[music]
Hello everyone. It's 8:18 p.m. in Moscow, which means
we're live in the Navalny Live studio, and Alexei
Navalny is here to talk with
you about what's happening in the country
and answer your questions, which you
can send me on Twitter using the hashtag
#Navalny2018. But what's happening in the country is this:
there's an election, and first of all I'm flooded
with questions about how I feel about
Katya Gordon's nomination. Alexei, what do you think
about Yelena Berkova's campaign?
Yelena, Yelena... that's the most popular question, and
everyone is waiting for some kind of comment from me.
In my last video, I showed
several candidates, but this shot,
the one you're seeing on your screens now,
is already outdated, because there are lots of new
great candidates. A few more popped up
just today, and everyone's laughing, everyone's
having fun, and a lot of people are asking me
what on earth is going on. It's actually a pretty simple
thing. On the one hand, there isn't some kind of
grand Kremlin plan behind it, because
elections are the kind of time when, well,
people can just play around with it, joke about it, or
any washed-up journalist, any
washed-up showman, any washed-up porn actor
can announce that he—or she—is
running for president and get
a bit of traffic, likes, clicks, and all
the rest of it.
So I don't think all of this is somehow
being heavily coordinated, although some of it
possibly is, in some altered form,
coordinated. On the other hand, well,
of course the Kremlin is happy about it,
because it's extremely important for them to create this so-called
"carnivalization" of the election. What
that means is that everyone is supposed to
look at it, see it on the news,
watch a segment about it, and think,
"This is some kind of clown show. It's just
ridiculous. There's only one normal,
serious person here: Vladimir
Vladimirovich Putin. In this
hellish circus, he looks like the only person
who actually resembles a candidate. Of course we'll vote
for him, not for this hellish
freak show." It's important for them to turn it into
a freak show. This is a fairly
commonly used tactic. Remember
the mayoral election when I
was running? Pauk (the stage name of Sergey Troitsky, a Russian musician) was also running then.
He ran in lots of elections, actually.
There were some other strange figures too, and back then
candidates had to come to these
municipal meetings in order to
talk to local deputies and get their
signatures to pass the municipal
filter. And the Association of Municipal
Entities—I remember very well—
organized these meetings with different
candidates. Sergei Semyonovich
Sobyanin came, then someone else came, and then I was
told, "Well, Alexei, now it's your turn
to go there." It's a good thing I simply didn't
go. One of the people from my team went there instead,
from my headquarters, and
called me from there in horror and said,
"Pauk is already sitting here." In other words, it had all been set up
so that you would come there and
talk to the deputies while sitting next to
the well-known musician
Troitsky, aka Pauk, saying all sorts of
funny things, and people would
watch and say, "My God, what a carnival,
what a circus.
Awful. And of course only Sergei
Semyonovich
would look very respectable against that backdrop.
So there will be many more similar
nominations—some more outrageous, some less
outrageous—but all of it together will
look very much like a monstrous circus. None
of these people, of course, will be
engaged in any real election
campaign. The point is simply to turn
people away from all of this, to show them once again
that it's all make-believe.
This fake, ridiculous politics exists,
while the main, real politics is somewhere else—
in the Kremlin. So, let me see what you've written to me so far
on this subject.
All right, I see lots and lots and lots of questions about
11/5/17. Let me address that right away
so you don't keep bombarding me with
these questions. So, about 11/5/17—that is, about
the idea associated with the so-called Maltsev movement,
that is, the Artpodgotovka movement.
As for taking part in the 11/5/17 action, I can see that
they are, of course, simply being
crushed—they're just being destroyed.
Criminal cases are being fabricated against them
all across the country right now. At this very
moment I'm seeing reports about some kind of
planted
explosives being planted, Molotov
cocktails, and things like that. There are mass
arrests, mass detentions—there is simply an ongoing
attempt
to imprison the leaders and the structures of this movement,
to intimidate everyone, and
they do this all the time in order
to use such demonstrative
repression, including by planting
various items, simply
to neutralize the main mass of activists. I
hope that doesn't happen. In any
case, I have said and I say that people have
every right to gather, including on
11/5/17. What the authorities are doing toward
Artpodgotovka, Maltsev specifically, and all
these people is absolutely
lawless abuse. I've answered that
important question that I've been
asked. As for what's happening with us,
I wanted to talk a little about
about what is happening here with us
A real election
campaign is underway, and it’s going really well
very inspiring, though at times quite
difficult.
Because the news today,
the news this evening that in
our Tambov headquarters, they’ve simply
locked everyone up in retaliation for our
very successful rally that we held
in Tambov. It was an experimental
rally—we held it on private
property. In fact, it wasn’t even really a rally, but rather
a meeting for which we handed out tickets.
The authorities couldn’t do anything about it, because
it was private property, admission by ticket,
and so now they’ve simply
arbitrarily thrown people in jail. Already 4
or 5 people have been sentenced, some of them getting
20 days, 25 days.
So, you know, it’s all being done very deliberately, with
maximum severity. But you know, this whole
event in Tambov, and the people I
met there, really made an impression on me.
Because on the one hand,
the pressure there is monstrous, and in Tambov
Region there is complete lawlessness—bandits
are running the region, and the authorities,
the governor, his deputy—they’re simply the most
genuine bandits. And yet people are not
afraid—they resist. There are
businesspeople who gave us this
private plot of land, and the headquarters is working great.
And last night, when I learned about, uh, the
latest arrests, I
called a man whose wife had already
been given five days and said, well,
hang in there, and all that, and I said, I’m sorry
it turned out this way. And he told me something
that made me think: when I write a book,
I’ll definitely include this quote. He
said to me in a stern voice: “Alexei,
your apologies are not needed here, and they’re not even
appropriate. We are adults. We are doing this
for ourselves. We understand what we’re getting into. We’re doing
this for our own normal lives.”
These people really are
incredibly impressive. And that is exactly why
this atmosphere of pressure
that is happening is, of course, hard, but
it is truly the most inspiring
moment, because you see what amazing
people—fearless, brave, unbending—
are gathering around you.
As for my travel plans—about the cups,
mine today says
“Hello, Siberia,” and in fact I should
show you an image right now that says
Irkutsk and another one that says
Kemerovo. The image should appear now.
If everything is more or less clear with Irkutsk,
we’ll also be meeting there on
private property, then in Kemerovo
what’s happening right now is an absolute
circus, because we won
in court and we had, and still have, this venue, but
then they urgently pushed through some kind of
appeal decision and overturned that court
ruling. We have already
decided to hold it in Hyde Park there,
where no prior notification is required, so
on that note, I can even tell you now that we have
a backup location—just a moment, I’ll tell you as soon as they bring it to me.
They’ll bring it.
So, our backup location is the square
at the intersection of Leonov Street and Alexander
—there it is. In any case, one way or
another, we currently have plans for
Irkutsk and Kemerovo.
And we will do everything possible to
speak there. I especially want to speak
in Kemerovo, given what is happening there,
given that governor there
who has been sitting in office for I don’t know how many
years—666 years, apparently.
And given what is happening to our
coordinator—you know that Ksenia
Pakhomova has recently become a kind of
internet star simply because
such pressure has come crashing down on her.
It perfectly shows the
vileness of this regime. Here is a young woman
in Kemerovo coordinating the headquarters,
a perfectly normal person engaged in
perfectly normal civic activity, and her young man
gets expelled from university—though now
he has been reinstated after the scandal—despite
the fact that he is a straight-A student.
Her mother is fired from her job; she
heads a state-funded institution, an arts
school. In other words, they are simply
openly, shamelessly, and lawlessly
putting pressure not even on the person herself, but on
that person’s relatives in order
to force her to give up
her political activity. You have to hand it
to this Ksenia—she’s a fighter too, a person
who does not give up, and her family continues
to support her. And I would very much
like to get to Kemerovo to
say a few choice words
about the people who are
orchestrating this, and to say a few words
of support, to meet these
wonderful volunteers. So yes,
we do have plans for Irkutsk and
Kemerovo—come. One more image
I need to show today is
the address of our Moscow headquarters. You know
that our headquarters has already moved for the third time.
Verification is taking place there; we always
invite people. The address is
10 Letnikovskaya Street, Building 20. And here’s
some exclusive news for you:
this time we set a record with this headquarters.
The headquarters worked for two days, and it too is already being
evicted. This is the fourth eviction
of the Moscow headquarters. We still for some
we'll stay there for about a month
later—the contract says we can't, and we...
we've already paid for another month, but I...
we'll have to move out—that is, they're literally
evicting us in Moscow in a very harsh way
and dispersing us because they're very afraid, and so
again
I get a lot of questions: explain why
they do this, and so stupidly, when it's much
simpler to just let all this happen and
then no one will be able to use it for PR around you
the few media outlets still writing about you will stop
and you won't have anything to angrily talk about on your
program
The answer is very simple: much more than
any PR concerns, the Kremlin and personally
Putin are worried that we are running
a real election campaign. Once again,
they are terribly afraid of this
No one ever does this—but who opens
campaign headquarters across Russia? Who holds campaign
rallies? No one, never, in any
elections. That's just not done, I can
tell you that. After many months of this
election campaign, I am absolutely
convinced that these people can be beaten
in an election. But you have to actually run a campaign, you have to
work actively, gather
people around you, recruit volunteers, and
the political situation changes when you engage with people
Come, talk, discuss wages in
the region, and they will vote for you. They may have
some disagreements, of course
there's a lot of propaganda
but those candidates who actually run
an election campaign can achieve
success. The Kremlin and Putin personally are used
to dealing only with candidates
who don't campaign—they are easy
to defeat, easy to beat with
results like 84 percent, 70 percent—well,
the way they do it. That's why they are terribly
afraid of us. They're afraid of these things, afraid that
we travel around, campaign, go door to door
They can see that all of this is real, and
that this is a real
force that can beat their virtual ratings
That's why they pressure us like this
That's why the Moscow headquarters scares them, because
they can see it—oh, excuse me, there are
some, what, maybe 15 people just sitting there
little worker-bees, so to speak—I wasn't sure
about the correct stress in that word—and they
see that people are coming by the hundreds for
verification—real, live people
come in for verification in order to
confirm their signature, so that
when the crucial moment comes, they can come again and
sign once more. That scares them
Any rally that we hold in
Tambov, Kursk, or Ivanovo scares them
because they roughly estimate
and ask themselves in meetings: well,
comrade vice-governor, tell us this:
if we now hold a rally in support of me, the governor
who got 70 percent in the election
how many people will we gather there for the rally?
And the answer is: zero, zero
They can't get people to come to their
rallies for free. That's why all of this infuriates them so much
That's why they need to jail people, they need to
harass them. And that's exactly why we will not
give up, and we are counting very heavily
on your support—financial
organizational, any kind at all. How about
coming to my small town,
Nevel, in Pskov Region
How about finding us
a venue in this
town? Right now we can hold
rallies and events only where there is
private indoor space or private land, because
if you watched my latest video,
I say there that they are not giving us permission
for anything at all. There should be
a graphic with the statistics, by the way
if it's there, please take a look
Since the beginning of September, we have submitted 1,267
notifications. Of those, 731
were simply flat-out refusals—basically, just "no"
and "not allowed"
191 were relocations, also completely
illegal—basically to the middle of nowhere, to
a cemetery, literally, or
several dozen kilometers from the city
and things like that. In 181 cases they simply did not
respond, which is effectively a refusal. 103 were
also relocations to completely
unacceptable venues. And proper
approvals—where we asked for a square,
a specific square, and got that exact place—there were only 4
such cases out of 1,267 where we were granted approval
So everything we have done up to this point
comes from the second-to-last line: 57
relocations to acceptable venues. That is,
they are usually not convenient—they gave us places
away from the city center. In fact, I think I probably
held only the very first rally in Murmansk
in the city center
Everything else was already fairly
far from the center, and that's where we
held them, because we became convinced that
even at less-than-ideal venues
people still come. That is exactly why they are now
not giving us any approvals
at all
That is exactly why we appealed, and
why I am appealing again: I am saying that if anyone
has a space that can hold
a thousand people or more
depending on the size of the city, send it to us
At this point, we're not in a position to be picky—we just need to survive
People ask me whether filing applications for
holding rallies has stopped. No,
of course it hasn't stopped. This is our
right, and we continue to submit applications for
rallies. Military equipment is being brought into Moscow
Apparently, today they know something is going to happen
They ask whether this is connected with the fifth.
Commentators ask, but...
And whether there will be some kind of 5/7 event here, or...
There will be massive police forces here, I have no...
doubt about that, but I think it is connected with...
the parade that will take place—actual military...
hardware. It is connected with the parade that will be held...
on the 7th. Here, the main view is...
the opinion. Arthur asks whether it would be enough to do...
But he will do a lot for domestic policy...
while ruining foreign policy, in which...
Putin is great—what can you say about...
that? What I can say about that...
is that Putin is no kind of hero to me, and...
foreign policy under President...
Navalny will become much better. Your...
President Navalny will stop...
throwing money around. Under President...
Navalny, Russia will stop waging wars, and...
President Navalny will make sure that...
much more money stays inside...
Russia. We will trade with everyone and...
make our own citizens richer instead of engaging in...
this trash that...
the current authorities are busy with. Makar...
Margulis. Alexei.
If you become president, will you release...
Davydych? What do you generally think about his...
arrest and detention? I do not know this situation that...
well. You mean...
Eric Davydych (a Russian car blogger), as I understand it...
the famous racer from smotra.ru. I do not have any...
personal sympathy for him, because...
well, he is a pro-government person.
Even when he was on trial, he was shouting there...
from the defendant's bench, saying, 'Why are you jailing...
me? Eugene, Navalny, I love this...
government.'
But nevertheless, as far as I can see, his...
case is clearly fabricated, and...
at the very least, what he was tried for...
is so obviously stitched together with white thread (a Russian idiom meaning 'crudely fabricated')...
His wife—or common-law wife—was also...
jailed. He clashed with the police...
and the police threw him in jail lawlessly. There is...
no doubt about that. So I am certain that...
he will win in the European Court, but time...
will pass, and of course any normal...
honest court—at least, because of what he is...
being charged with—would not have jailed him. It is...
obviously a politically ordered case.
All right, a question from Ksenia Belova.
In St. Petersburg, we never did manage to...
talk—the meeting was canceled, of course.
The meeting in St. Petersburg...
was canceled at the last minute.
St. Petersburg.
It is one of the key—one of the key cities...
in the election campaign. There is enormous...
support there, an enormous number of...
voters, a strong campaign office. We opened our first office...
in the city of St. Petersburg, and so...
of course we will hold it. But...
you see, every time you get ready...
to come to Piter (St. Petersburg), you end up not in Piter but in...
a detention center. But nevertheless, I am not...
giving up on trying to come to Piter (St. Petersburg).
Nikolai Aseev asks: will a visa regime be introduced...
with Belarus after your...
election? No. We do not need a visa...
regime with Belarus. We function perfectly well...
under the visa-free arrangement. We do not need...
a border with Belarus; we do not need a visa...
regime with Belarus.
Not at all, not in the slightest. Alexei...
my friends in Stavropol, guys...
do not ask that. The question does not make...
sense. I want to come to every major...
city individually. I want to come to all these...
southern cities—Stavropol, Krasnodar, Rostov...
Volgograd. We really want to go there...
but it is a dead end there—they simply do not...
give any permits. But of course all...
these cities are in the plans, especially such...
major ones as Stavropol. We want to go to every city...
and will do everything possible...
to make it there, and we are constantly...
submitting applications. So, there are a lot of...
questions about the contest...
for video blogs that I announced on my...
birthday. People are scolding me...
and saying I deceived everyone. I did not deceive...
anyone.
Yes, the contest results will be announced...
and we will pay—I will pay—the cash prizes.
It is just that because of some...
of my arrests...
all of this, I apologize, was delayed, and...
it was supposed to happen in mid-September.
The results will be announced...
a little later. We now have a jury...
and that jury consists of Lyubov Sobol...
whom you know well, and Ruslan Usachev...
host at Echo of Moscow (a Russian radio station), Alexander Plushev...
also from Echo of Moscow, Robert Panchvidze, famous for...
MDK, and Vasily Ishchuk from the digital agency...
Players and Pixels.
Please note that I am not on it. That was done...
deliberately, because I originally...
promised fairness, and this jury is an honest jury...
that will vote, and the voting...
will determine the top three places...
in accordance with the jury's vote. And...
next week, I hope, we will wrap it up...
next week we will do it, if I do not...
end up being sent somewhere instead of Irkutsk...
again. Yes, we will announce the results of this...
contest. Again, about St. Petersburg...
Azat asks: how do you...
see the process of finding private venues...
in major cities?
I do not just see it—it is already underway. Right now...
various people are writing to Volkov's email, saying...
'I have a hangar,' 'I have a warehouse,' and...
then we start figuring out how much...
it suits us and what documents there are...
because that is the kind of thing it is. For example, I...
was supposed to go to Krasnoyarsk, and there...
The person said, "I have a movie theater."
Formerly—come to the movie theater, everyone, already.
They had already even started it in Krasnoyarsk.
The advertising started, and then the partner began to...
She said, "No, I'm afraid"—and then the police came to him.
The police.
That is, one partner was brave, the other...
said, "No, I'm scared, I'm against it," and...
So Krasnoyarsk got canceled for us, and that's why...
There are many, many legal issues of various kinds there.
that we have to resolve.
I don't know, like Leonid Volkov, about the dialogue with
Russian YouTube—artificial boosting, manipulation,
subscriber fraud, complete lawlessness, so that in
the fact is, there is no such thing as Russian YouTube.
There is only YouTube as such. In general, in
Russia, they don't have any people there with whom
you can talk and discuss something.
But a dialogue with YouTube in general
is happening at the global level, but...
but we haven't been able to beat the artificial boosting. You
know that under every video, a huge number of
dislikes are constantly dumped on us, by the way.
Speaking of which, please hit like right now, those of you who
are watching live—don't be lazy,
leave likes under the video so that its
ranking
goes up. But so far we don't see YouTube
—not in Russia, and not globally either—
really doing anything to fight this manipulation. I
don't know why we can't get anything out of
them, and our way of fighting this
is for you to leave real,
genuine likes against their fake
dislikes. We have filed a lawsuit against Putin in
connection with this whole situation, in connection with
the fact that we are not being given permission for
rallies, and I see quite a lot of
comments of an ironic nature, like,
"What kind of lawyer are you? How can you
sue Putin when you don't even have
proof that it was Putin himself
sitting there saying, 'Don't give him permission
for a rally,' and besides, he has immunity," and so on.
There is a lot of talk, both
legal and political.
They are of different kinds, and I can
tell you this: guys, you always have to act
directly and on the merits. We know that
the political instruction not to give us
a venue was, of course, given by Putin.
Someone like Kiriyenko (Sergei Kiriyenko, a senior Kremlin official)
or one of Kiriyenko's deputies—who exactly
tells the governors what to call it, says no,
let's lock everyone up—but we
know that this was done by Putin. He created
this system and gives the political instructions.
And I am suing Putin. Here the issue is
procedural, of course, but the issue on the merits is this:
what is the judicial system for?
The judicial system exists so that you can challenge
the unlawful actions of people whom you
consider villains, and
whom you believe are doing
illegal things. And we can see that Putin
is acting unlawfully.
His administration is acting unlawfully.
That is why we are suing them, and in this case
we have something to bring—we will bring
these 1,200 complaints, these refusals.
We will prove that this is systematic work,
that it is obviously coordinated, that it
cannot be the case that in all federal subjects
across the country, in all major cities, we
are being refused according to the same pattern. We
will question witnesses.
These witnesses will establish important facts, and
the chain of evidence will point specifically to Putin.
That is what should happen in
a normal, honest, independent court. We
would prove it. Here, we all understand
perfectly well what kind of system this is; we understand that
most likely they won't just refuse to hear it—
they won't even accept the claim, they'll throw it out. But even so,
we are doing it anyway. And these
comments that Peskov (Putin's press secretary) made today,
these new comments to the effect that
we are not involved in this and do not
coordinate rallies—well, what am I supposed to do now,
believe him and say,
"Ah yes, you know, it's not Peskov, it's
some deputy mayor who signs
some refusal, and Putin isn't physically
in his office at that moment"? But I
know—and you and I both know—that they are
organizing all of this, and I know that Peskov is lying.
It is the Kremlin specifically that is sabotaging
our campaign. Everyone understands this perfectly well.
And we proceed from our understanding of the situation
and act on the merits, rather than engaging in
these kinds of abstract arguments like, "Well, maybe
it would be better for us to sue some
junior
official in charge of some department in the town of
Uryupinsk"—but he is not the one doing all this.
This is specifically Putin's doing, and we need to treat
it exactly that way. And we should not
turn ourselves into fools and
lawyers for the Kremlin by arguing, "Well,
no, but to sue Putin, Alexei,
you don't have a video recording of Putin
saying, 'Do this.' No, I don't have
such a video recording.
But I am filing suit because judicial
procedure, judicial inquiry—call it what you will—
presupposes that during the proceedings
such evidence can be obtained.
That is explicitly written in the law, and the court
must request it. So we are acting
in a very formal, proper way. They, on the contrary, are not—they
constantly break the law. Let's
see what people are asking us here.
Comrade Navalny, Sasha Bukalov writes:
"I strongly ask that if you become the head of the
Russian Federation, you declassify the composition of the gas
used during the Nord-Ost theater siege." And when I
become president, all of these
things will be investigated publicly."
only the composition of the gas
and in general, the actions of the security services during the time of
Nord-Ost (the 2002 Moscow theater hostage crisis), and during the time of
Beslan (the 2004 school siege), dozens of people died there, including children
children died, and to say that these were
some kind of super-successful operations is
just ridiculous, especially during Beslan
when they simply started firing at the school with machine guns
so of course all of this should
be declassified and everything should be published
People are asking about Twitch, about my stream
in more detail and everything else. If you don't
know what this strange
abbreviation means that I mentioned, I do a
stream on Tuesday
a gaming stream. A lot of people laughed at me
and said, well, you're a candidate for
president, after all—why are you messing around with
video games? But it turned out that
the audience was astonishingly huge
it was watched by more people than watch here
at its peak, 51
thousand people were watching simultaneously, and it never dropped below 40,000
This stream now has around
a million views and raised 200
thousand rubles (about $3,400 at the time)
So the Twitch audience on this platform
where there are gaming videos, the audience for this game
is comparable to the audience of federal
TV channels—like Channel One (Russia's main state TV channel). So I
think I did absolutely the right thing
By the way, I got enormous
pleasure from it, and it was very nice
to talk with this gaming community. I got a lot of support from
them, though of course
they laughed at me a bit, because basically
the game consisted of everyone running around and
trying to kill me, while I was running away from them, but
it was very interesting. I think that
presidential candidates should be doing things like
this. Millions of
voters play these games, so unlike
the other candidates, I played too
I understand those people, I understand what they
do there, I understand more about
esports than the other candidates do
In general, I only understand a little, but definitely more
than any of the other candidates, so I
am counting on these voters
to support me rather than someone else
I think all of this was the right thing to do. Jazz-Funk
asks the following question: will you also have
body doubles like V.V. (Vladimir Putin)?
Well, no, there are no plans to create body doubles for now
none at all. Alexei, why are our
media silent about the fact that the terrorist in New York is from
Uzbekistan? asks Nikolai Lopatin
As far as I can see, no one is being silent; everywhere
they wrote that this person is from Uzbekistan
that he is Muslim
there are photos of him, with a distinctive
beard. As I understand it, his involvement has already been confirmed
No, I don't—I don't
see anyone being silent about it, but
what happened in the United States, of course, once again
makes us think: is everything really
all right with our migration policy?
We see that more and more
incidents, terrorist attacks, and assaults
are connected with people from Central Asia. This
does not mean that Uzbekistan is somehow full of
terrorists who are all coming to us. It does not
mean that these people inherently pose
some specific threat, but the fact remains
a fact: unlike the United States, we have
an open-door situation—come right in, no visa required, even
without an international passport, and basically no one
properly registers these people; they wander
back and forth. This is wrong, it's simply not
normal. So what happened in the United States
and
the country of origin of this terrorist
should tell us a lot about the fact that
we ought to put things in order on our
southern borders as well
Why was the coordinator of the St. Petersburg
headquarters replaced? asks Kate Polina
The coordinator of the St. Petersburg headquarters was
the first coordinator we appointed
She's a great woman, she worked very well
She's just gotten tired, really
she's worked longer than anyone else, and so much has piled onto her
an enormous number of different tasks
and it probably just became uncomfortable for her to
handle them. But she is still with
us; she will be working on election monitoring and
she is a member of our team
As for rotation among headquarters chiefs, it happens
constantly
People simply get tired, or sometimes
personal relationships within teams don't
work out. This is a completely normal
process. But the main thing is that I am very proud
that Polina stayed with our team, and
I am very grateful to her for what she
has done. In that sense, the coordinator
has changed, but essentially in the St. Petersburg headquarters
no grand changes have
taken place. I hope it will continue
to work just as brilliantly as it did before
Those wonderful rallies on the 26th, the 12th,
and the 7th
that is very much the achievement of the St. Petersburg headquarters and of Polina
What do you think of Yavlinsky's campaign videos
on his YouTube channel?
Nikita Petrov asks me
When will you have the same thing? Because as for me,
there are plenty of videos on my YouTube channel—if there's one thing
we do have, it's videos. But it's good that Grigory Yavlinsky
has at least started making videos—that's already good
I would very much like to see candidates
doing at least something during the election campaign
I would prefer that others, and I'm saying this without
any irony, completely sincerely, I would
like other candidates
to be doing the same thing. Videos, of course,
anyone can put out videos on a YouTube
channel, but I would also like to see meetings with
for voters, trips are something more
tangible in an election campaign
that is why they do it, and Dmitry Kudinov does it too
How do you get your grandma to stop watching Channel One?
You can’t make your grandma stop
watching Channel One, but you can
show her something besides Channel One
for example, our videos. Yakov, Poklonskaya
when she banned Kazantip, with its 60,000
attendees, we want to bring the festival back. Well, I
can’t say I know the situation in detail
there, but as I understand it, it wasn’t
Poklonskaya who banned Kazantip many
times
It was banned many times, moved around many times, but overall
it is an excellent example of how, under
Russia’s new rules, they are now going to
put pressure on the residents of Crimea. Of course
many of them were very happy about the annexation, but the new
reality they have encountered
they have already encountered it. We can see how
active the protest movement there is
how it is growing, what kinds of conflicts there are
within the elite, because after all they
used to live by different political rules, whereas
now everything is being crushed and steamrolled
People are having their land taken away, and people
are having their homes taken away; all of it is being seized
by officials under the pretense of
state needs, when in fact
it is being taken for their own enrichment. Enormous sums are
flowing into Crimea, and they are
being stolen right before the eyes of all the peninsula’s residents
and just today I literally read
a long article saying that once again
record amounts of money are being allocated to Crimea in order
to pacify the residents, but I think
that won’t really work, because
enormous sums of money will lead to
enormous corruption, and the residents are not at all
going to submit—and rightly so
There will be some very interesting political
processes. Among the finalists of the contest
run by Navalny, Shneki had his video channel deleted
What is his standing in the contest? Please give
a few words of sympathy. Maxim Sadovnikov
Well, if Shneki’s video channel was deleted, then
of course he has all my sympathy. I don’t
quite understand how you can delete a video channel
Was it the password, or was it taken from him under
torture? Ah, I’m being told that
the person’s phone was stolen, apparently
they used the passwords and deleted the channel. Well
he really has my sympathy. Scoundrels did that
Maybe, maybe there is
some kind of backup option, I don’t know. Anyway
in short, be careful with your passwords. My
sympathies. An unexpected topic I wanted
to say a few words about—excuse me—is
the centenary of the revolution. What is happening infuriates me
A revolution took place in
Russia a hundred years ago—a revolution happened
These were great and terrible events
that affected every family in our
country, that determined the course
of our civilization’s development
the formation of our society—they
determined it and will continue to determine it for
many, many years. Good Lord, in our country every
street—every other street, practically—is
named after some
heroes of the revolution and participants in the revolution, and
what is happening now? Absolutely no
official events. The authorities
pretend that, well, something happened back then
some kind of revolution, Kalinin, Lenin, whatever
what it was, how, why, why every
square is named the way it is—we know nothing about
it and don’t want to discuss it because
it is obvious why: the very reminder that
there was a revolution, that autocracy was overthrown,
is unpleasant to them, so
it has to be hushed up. And today I went to
various official websites and tried
to find an official event for November 7
and found only, on Red Square,
a march dedicated to the anniversary of the parade
of 1941—that is, not even the anniversary
of the revolution. I’m not saying
that we must necessarily celebrate
the October Revolution. As I already said
these were great but also terrible events
There was death
the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people, then
civil war. But one way or another
the events of that time, and our ancestors
who took part in them—they
determined the development of our country and, in
many ways, of the whole world. Look at what later
happened with revolutions across
the rest of the world—it
was something great and terrible, and for
some, wonderful. But surely we should
discuss it now; surely we should
remember it; surely we should give not to Channel One
three billion rubles (about $50 million at the time) right now
but to scholars and historians who would hold
conferences, publish new
books, open archives, digitize
the archives, and tell us a little more about
this revolution
because we know nothing
except these Soviet films and
Soviet historiography. Right now, for us
only Mikhail Zygar is engaged in mass
public education on the subject of the revolution
The state does not do this. Why? Because it does not
want to. This government hates our
people—not just the people, even the people’s memory
it hates that too
It truly hates our history—real ‘Ivans who do not
remember their kin’ (a Russian expression for people cut off from their roots)
They have selected certain
historical events that they constantly
drone on about, as if everything else
never even happened. Honestly, looking at this
I understand how Putin, like all the rest, does not
in fact love Russia—he hates it
Our people—they simply think that this is
in the hands of some authorities, some kind of—I don't even know—
crooks, clowns, who somehow
ended up in power, and they think they can just snap their fingers and that's it,
and no one will
discuss or remember the revolution that
happened a hundred years ago and, beyond that,
affected the entire world. Well, the Great
French Revolution was also, frankly speaking,
an ambiguous event in the life
of the French people, but they don't just let it fade away.
They study it. The Civil War in
the United States still divides society—the South and
the North.
It is a subject of constant discussion,
a subject of constant dialogue, a subject of
everything—films, books, you name it.
Why don't we discuss this here?
Why isn't this happening? I am simply outraged and
offended. As a citizen of Russia, I believe
that this is simply a crime against
historical memory. In a normal country,
a great deal of money would be allocated to historians,
we would fund special
history departments and organizations
that would deal with this, as I already said.
We would open
the archives, digitize the archives, we would make
it interesting and accessible to a large
number of people, and all year long this should have
been discussed.
We should honor the memory of the victims of repression,
talk about what happened, remember
the heroes, remember the executioners,
argue about who were heroes and who were executioners, and
none of this happened simply because
Putin does not want it and is afraid of it.
This is yet another example that this government is simply
impossible to tolerate. It is, in essence,
anti-Russian, Russophobic—simply
essentially a government of vile traitors.
Sorry, perhaps
for such an emotional assessment, but
to be honest, this really
struck a nerve with me, what happened. So, Alexei,
what is your source of income?
You're asking me, Egor? Egor, I even made
a special video about my sources
of income. I registered as a sole proprietor.
I work as a lawyer, and to this day I
still work as a lawyer. That is my
only source of income. If you,
Egor—God forbid—something
happens to you and the Russian authorities
unlawfully convict you, and you want
to appeal to the European Court of Human
Rights, then for a certain fee Alexei
Navalny will prepare an excellent application for you
to the European Court of Human Rights,
because I am probably one
of the lawyers in our country who has dealt
with that court more than anyone else, and I work there
quite successfully. So the source
of my income is absolutely transparent
and clear, unlike that of all sorts of
wonderful people like
Vyacheslav Volodin, who said some wonderful
things. He spoke at the Russian
National Assembly and once again taught us,
we foolish little simpletons,
who still don't understand what is happening,
who cannot find any life
bearings, cannot make sense of things, do not
understand life—and he explained what
the basic values and foundations
of our society, our people, our government,
and parliamentarism are supposed to be. It is
quite astonishing. If before there was
the triad
of Orthodoxy, autocracy, and nationality,
now he simply has more—he has five
such
foundations: family, faith, unity, the motherland,
and justice. Vyacheslav Volodin—
Vyacheslav Volodin—justice? Vyacheslav
Volodin—family? Vyacheslav Volodin—faith? It
provokes only ha-ha-ha—really,
you'd have to search hard to find a more vile, insignificant crook than
Vyacheslav Volodin, and yet he
is lecturing us, you understand?
About justice, no less. And in keeping with
the traditions of our program, I would now
play you a 35-second video clip,
showing the things he says. In fact, I even
asked for a special video montage to be made,
because Vyacheslav Volodin's words about
these wonderful things, of course, need to be
viewed with a special visual sequence
that is also dedicated to Mr. Volodin. We
have 35 seconds—please watch.
You must learn to value and protect
the existing way of life, to understand
how, within this way of life, our
basic values are expressed: family, faith,
unity,
the motherland, and of course justice.
Any shortcoming that can introduce
division into society, create fertile ground for
the activity of revolutionary marginals, and
ultimately destroy what seem to be
the unshakable foundations of the state—on
these very principles we must build
the legislative process. You see,
this little thief, who does not even bother
to hide it and owns real estate
worth hundreds of millions of rubles,
absolutely luxurious real estate—
please find me
a speaker of parliament in a developed, wealthy
country who has such
real estate. You won't find one, I assure you.
You won't. Look in Germany,
or the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, the United States—you
will not find real estate like that owned by any
of them.
And here sits this face,
telling us that we must not
bring division into society, and that is simply
It’s disgusting, and it’s clear why they’re so afraid of us.
They’re so afraid because in any,
in any debate, in any discussion with these
people, it’s actually very easy
to argue with them. Just imagine the same
Tambov or Kemerovo, and there’s a debate, and there are
ordinary people, and Volodin is trying to tell them
something. We want to tell them something
about this government, and he’ll start going on, excuse me,
about all these things like
justice. We’ll simply show one basic
fact: Mr. Volodin’s real estate. I
still insist that there is no
explanation for where he got all that real estate.
All those stories about his business in the 1990s
are complete nonsense. There couldn’t have been
any kind of business
in the 1990s that would still
allow him to receive income in the hundreds
of millions of rubles (millions of U.S. dollars in equivalent terms). In fact, we understand perfectly well
that this is corruption, and one hundred
percent of people will be convinced by us and
will vote for us. That’s why they’re
so afraid. That’s why there will be no fight against
corruption in Russia under this government.
And today there was yet another great
confirmation of that, because
the governor, the head of the administration
of Dagestan, has become Mr. Vasilyev,
a United Russia member and former police general, and
he headed the committee for combating
corruption.
And now, according to the State Duma hierarchy,
since he left, the committee ended up
in the hands of Volodin, and
now it is precisely Vyacheslav Volodin, one of the
biggest corrupt figures, one of the most brazenly
corrupt and immoral types,
who is officially the chief fighter against
corruption inside the State Duma.
Well, what is there even to say? And that’s why
people will always be on our side. They may
agree with us on some things and disagree on others,
but no one is prepared to tolerate
this kind of arrogance, of course.
Let’s see what you’re writing to me. When is the
next rally, Alexei? Well, we are preparing
the next rallies. That is,
you can announce an unauthorized rally
for tomorrow if you want, but it still has to be
prepared. First of all. Second, I
am ready for that kind of development, but
they’ll lock me up for 20 days again, and once more
my election campaign will be
carried out without me. What do you think of
Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin (Russia’s first president after the Soviet Union)? Alexei Shorokhov asks me:
what positive
qualities would you point out in him? I
used to be a fan of Boris Nikolayevich
Yeltsin, but now I do not want to point out
any positive qualities in him,
because the main thing Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin left in history
was Vladimir
Vladimirovich Putin. He traded away people’s hopes
and aspirations, traded away all our
country’s prospects for the safety,
money, and comfort of his crooked family.
That’s what Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin did — he
sold all of us out. So as for positive
traits,
yes, there’s his museum,
a wonderful one in Yekaterinburg, but all of that
is canceled out for me, because now,
from here in 2017, I want to ask him:
Boris Nikolayevich, why did you do all this
for the sake of 200 million dollars,
which your daughter somehow managed to make somewhere,
while you handed all of us over to this mafia?
That’s why I have no warm feelings whatsoever
toward Boris Nikolayevich. I know many people won’t
like
this position of mine, but I’m not going to
hide it. Anton Kalyuzhny writes:
“I’m a streamer, and I’ll vote
for the streamer president.” It’s his birthday today.
Happy birthday, Anton.
Well, I can’t really say I’m a streamer — I won’t
claim those laurels for myself exactly, though at least I
have done it a couple of times. Will there be a rally this
Friday? Well, on Friday evening I’m flying to
Irkutsk, and on Saturday I’ll have a rally in
Irkutsk.
Andrei Shpagin writes: justice is
double — one kind for slaves, another for
masters. The well-known formula: everything for friends,
the law for enemies. In Russia it has simply
gone even further: for friends,
everything; for enemies, not even the law — because when the law
isn’t harsh enough for enemies, they also get
lawlessness. People live in Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug and Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug too,
someone writes — you don’t read me here.
Agnes Okvint: people live and work
in the conditions of the Far North; we are also
voters, and not a word about Western Siberia.
You can’t imagine how many
applications we’ve submitted for Surgut, Khanty-Mansiysk,
and the others — they don’t issue any
permits at all. But listen, you
understand that in December, in Western
Siberia, holding an outdoor rally — well, I’ll hold
it,
and I don’t even doubt that many people
will come. But to also hold
an unauthorized rally in that kind of
freezing weather — that’s quite a difficult thing.
So we are doing everything we can
to come to all these cities.
Guys, understand this once again: it’s not as if
I have 80 cities in front of me to choose from and
I go to whichever cities I happen to like.
It’s not like I think, “Oh, it’ll be warmer in Krasnodar,
so let’s head there, maybe stop by Sochi
and have some kebab.” That’s not how it works.
We send applications to 80 cities,
or even to 200 cities — we send them
every week. If there is even one
permit, then we go there and then
look for some venue somewhere nearby.
so that over the weekend we can at least get around to a few places
two or three cities, or even travel to completely
different parts of the country, because one
city is in the European part, another is in
Siberia, and we do that too, but once again
there goes our wonderful
statistics. So I want to go everywhere.
That works; that's a candidate's job. I would
not even be sitting here on weekdays
I'd be traveling around the regions, but they won't give us either
a venue, and they won't approve
a rally. There's literally an entire
department in the Presidential Administration
that, together with the police, is զբաղվում only
with making sure we aren't allowed to do anything
to hold any events. So what are you going to do—
not with laws, but with stickers on the end wall, apparently?
There seems to be no ban on filming. No need to ask, Andrei.
There cannot be a ban on
filming in public places. Under this absurdity,
everything you're talking about should be отменено.
Hi, Alexei, yes, please, Alexei.
Semyonov asks: will there be rallies in cities with
populations of 10,000 and up? And how many
people have you already verified? How many
have been verified—I can't say exactly.
Volkov is handling that, a very important
very important process. Today, for all of you who came,
a video was recorded about how important verification is.
They'll send this video to all of you—go and complete
verification. As for rallies in cities with
populations of 100,000 and up, we will
hold them.
That wasn't in the original plan
because we still haven't held them in all the million-plus cities
yet, but the million-plus cities have long since been blocked for us,
then
they blocked the 500,000-population cities, and then the 300,000 ones,
and now, basically, from the
100,000-plus cities, I'm ready to go if it's possible
to hold something there. So
we'll do it. The eyes are afraid, but the hands keep working.
We'll go everywhere, everywhere. Why have the words
"democracy"
"human rights," and "freedom of the media" disappeared from your rhetoric? Will you
build a democratic state?
Roman Berezovsky asks me.
Well, it seems to me that, first of all, nothing has
disappeared. I constantly talk about human
rights, media freedom—for example, the absence of
censorship. That's an absolutely key thing in
the fight against corruption. You know, that's my
main issue.
And that's why I talk about it constantly, but
I don't see the need to focus too heavily
on that right now. It seems to me that
my political activity over the
past many years, which you've
been following, has already made it clear to everyone that I'm for
human rights, for democracy, and against
censorship.
I want to talk about other things too. I don't want
to be a traditional liberal candidate.
What matters to me is our
social and economic agenda. I
talk about the minimum wage,
I talked about
[music]
people's incomes. I talk about the monstrous
budget that Russia has now. By the way,
that's a separately outrageous issue.
Look at our media—they endlessly write about what
presidential candidates said,
Sobchak mentioned Kadyrov, Kadyrov responded to
Sobchak,
but can someone please discuss Russia's budget
that has just been passed in its first reading?
Discuss that—47 percent of it, once again,
goes to officials and to military
and police spending. That's what we're discussing.
Here in this studio sits Vladimir Milov, and on
the program *Where's the Money?* he talks about this constantly.
I talk about it at rallies. We
see that even the free press just
ignores topics like this, even though these are
absolutely key issues for the country's
development—what Russia's budget actually looks like.
In essence, this ugly
police state is a projection
of the money that's in the budget. That's what we
want to discuss, and that's what I do discuss. They just
need to know it and come out. Igor—
Guys, I'm for human rights. We all
understand that. It's clear I'm for human rights, so what's the point
of repeating it a million times? About
biomaterials.
I'm being asked how I feel about
what Putin said about biomaterials.
A lot has already been written about it, and rightly so.
People say that, well, the man clearly doesn't
have everything quite right in his head.
But I think it's even more interesting to look
not just at his answer—those strange
things about foreigners allegedly planning
some kind of biological war against Russia—
but at the question he was answering. Let's
play it—we have 54 seconds, and it includes both the
question and the answer, and it's astonishing.
After all, 50,000 views
from September 10—almost a million—were initiated
from IP addresses abroad.
The question is: why are so many
interested parties watching our elections and
making video recordings, in effect, of a person's
image, and how will it then
be used? As for the fact that images
of our citizens, voters, are being collected
by someone, somehow, and
used—but images, all right, fine. You
do know that biological material
is being collected all over the country,
from different ethnic groups and from people
living in different geographic
parts of the Russian Federation. So that's
the question: why are they doing this?
They are doing it deliberately and professionally.
We
are apparently an object of very great interest.
wrapped it up at the end
a person who gave 70 answers to questions, so
come on, man, you were also asked about
the elections — you were asked about the elections, and you
start answering about biological materials
that’s the most astonishing thing — Putin
has genuinely lost his mind, according to his own
formula that after two terms a person goes
crazy. By now, to any question, absolutely any
question, he answers only about what interests
him. He’s got it stuck in his head that
there are supposedly some foreign plots
that, in every field, generally speaking,
and in particular, they want to go around collecting
some kind of biological materials here
in order to do something with them, and he
just feels compelled to say it, and
like someone always trying to squeeze in his two cents (literally, “5 kopeks”),
he keeps forcing it into the conversation
no matter what people are talking about. He’s simply
obsessed. First of all, he is genuinely obsessed
with the idea of some kind of enemies. Second, he
understands the main thing about domestic
politics: without this, without
these lies, without this filth, his
domestic policy simply doesn’t work. What
is he supposed to say — that for the fifth year in a row
real household incomes have been falling, and that
there are still no roads, that in Russia there isn’t
a single kilometer
of proper high-speed railway
because what runs between Moscow and St. Petersburg
is not a high-speed railway, and in 18
years they haven’t built anything. But somehow they don’t want to talk
about that, so
it’s always something like,
“Why are salaries so low?” Well,
“the Americans are of course plotting against us,”
scheming against us.
“And why are the roads so bad?” Well,
“our European partners are pushing
NATO expansion.” That’s what everything is
built on. He’s simply, on the one hand,
a senile crank, and on the other hand
a cunning senile crank, with these two
mechanisms working somewhere in his head, and
he keeps inserting them everywhere. It’s
just a nasty, characteristic trait.
By the way, speaking of elections, he said
all that about biological materials in response to
a question about elections. And right now
a very interesting thing is happening, actually.
You know that a bill has been introduced
under which election observers
will now be sent to polling stations
by the Civic Chamber as well,
which means we are now seeing not just the falsification
of the electoral process, but the falsification
of election monitoring itself. Because what are
the Civic Chambers in Russia — both
federal and regional? With very rare
exceptions, they are basically gatherings
of crooks — I’m not exaggerating, and I’m not
afraid to use that word — just a pack of swindlers,
some kind of
groveling nobodies appointed
by the administration — meaning the regional administration
or
the Presidential Administration in the case of the federal
Civic Chamber — people who
justify any kind of filth. And now,
since there is public demand for monitoring,
since people believe that elections
are rigged — “give us more
observers, let’s make the process more
transparent” — the Kremlin responds
to this rather cunningly. It says: yes,
we’ll do that, we’ll start sending observers on behalf
of the Civic Chamber.
And these will be exactly the kind of observers
who come in, sit there
with their little eyes shut, their
little ears shut, and won’t observe anything, won’t notice any
falsifications, won’t see any ballot stuffing,
and then at the end they’ll declare that the elections
were conducted very honestly, that we
noticed no violations, there were no complaints — except, of course,
for those connected with certain
so-called candidates from the
so-called non-systemic opposition
who were barred from the elections because
their candidate is basically a criminal.”
That’s what they want to do for 2018.
Please pay close attention to this
entire procedure
that is unfolding right now. How do you
feel about the fact that Nabiullina
has been recognized as one of the most influential
women in the world? asks not Makar
but Margulis. Well, isn’t she an influential
woman in the world? A trillion here, a trillion there.
In what other country are such absolutely
strange, opaque decisions
made? So yes, indeed,
trillions of rubles are allocated for this and
stolen completely openly.
In what other country do such
fantastic, astonishing bank bailouts
take place, when someone is given money
— again, trillions for bank rescues —
and then the banks doing the rescuing
end up needing rescue themselves because
it turns out they are on the verge of
going bankrupt? Of course, a woman who
controls that kind of money, who
is involved in that kind of corruption,
is one of the most influential
women in the world — and of course that is simply true.
And Putin too is one of the
most influential, perhaps the most
influential person in the world,
not because he’s especially impressive, but because
he holds absolute power in a
giant country.
In other countries — richer, more
powerful countries — there are presidents and
national leaders, but they do not have
the ability to make so many unilateral decisions.
to make decisions, while Putin has
here he is effectively a tsar, and therefore
a tsar is, by definition, more influential
than any president. So, Alexei, what about
decommunization?
Rashim John asks me: all right,
decommunization—I just don’t really understand
what decommunization means in practice.
Renaming streets? Holding another referendum?
Let’s do it locally, let’s rename
streets. I mean, it seems to me that we’re a little
too fixated on this word, decommunization, but
it’s not very clear, not very well understood what
it actually means. I can see that our time
is coming to an end, but I can’t help saying
a couple of words about the situation with those same
Putin comments on this recent
event where he talked about bio-
these
hunters for miracle products, for
the biomaterials of Russian citizens.
There he also commented on the situation
with the attack on the journalist from Moscow,
Tatyana Felgenhauer. We have
23 seconds—let’s take a look.
Echo of Moscow, but here again: “a mentally ill
person came in; this has nothing to do with freedom of speech.”
Let’s play it and then finish.
He came from Israel and attacked this
journalist.
Echo of Moscow operates on state
money. There’s nothing like that in any country
in the world. Can you imagine
a radio station like that anywhere? Or
it’s impossible. The man lies in every
single line.
First of all, when he wants to say that
Gazprom is a private company,
Gazprom suddenly becomes a private company.
Here, you see, Gazprom’s
Gazprom-Media, strictly speaking, Echo of Moscow
doesn’t even belong directly to Gazprom there—it’s
already the state. It’s all such a muddle.
But the most brazen, disgusting lie is the one
suggesting that somehow because he came from
Israel, that has anything at all to do with it. It
has absolutely no connection—there is not the slightest
link between these
hysterics whipped up by
Solovyov and all the others about supposedly
independent journalists, about them,
and Echo of Moscow,
and specifically Felgenhauer,
who was literally being called an enemy of the people
and people were saying, “So when will someone finally
shut her up?”
And then when some lunatic ran in and started
slashing her throat with a knife, they say: well, a psycho
ran in, it’s completely unrelated. They lie
in every word. That’s why it’s impossible
to tolerate this government—so hypocritical,
so vile—because their
lies turn into our poverty and into
problems for our security, and this
gets worse every day. In other words,
if we do not remove these people from power,
if we do not somehow push these people aside,
do not make them reckon with us, then
every day things will get worse and worse. As
the program hosted here by
Sergei says: it will get worse. But we will fight
to make it better, and I am confident in
the success of our effort. So, folks,
I’ll be holding a rally in Irkutsk.
Show the slide again. I’ll have
a meeting with residents in Kemerovo—please come
to these meetings. I’ll be very
glad to see everyone. This is Kemerovo—we
see here the backup venue.
And in Irkutsk, it’s the shopping center,
the furniture shopping center called
Moscow.
It will be on the grounds of the furniture center
Moscow; in Kemerovo, at Arts Square, or
the backup venue will be at Hyde Park. I
am waiting for you at our meetings—please come.
Please do. Well then, I’ll see you
next Thursday. Happy
[music]