there were 18 United Russia members out of 21,
now it’s 10, and we got 11 opposition candidates elected.
Of those, 7 were Smart Voting picks. In Penza,
United Russia was simply
crushed, I’d say. There it had 32 out of 35,
that is, an absolute majority, and
now they’ve reduced the number of
seats to 25, and 15 of them are opposition-held, so
that’s a majority. Of those 15, 9 are Smart Voting
candidates. So in that sense,
big city, small city—
in a small city it works even better.
And of course our task is
to bring people together. We need to make sure
that several million people join the Smart Voting
system. If we do that,
again, it comes down to believing in ourselves.
As for United Russia taking a hit—St. Petersburg, you
all keep asking me about St. Petersburg.
I can’t say the same clearly about St. Petersburg,
because nobody knows what’s happening there.
Well, that is—rather, the only thing we do know
is that some kind of outrageous chaos is happening in St. Petersburg,
something monstrous.
But what the election results actually
are is quite hard to say. This chaos
is confirmed by a rather amusing recording
from one of the polling stations.
The chair of the commission wanted to call
the higher election commission, but his phone had died,
so he asked an observer for a phone. The observer
simply turned on a recording, and now we have
a phone conversation showing how
the commission chair—in the Admiralteysky District
of St. Petersburg—
was talking to the higher-ups...
[inaudible] sit and listen [inaudible]
for another 20 minutes, but here he shouted a couple of
necessary things—how long can we keep stalling?
What are they even making up over there...
[inaudible] some kind of hypothesis...
it’ll work out.
We have only called, what, fewer than
12—three of them, or maybe only four,
have submitted the protocol, while everyone else
hasn’t yet been given the go-ahead.
So what happened in St. Petersburg overall
was that Smart Voting candidates and
opposition candidates in general
simply won across the city, overwhelmingly.
After that, they simply
won all the municipalities. And
municipalities in St. Petersburg have
much greater power and much larger
budgets than in Moscow. And United
Russia—not even United Russia as such,
but the small-time United Russia people sitting there...
And the people who run these districts siphon off funds
for themselves—tens of millions.
They carve up the budget and hand it out to their relatives.
They simply started brazenly rewriting the election results
and are still rewriting them now.
It is literally Thursday now, and the voting was on
Sunday. In St. Petersburg, all of this is still going on.
In many municipalities, the final
election results still have not been announced, and the internet was simply
flooded with all sorts of absolutely
outrageous footage—almost like entertainment, except it is infuriating.
entertaining
videos—for example, one showing how, over there,
at Morskaya Zastava, at the 41-second mark, they simply
count the votes, see that
they are losing, grab a stack of ballots
and run off with them. I mean, can you imagine?
The person is apparently laughing nervously—
this female observer—because, well,
there is a camera hanging right there in the commission room.
There is supposed to be special monitoring, and ballots
are absolutely not allowed to be taken out.
They count the votes, realize they have lost, and
simply carry off the ballots. And this is not an isolated
incident. We had several cases in Yekateringofsky.
Our Dasha and a big team were running there,
and she won. After that, the people
who were counting the votes
realized they had lost.
They said:
"Well, our workday has started,"
but they waited until morning, and then
they took all the ballots and said, "We are handing them over
to the local police officer for safekeeping," which
is completely impossible under the law. They
are required to count everything and record it all, then
submit it to the GAS Vybory system (Russia's state election database). Instead, they handed them over
to the local police officer and then drove off. After that,
the officer returned the ballots—but obviously
not the same ones.
The checkmarks were completely different, and this
is happening everywhere. There were also simply
attacks and beatings of election commission members.
There is a video you have most likely already seen.
I want to show one more minute of footage—
absolutely disgusting footage of how one commission member
pressures another commission member,
how one member leans on another, and how
the police react to it. One minute.
I feel sick—they just punched me in the stomach.
Very, very hard. These are your colleagues—your
people saw it. I am asking you for help.
I was just punched in the stomach.
I am a commission member with advisory voting rights.
I was just punched in the stomach.
It hurts very, very badly. It was all recorded—right
there, on the cameras. Everything was absolutely
seen. Please take action.
This too, this too—just like the USSR (the Soviet Union).
The "cultural capital"—and at this polling station there was
ballot stuffing; at this polling station, victories were simply stolen.
Naturally, victories were stolen. But even so,
even now, if we look
at the rough figures I am about to give—
and they are very rough, because
everything is constantly being recounted and changing—
naturally, what we can more or less say now is this:
previously, United Russia members
held seats in all the municipalities of
St. Petersburg—around 1,400 people.
Now there are 900. So we
can see that roughly 500 people—and we
again, this is only approximate—we
estimate that 340 people backed by
Smart Voting managed to
break through all of this. In other words, there were
hundreds
of elected candidates whose victories were stolen from them. But even
in the middle of this trashfire, the victory
of Smart Voting, the victory of independent
candidates, was so significant that
340 people got through—340 people
broke through, and some municipalities
are even now completely under
the control of independent candidates.
That is great. It means everything worked.
And yes, for us, of course, that is great—but
I have been talking to you for so long, and the main
point is the victory of Smart Voting. As you understand,
we are celebrating here, while someone else
is very upset. And they
started getting upset much earlier than
we did. They have access to polling data, they
are very good at math, and
Putin's people, to our shame, have plenty of that. And we
have to admit that they realized
that Smart Voting is very dangerous
much faster than we realized
how powerful it is. Because all these
raids happened immediately before Smart
Voting in order to derail it. And now
what is happening is basically the largest
police operation in modern Russia.
Today there were more than 200
searches
in 41 cities across the country, all following exactly
the same pattern. A search is carried out—well, I
call it a search, but in reality it
could more accurately be called
a violent robbery or mugging, because
the goal is simply to come in and take away
all electronic devices.
And then the person's
bank cards are all blocked. In other words, they want
I am telling you here: let's get several
million people involved in Smart
Voting. And over there in the Kremlin they are sitting and
saying: they must not pull several
million people into Smart Voting, because
otherwise we are finished.
And absolutely everything must be done
to make sure they do not bring several million people
into Smart Voting. Their first step was
to smash our network of headquarters. That is exactly why
I am raising money through the link that you have
below in the description, so that we can still
stop them from destroying our system. And so they
carried out searches and seizures in every
at the office, then at each employee's home, and then at
the homes of those employees' parents
these searches, well, they really looked like—this
really looks like armed robbery
let's take a look at Chelyabinsk
such an insolent brute, you understand, he
pulled this mask over his face and thinks that
you'll never find him. We will find every last one of them
because in the police paperwork, everything
still shows who went where, which
unit was sent, so sooner or later
dear participants in all these searches
every one of you will be sitting in the dock
watching this video of how you
dragged someone by the leg there, crying and
saying, "Guys, I was forced to do it"
"I won't do it again, it was my
boss who made me do it"—that is what will happen
sooner or later. They're all young men, they
will all live long enough, and the statutes of limitations on all
these things will be lifted, because what
is happening, you understand
they declared all these donations illegal
funds and are carrying out searches over them
they break down doors, and how they were sawing through doors in
Vladivostok
that's Chelyabinsk again—oh, sorry
sorry, we showed Chelyabinsk again
let's look at how they were sawing through doors
in Vladivostok
[music]
in general, the actions of these people
who call themselves police officers
are in fact just some kind of thugs
their finest representatives of the citizens of
Russia—they really do look very much like
the actions of
you know, occupiers fighting partisans
the way it was shown in films—that is exactly how they
behave. Let's watch
or rather, let's listen for a minute and a half to the coordinator of
our Vladivostok штаб (campaign office)
telling how they forced her to undress
a woman officer, supposedly—the only one allowed
to conduct a personal search, although
it's unclear why anyone needed to undress
during a search in the department for combating money laundering
the anti-money-laundering department
they made her undress, and then
male police officers walked around as if
nothing was wrong. For a minute and a half they
were searching for my personal phone
I was trying to stay calm
to see exactly what they had managed to hide
and in the safe, where there was a postcard and my personal
diary. During the interrogation, I was asked whether
I knew Navalny and Volkov
whether I knew the Doctors' Alliance and the Teachers' Alliance
things like that, even what these organizations
actually do. Naturally, the first charge
Guys, hi everyone, but all my things
that they took—I understand that they
will be sent to Moscow, and I probably won't see them again
the host says: some kind of madness—they went in there
so, I undressed, and this woman asked me
to take off my bra. I took it off, and she
started feeling it over, as if God forbid something
might be sewn into it. Then this
guy walks in—and the main thing is, you're standing there
with this crazed look in his eyes, like he might
you know, corner you or start barking orders at them
waving documents around, and there I was, standing there
without a bra. How could they allow that?
The authorized female officer just stood there
and didn't say a single word on my behalf
that men weren't supposed to be there while a woman was being searched
you understand, these are just absolutely
brazen swine who demonstratively
behave like occupiers on our land
really, like occupiers on our land
this whole business with the searches
was absolutely
massive. That's exactly why I have no
slightest doubt that this was simply
personally ordered by Putin. This was
planned at the level of the Security
Council
200 addresses across the country, and everywhere
at exactly 6 a.m.—that is, in
Vladivostok at 1:00 p.m.
while in the European part of the country, where
it was 6 a.m. Moscow time—even the police
the National Guard, the Investigative Committee
interagency coordination—meaning
of course this operation
was organized personally by Vladimir Putin
who is suffering because his party,
United Russia,
got hit hard by us in these elections, and will keep getting hit
going forward. Let that party
of United Russia suffer. But what is striking, you know, is
really how much effort they once again put into
showing that Putin personally
controls all of this, how meticulously
for example, our coordinator from Kurgan also
says that at his
parents' home in a village—those who've been to Kurgan
will know, and those who haven't: I never did make it to
Kurgan, for which I constantly apologize to
the residents of that city. I even had
a meeting planned there, but frankly
it's far away, it's a fairly
remote region. It's not in Siberia, somewhere
else, but still remote. So
they even
went to search the home of the parents of
a coordinator who live two and a
half hours' drive from Kurgan, in a village
let's listen
My name is Alexei Shvarts, and I am the coordinator of Navalny's штаб (campaign office)
in Kurgan. I work at the office
because I hate
crooks, and today OMON riot police came to me and my loved ones
with bags, personally to me
They arrived early in the morning, they sawed through
the door to the house and burst in. The police acted as if
there was simply nowhere to step, and they
seized all the equipment, bank cards, cash, and
All my notebooks as well. OMON (Russian riot police) and the police
came to my parents' house in
the village, which is only
two and a half hours from the city, and they didn't think twice about making the trip.
They came, they searched everything, they
went through the bathhouse, even the shed,
went down into the cellar, looking for something,
though it's unclear what. They frightened my
mother so badly that she fainted.
But these actions won't scare me.
I will continue fighting this, these methods of
the authorities.
Well done, Alexei Shvarts, and well done to all our
coordinators. We had quite a
lively exchange of messages with them, with
everyone.
So far, no one has been scared. On the contrary,
everyone is just angry, fired up, and
of course, for some time
life will be quite difficult, because, well,
for all of them, and for some even for
their parents, their bank cards have simply been blocked.
That means, first of all, everyone has had
their money taken away. I remember somewhere in
Vladivostok, a fairly large amount of
money was taken away—someone's savings. He
had been saving for a very long time.
For a car he was planning to buy, or
for an apartment—they took from him something like 10,000 or 20,000
US dollars, like from our Vitalik
the cameraman in Moscow. He sold
an apartment, and he has documents showing that
he sold the apartment, but all that money
was taken away, just like that.
Maybe, say, a young man brings
a certificate saying, "I
bought this currency from the bank," and they tell him:
"No, now we're taking all of this away,
seizing it just like that." A personal bank card
is blocked, meaning you can't receive
your salary, you can't send money to anyone,
you can't pay for anything. It's a fairly
serious problem, and our entire
structure is, of course,
in limbo right now.
We don't fully understand yet how we will
rebuild it from scratch, but we
absolutely, definitely
will rebuild it.
You see that wonderful link—if you
go there, you'll help us. Billions are being
entered there precisely in order to
block a person's account. How does it
work? If they want to block
your account, the bank basically puts a negative balance on it, saying that you
owe money. You may have 10,000 rubles (about 10,000 RUB) in your account,
but it will show that you owe 75
million. You see, for example, one of our
people had a billion blocked on his account.
He's a coordinator of our headquarters, and
they blocked a billion—a negative one billion—so
in order for your account to be
unblocked, you would have to deposit 1
billion and 1 ruble. Sergei Boyko,
who came in second in the election in
Novosibirsk, certainly amused us with a video
from the search of his home.
Let's watch a few seconds of it now.
It was important for him to preserve certain
electronic storage devices. Let's see
how Sergei Boyko, a resourceful
man—people didn't vote for him for nothing. They
should have voted for him in even greater numbers.
How did he solve this problem?
Hi, friends, this is a drone with hard
drives.
Very important ones, containing all the valuable digital
information. And why is it flying, you may ask?
Because people have come with a search warrant.
The police have arrived. Right now we're sending off the most
important thing, and after that we'll get back to
the discussion. Well, clever idea, I have to say.
You can't deny that. But you know, I kept
seeing in the morning reports saying
there were searches in 10 headquarters, 20 headquarters, 40
headquarters, then 150 headquarters, 150 searches. I
texted Volkov
who was sitting there monitoring everything: "Are
you sure you're not mixing anything up? 150 searches? That
can't be right. Nothing like that has ever happened before.
You simply can't pull off an operation like that across
the whole country, and coordinating it
would be difficult.
He wrote back: "150 is the minimum." And then
it turned out there were around 200. We still don't
know the exact number.
There have truly never been operations on this scale—not against terrorists, not against
drug traffickers, not against corrupt officials.
There have never been operations of this scale
at any point, ever. And how can one not
recall the remarkable words of Dmitry
Medvedev, who explained why
the topic of corruption never really leads to
any searches, because
one party has basically claimed that issue for itself.
And as for the commission
on combating corruption,
I can say only one thing: this is a matter
for, of course, the leadership of the State
Duma. That is my opinion.
Dear friends, do not give up this
position, because this is the most fertile
issue, and you yourselves know that perfectly well.
Make sure that the fight against corruption
is led by United Russia in the
State Duma. Otherwise, the
number of reproaches about the
concentration of crooks and other
unreliable elements will only
grow. You need to deal with this yourselves.
You need to deal with this yourselves—and they do.
I really liked that in the front row there were
people sitting there—Vorobyov from Moscow
Region, Surkov—these are all major
corrupt figures.
They need to deal with it themselves, and they are.
And that's why they are carrying out these raids on our
What they actually have there is some kind of
There seems to be some kind of elaborate grand plan for a crackdown.
As for us in particular, there is this rather
amusing commission for combating
foreign interference, which has already
been given its first assignment on combating
foreign interference in the elections, and
it turns out that the people interfering in the elections were me and
Lyubov Sobol.
There was a very funny speech there.
By Zhirinovsky, though of course it was in that usual kind of
still, it ended with the fact that
the commission officially said: now we will consider
this—the State Duma is considering
the question of whether Sobol and I
organized interference in the Russian
elections. Let’s watch it—1 minute 14
seconds.
You just can’t sort yourselves out.
You’re creating an opposition for yourselves.
You’re creating your own gravedigger, just like they created
for the Democrats. They’re all over the place, and you’re building it up around
Lyuba, whipping her up so that she
takes the place of Navalny, Bolotova, and so on—and you did it yourselves.
Why did you start banning them?
It’s against the nation. Let them do it—I’ve said a hundred times
in the Kremlin:
let them walk around and shout whatever they want.
Eventually they’ll stop shouting and talking. But no—you
arrest them, hit them across the back with batons, and make things worse.
Last time you didn’t do anything
but make Lyuba into some kind of
You keep talking about some powerful Lyuba,
all day long. What Lyuba is this?
The Constitution, Klitschko, a sex symbol—
they keep throwing all this at him, so what is he supposed to do with it?
Once you’ve let it all out, you can’t stop it.
It was that girl, the activist—Lyuba, that is,
Sobol. Sobol is probably Navalny’s
mistress.
Let’s instruct the commission to
study all these issues. You were saying
that Navalny was recruited at Yale
University—let the commission look into it.
There.
Lyuba—let this Lyuba sort it out.
The commission.
50,000 people were watching live.
It was a funny speech, really funny.
A funny speech, and it seems like nobody really
looks at Zhirik (Vladimir Zhirinovsky’s nickname) as anything more than a kind of funny
old man saying all sorts of ridiculous things about Lyuba,
whipping her up, and yet in the middle of all that silliness
he was also saying some correct things: Lyuba
was whipped up—well of course, you
built her up for the elections and then didn’t let her run, while
arresting her endlessly and using violence—so what
is Lyuba supposed to do? Naturally,
she goes around campaigning against you.
But all of this ends with them, on the one hand,
sort of egging him on there,
fumbling around over who this Lyuba is and
saying, “Lyubasha Sobol,”
but it really ends with
an official procedural instruction being issued:
that Navalny was supposedly recruited at
Yale University, that the Marines were somehow swapped in—
let the commission check it.
The commission will be checking into it, and when this
commission sends me some letter
saying, “Please provide proof that
you are not a Marine,” I mean,
it’s all funny, but it will keep
growing and growing and
growing, and in fact it will affect
everyone in our country, because these people,
in their panic and in their fear of us,
of our coordinated action,
of our Smart Voting strategy, will
trash and destroy everything here—from
the economy to absolutely anything.
Just watch: right up until the elections to the
State Duma, these people will
keep pulling stunts like this and doing things like that.
You’ll remember my words later.
But our task is to remember that our
coordinated action is the most
important thing. Yury Dud is the new enemy
of the authorities.
Apparently he has even drawn some
attention away from me for now, and fortunately
there haven’t been any searches yet.
They’re threatening him with criminal cases—in
the literal sense, they’re saying that he
is opening the gates of hell, because Dud
has done terrible things. First of all, he
—terrible from the authorities’ point of view—
released a film. Everyone is praising it. I haven’t
seen it yet because I simply haven’t had
time, with the elections and all, but absolutely everyone
is praising it and saying it’s a wonderful film
about the events in Beslan (the 2004 school siege in North Ossetia), and naturally
they immediately accused him of
presenting the terrorists’ point of view, and already
saying a criminal case should be opened and he should be jailed for
that. But then this terrible Dud went even further
and did something outrageous: he spoke at the
GQ awards and said, basically, why
should we stay silent? We must speak the truth.
Let’s watch 45 seconds of Yury.
The next day, when
this was all happening—well, in batches, all over the place—
electoral.
I’m asking you to speak out, and it seems that
silence has already stopped being a virtue. Thank you.
Before
it means they can come to any house,
including one on Rublyovo-Uspenskoye Highway (an elite residential area near Moscow),
and if there’s no difference, then there’s no need to meet
lawlessness with silence—you have to confront it face to face.
And after the film about Beslan, after
this video, Dud has now become an even bigger, doubly
enemy, because
it would seem that Dud just came out and said
some obvious things, but he
broke that silence. You know, there’s this huge room full of
all these people,
at the GQ awards,
who basically all think the same thing.
They understand that this is lawlessness, that
it’s absolutely awful, but they all stay silent and
cower, and then suddenly someone walks out onto the stage
and says: no, I’m not going to keep quiet about this, I’m saying everything
and I’m doing just fine. And you can absolutely
say all of this too, and
it has the effect of an exploding
bomb, and the Kremlin is terrified that
tomorrow someone else might come out and say it,
and then someone else will say it too, and if
this whole little gang of nice but rather
cowardly people from all these awards and
events starts speaking up, then it will be
impossible to contain. And now Dud (Yury Dud),
really does look, in the eyes of our
authorities, like some spawn of hell. Let’s
take a look at what was brilliantly said about him—well,
I simply enjoyed listening to this.
My favorite, Vladimir Solovyov, said this
after the Beslan film (about the Beslan school siege). Let’s
listen. Dud cheerfully says that
the state is to blame for everything.
What a degenerate. He’d be better off advertising
Head & Shoulders—in that head of his, apart from
chemical elements and Procter & Gamble products,
nothing else has been found, that’s all.
A sports journalist, talentless as ever,
has now crawled into something else and is just spewing filth
little by little for three hours, with not the slightest
understanding of
why, how, and what really happened.
Look at those faces, just look at this
fatness, this scum—look at
this anti-dandruff crusader.
There’s zero empathy there. Who even is this, anyway?
They’re hyping up some nobody—what kind of
money is behind all this, who’s inflating it all? The very same
liberal creep is trying to push him to the top.
They don’t understand that by doing this, they are opening
the gates of hell.
Polished-up nobodies, vermin—the gates of hell.
Of the liberal creep.
So thank you, Yury Dud, for
driving Vladimir Rudolfovich (Solovyov) into
yet another state of ecstasy. We really
enjoy watching it, and if it triggers
Vladimir so badly, then Dud is doing
everything right. Many thanks to him.
To wrap up my program, I absolutely have
to talk about what
is happening in Buryatia, because it is
an excellent example of how truly
explosive the situation in the country is, and how much
this government, with great difficulty and only
through force, is keeping things under control.
What is happening in Buryatia? Well, on the face of it,
nothing at all seemed to foreshadow it.
There is a shaman who is heading to Moscow, and we
can laugh at that.
We do laugh—there’s nothing wrong with
laughing at some people, at
I don’t know, excessive religiosity or whatever. But
even so, if you look at
polling across Russia, you’ll see there is
a significant part of the population that
supports shamanism. A shaman is going to remove
Vladimir Putin from Moscow.
He has every right to do that. And amazingly, along the way
people began joining him
because he’s walking along and saying
some obvious things—about
justice,
about how badly things are organized in Russia,
about how this bad, evil
government needs to be driven out. It’s a kind of, you know, new
naivety. We like to talk about
a ‘new sincerity’ among hipsters, and among
shamans there is also this new
sincerity: I am going to cast him out. People
join him, and these people
simply started being jailed.
So Putin, with all his
National Guard and everyone else,
was horrified to see that somewhere out there,
in the middle of nowhere, this had already gone beyond the purely symbolic,
they were approaching Ulan-Ude, and
thirteen people had already joined him, and
Putin was already scared, stamping his feet,
already crying out: my God, save me from
this shaman—what if he really does
cast me out? Because Putin understands that he is
an accidental man, appointed by a drunken
Yeltsin and his thieving family,
and maybe, just maybe, they really could drive him out.
So they gave orders there to arrest him
and his supporters. At the same time,
mayoral elections were taking place there, and
a remarkable man was running,
Marhaev (Vyacheslav Markhayev), a senator from the neighboring
Irkutsk region. He is the only
senator who spoke out in support of the protesters.
A former police officer, a former OMON riot policeman,
he fought in Chechnya and was regarded as a hero there.
He had quite substantial support, but
naturally, the election was rigged.
Markhayev did not win, and in Buryatia
protests began, and people gathered there
in the square, and they refused to disperse.
They stayed there overnight. What
did the police start doing? Well, first
they began detaining some people, and
they even detained a deputy of the
People’s Khural (regional parliament), Tsyrenov, but he
was freed by the protesters right during the rally.
Let’s watch—it’s just three seconds.
Well, as you can see, it’s pretty hard to say
that there was any outside interference here.
These are simply genuinely outraged people—Buryats and
non-Buryats, local residents, residents of Ulan-Ude.
They are outraged by this trash
that is happening, and I like the fact that
they arrested some people who were here with
this shaman. Why? On what grounds should you
arrest them? Don’t they have the right to walk with
a shaman, or with anyone at all? Don’t they have the right
to walk down the road? They do—it’s their road to
Ulan-Ude.
Excuse me, Kremlin, but to fix this
He doesn’t consider the road his own, fine, let it be that way.
Let some beat-up vehicle stop out in the middle of nowhere there,
but if someone is walking along it who is
against Putin,
then suddenly it’s “our road, we forbid anyone from walking on it, we”
“will arrest everyone.” And so there,
the standoff continues. The people in the
square are not leaving, and the police there already
can’t use the National Guard (Rosgvardiya) so easily after all,
because they all live together there.
It’s not like in Moscow. First of all, there,
people don’t know each other, and secondly, from neighboring
regions they bus in their own National Guard units there.
Here, it’s the same people who live right there,
somewhere nearby, and everyone knows them, and basically
people can come up to them and,
for lack of a better word, confront them — their neighbors can.
They can say, “So you’re beating us,”
“hitting us with a baton in the square right now,”
“and you’re not the only one with a baton, so answer us,”
“please, for what’s happening.” And the police
at night already started simply using these kind of
special little axes, but men in civilian clothes,
obviously police officers,
ran over
with these little axes and started smashing up
those buses where, apparently, people had gathered
— people
who stayed overnight. So there in
Buryatia (a Russian republic in Siberia), they seem to have their own way of holding
protests: they protest during the day, and at night they
stay in buses. And then
unknown men with little axes attacked,
wrecked all those vehicles, and with the help of those
little axes started dragging people out of
the vehicles. The police then said that
they don’t have any little axes at all,
they are not part of their official
equipment, and they know nothing about it. Why is no one talking about this?
I’ll show you now 10
seconds with one guy who very clearly has something
that looks like a little axe. Let’s take a look.
They use them when they come here to carry out
searches. They all have huge numbers of these things,
the kind you can see in
the photograph — literally little axes,
axes they use
to break down doors, with which they
smash everything. So what we’re seeing here
is a situation where police officers are simply committing
openly illegal acts already. They
hide themselves, they put on masks — I mean,
if they wear masks at a rally, they still
usually don’t deny that they are police officers.
In Buryatia right now, what’s happening is simply
something completely, absolutely gangster-like
in that sense. And even
one of the Buddhist lamas came to
that Soviets Square (the central square in Ulan-Ude), and
incidentally, here is the lama — let’s
listen to what he says.
He says: when informed people like
Dmitry Kiselyov or Olga Skabeeva do harmful things like this,
on television, that’s one thing. But when our own
neighbors start lying to us, neighbors who support United
Russia, that is very bad, says
the Buddhist lama in the Republic of Buryatia.
My friends, this of course shows a very,
very important shift
that is happening across the whole country.
The impoverishment of people plus the total decay
of United Russia — this is leading, has led, and will lead
to various consequences. But right now
in Buryatia, they seem to have managed to disperse some people again,
to jail some people there,
to fine others somewhere, and things
like that. But we don’t know what will happen next, and
this government will bring our whole country to
enormous problems, because they do not
want to understand and do not want to accept
how sick and tired everyone is of them. They do not want
to understand or accept that there are no longer
people willing to put up with the idea that power
belongs to them.
Whether it’s 100 or 80 percent, they must
share power with this shaman, with this
lama, with this Markhaev (likely Vyacheslav Markhaev, a Buryat opposition politician), who
is running, with Boyko, who is in
Novosibirsk. There are huge numbers of us in
Moscow too. Once again, the majority of those who came
to vote
voted against United Russia
candidates. What does that mean? We are the power here.
That is, we are the majority. We are different people.
There were CPRF candidates, Yabloko candidates, and others,
but all of us are not United Russia, and we demand
our unconditional participation in this
government. Guys, once again, congratulations on the
great success
of Smart Voting. We need to bring as many people as possible into this
voting effort,
and now that we have started to believe in ourselves,
we must convince everyone else to believe
in themselves too, so that we know how many of us there are and how
close our victory really is, and that
to oppose us, they need more than just these
these
idiots in masks running around and
sawing at some doors. There may be
a few thousand of them, but there are 3 million of us.
So we will definitely win. Thank you
very much to everyone who watched my program.
Until next time. It’s possible that next
Thursday I’ll miss it, because we simply need
to sort out a whole bunch of
technical problems here. But in any case,
we’ll stay in touch. Thank you very, very much
to everyone, and goodbye.