In this video blog, we really love counting
other people's money, and today, my dear
viewers, together with you we will count
the money of Vladimir Putin's younger daughter,
Katerina Tikhonova. After all, we're all interested
in how things are going for her. Right now, in this
time of crisis, everyone has less money,
prices are rising, pensions are not being indexed,
there's simply no money. Well then, we'll find it,
we'll make money happen. In short,
times are tough for everyone. But for the president's daughter,
I'll say it right away: things are going
only upward, no matter what
the crisis. So, those who read my blog
know that Katerina Tikhonova heads the foundation
National Intellectual Development,
which operates under the Innopraktika brand. The foundation
is supposedly scientific and is engaged in
supporting various kinds of innovative
activity. Well, that's fashionable these days. In 2014,
I wrote that the foundation had raised and
spent 282 million rubles, and the sources
of those funds were state-owned
corporations. And now we have analyzed
what has happened since then, and now
we can report to you that the Innopraktika foundation
is still receiving money
by winning tenders from state
companies, only now in even larger
amounts than before. Look, for example:
Rosneft structures, headed by Igor
Sechin, a regular subject of our
publications, transferred 179 million rubles to them;
the state-owned Transneft transferred 221 million rubles;
and finally, a Rosatom structure, which
was headed by Sergei Kiriyenko, who
has now become deputy head of the presidential
administration, transferred 59 million rubles to Putin's daughter.
In total, since the beginning of 2015, Innopraktika
has received 452 million rubles in state contracts.
That is no small sum, but it is far from everything.
The foundation's main source of money is
not even state corporation contracts, but rather
mysterious targeted contributions. In such contributions, the foundation
of the president's daughter received 425 million rubles
from unknown legal entities and private
individuals. Unfortunately, from open-source data, we
cannot know who these
generous donors are. Maybe they are once again
state corporations, maybe oligarchs, maybe even
Vladimir Putin himself. By all appearances, he is
quite a wealthy man. Or perhaps
Katerina Tikhonova's husband, Kirill Shamalov,
who not long ago was named by
Forbes magazine the youngest
billionaire in Russia. In other words, he can afford it.
But one way or another, right now we can
state a legal fact: over the last
20 months, the foundation of the president's
daughter received
at least 877 million rubles in donations and contracts,
and most likely more than a billion,
because we still do not see the reports for the latest, 2016,
year, even though the year is almost
over. And here, of course, we are left with
two obvious questions:
what exactly did they receive this money for,
and where did they
spend it? A study of the work that
Innopraktika does for state corporations
shows that it looks very much like the already
existing
innovation center Skolkovo or Rosnano in our country,
that is, a lot of different scientific-sounding
words, while in reality it is simply a sham.
For example, you will laugh very hard if
you read what the Innopraktika foundation
charged 2.5 million rubles to the impoverished
Russian Academy of Sciences. They developed
for it—I've even written this down on a piece of paper
because otherwise I wouldn't be able to say it—
"a proposal for analyzing the psychological and
pedagogical aspects of building
the system of the Digital Valley of Crimea." The Digital
Valley of Crimea—that sounds so great, it conjures up
images of startups, electric cars,
a giga-Hyperloop connecting Simferopol with
Palo Alto, with stops in Dzhankoi and
Alupka. But in reality, from the terms of reference
we can see that this Russian Silicon Valley
is characterized by total control by
state authorities, and the startups will be
created by subsidiaries of state-owned companies.
Now let's try to understand where
Innopraktika is spending the hundreds
of millions of rubles it received. Alas, we were unable
to find that out. I don't think you will
be able to either, because on the Innopraktika
website there is only a section called
"Our Results." It says there that
some congress was held, some projects were carried out
for the very same
companies—Rosneft, Transneft, and Rosatom. And
there are no specifics, no links, and
no real documents—everything in the best
traditions of Russian innovation. We have
a lot of money. Just an enormous amount of it.
And that, basically, is all one can
learn about the money of Vladimir
Putin's daughter's foundation: there is a lot of it, most of it
comes from unknown sources, and where it goes is
unclear. I don't know about you, but I
would be interested to know who exactly contributed
425 million rubles to the president's daughter's foundation and
how, in the end, the total sum of
877 million rubles was spent. And it seems to me that it would be
right, for all of Russia, if
the financial affairs of the president and his family
were open and transparent, especially
when such sums are involved. Therefore, in
conclusion to our video, I would like
to call on Vladimir Vladimirovich
Putin, the Innopraktika foundation,
and Katerina Tikhonova to fully
publish their financial reports and
contracts with state corporations so that we can all
see what exactly they are transferring such
huge sums of money for. We sent to the Inno foundation
Practice: an official letter on this topic
and we will definitely tell you what
they reply to us. Subscribe to our channel
the truth is told here