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In this video blog, we really love counting

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other people's money, and today, my dear

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viewers, together with you we will count

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the money of Vladimir Putin's younger daughter,

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Katerina Tikhonova. After all, we're all interested

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in how things are going for her. Right now, in this

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time of crisis, everyone has less money,

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prices are rising, pensions are not being indexed,

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there's simply no money. Well then, we'll find it,

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we'll make money happen. In short,

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times are tough for everyone. But for the president's daughter,

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I'll say it right away: things are going

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only upward, no matter what

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the crisis. So, those who read my blog

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know that Katerina Tikhonova heads the foundation

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National Intellectual Development,

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which operates under the Innopraktika brand. The foundation

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is supposedly scientific and is engaged in

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supporting various kinds of innovative

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activity. Well, that's fashionable these days. In 2014,

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I wrote that the foundation had raised and

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spent 282 million rubles, and the sources

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of those funds were state-owned

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corporations. And now we have analyzed

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what has happened since then, and now

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we can report to you that the Innopraktika foundation

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is still receiving money

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by winning tenders from state

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companies, only now in even larger

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amounts than before. Look, for example:

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Rosneft structures, headed by Igor

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Sechin, a regular subject of our

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publications, transferred 179 million rubles to them;

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the state-owned Transneft transferred 221 million rubles;

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and finally, a Rosatom structure, which

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was headed by Sergei Kiriyenko, who

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has now become deputy head of the presidential

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administration, transferred 59 million rubles to Putin's daughter.

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In total, since the beginning of 2015, Innopraktika

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has received 452 million rubles in state contracts.

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That is no small sum, but it is far from everything.

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The foundation's main source of money is

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not even state corporation contracts, but rather

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mysterious targeted contributions. In such contributions, the foundation

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of the president's daughter received 425 million rubles

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from unknown legal entities and private

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individuals. Unfortunately, from open-source data, we

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cannot know who these

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generous donors are. Maybe they are once again

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state corporations, maybe oligarchs, maybe even

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Vladimir Putin himself. By all appearances, he is

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quite a wealthy man. Or perhaps

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Katerina Tikhonova's husband, Kirill Shamalov,

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who not long ago was named by

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Forbes magazine the youngest

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billionaire in Russia. In other words, he can afford it.

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But one way or another, right now we can

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state a legal fact: over the last

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20 months, the foundation of the president's

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daughter received

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at least 877 million rubles in donations and contracts,

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and most likely more than a billion,

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because we still do not see the reports for the latest, 2016,

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year, even though the year is almost

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over. And here, of course, we are left with

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two obvious questions:

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what exactly did they receive this money for,

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and where did they

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spend it? A study of the work that

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Innopraktika does for state corporations

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shows that it looks very much like the already

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existing

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innovation center Skolkovo or Rosnano in our country,

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that is, a lot of different scientific-sounding

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words, while in reality it is simply a sham.

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For example, you will laugh very hard if

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you read what the Innopraktika foundation

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charged 2.5 million rubles to the impoverished

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Russian Academy of Sciences. They developed

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for it—I've even written this down on a piece of paper

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because otherwise I wouldn't be able to say it—

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"a proposal for analyzing the psychological and

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pedagogical aspects of building

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the system of the Digital Valley of Crimea." The Digital

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Valley of Crimea—that sounds so great, it conjures up

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images of startups, electric cars,

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a giga-Hyperloop connecting Simferopol with

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Palo Alto, with stops in Dzhankoi and

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Alupka. But in reality, from the terms of reference

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we can see that this Russian Silicon Valley

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is characterized by total control by

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state authorities, and the startups will be

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created by subsidiaries of state-owned companies.

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Now let's try to understand where

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Innopraktika is spending the hundreds

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of millions of rubles it received. Alas, we were unable

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to find that out. I don't think you will

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be able to either, because on the Innopraktika

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website there is only a section called

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"Our Results." It says there that

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some congress was held, some projects were carried out

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for the very same

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companies—Rosneft, Transneft, and Rosatom. And

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there are no specifics, no links, and

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no real documents—everything in the best

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traditions of Russian innovation. We have

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a lot of money. Just an enormous amount of it.

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And that, basically, is all one can

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learn about the money of Vladimir

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Putin's daughter's foundation: there is a lot of it, most of it

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comes from unknown sources, and where it goes is

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unclear. I don't know about you, but I

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would be interested to know who exactly contributed

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425 million rubles to the president's daughter's foundation and

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how, in the end, the total sum of

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877 million rubles was spent. And it seems to me that it would be

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right, for all of Russia, if

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the financial affairs of the president and his family

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were open and transparent, especially

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when such sums are involved. Therefore, in

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conclusion to our video, I would like

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to call on Vladimir Vladimirovich

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Putin, the Innopraktika foundation,

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and Katerina Tikhonova to fully

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publish their financial reports and

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contracts with state corporations so that we can all

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see what exactly they are transferring such

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huge sums of money for. We sent to the Inno foundation

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Practice: an official letter on this topic

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and we will definitely tell you what

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they reply to us. Subscribe to our channel

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the truth is told here

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