Text version
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That’s how it goes in our country: you start out

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building a hyper-mega-supersonic super

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missile, and what you end up with is a chalet in the French

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Alps. But still, Russia was and remains

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one of the world’s largest nuclear powers. No,

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no one really wanted

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to talk to us.

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No one listened to us. Listen now.

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[applause]

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Remember those fantastic animated videos about

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the most advanced types of Russian

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weapons that Putin showed in his

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address to the Federal Assembly?

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It was amazing—the kind of top-tier graphics

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that computer games from the

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1990s would have envied.

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[music]

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The coolest moment was especially when

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the missile dodges obstacles. At that point even

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the deputies can’t hold back and start

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applauding in delight.

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It bypasses defensive lines, proving that

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Putin understands that everyone is actually, well,

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a little embarrassed to watch this

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cartoon, so he explains:

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they replaced everything with images because

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the real products being made with

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the money we allocate to Russia’s

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defense industry are so secret that

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they can’t be shown to anyone at all—only

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computer graphics can be shown. For obvious

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reasons, today we cannot

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show the true appearance, the actual external

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look of this product. Even that today has

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significance—serious significance, I think.

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Everyone understands that. But we will show

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it, and let the authorities accuse us of

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unpatriotic behavior, and let them

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say we’re Russophobes. Let’s look at these

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photographs. What do they have in common? Well,

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even with the naked eye you can see signs of

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Russophobia.

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On all their faces. How did you determine that? By

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what signs? The first sign is

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deep-set... look, deep-set...

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Let’s keep looking. But we’re still going to show

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these secrets being built with money

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allocated for advanced weaponry.

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Most of these flying contraptions

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that Putin talked about are produced by

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the state corporation Tactical

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Missile Armament. For many years now,

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it has had two main leaders:

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CEO Boris Obnosov,

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a trusted Putin associate and a big fan of his

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rule, and also the chairman of the board of

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directors.

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Right now that is one of the founders of United

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Russia, Boris Gryzlov.

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But before him, for many years,

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our old acquaintance worked there,

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a lover of luxurious yacht vacations in the

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company of escort girls—Sergei

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Prikhodko.

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Putin’s adviser, first deputy

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chief of the government staff.

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Of course, of course—you remember him from our

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quite popular investigation into

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the girl Nastya Rybka, oligarch Deripaska,

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and this very same inexplicably wealthy

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Prikhodko. There is only one answer: huntress Nastya

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knows perfectly well who Sergei

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Eduardovich is

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because Sergei Eduardovich is sitting

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right next to her during this conversation, on

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the yacht, and

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this is Sergei Eduardovich Prikhodko,

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Deputy Prime Minister

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of the Russian Federation.

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So there you have it. Today, Novaya Gazeta

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published an excellent investigation into

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how money is being stolen from

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the Tactical Missile

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Armament corporation. For example, all procurement by this

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state corporation—many billions of

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rubles

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worth—is handled by a special company appointed

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by decision of CEO Obnosov.

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So that’s how they ended up with

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an intermediary firm that takes

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a cut for itself. And 20 percent of that firm in

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2014 ended up in the hands of a 24-year-old woman

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named Olga Zharikova, who is not at all

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a missile engineer, as you might

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have assumed.

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If you spend a little time and

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search online for Olga Zharikova,

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you’ll find that she is

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a makeup artist and hairdresser who does brides’

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wedding hairstyles. Maybe the hairstyles are

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good, but why should tens of billions of

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rubles

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from the military-industrial complex

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be funneled through the office of some

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obscure stylist?

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I think you’ve already guessed: Olga Zharikova

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is the dear daughter of the CEO of

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the Tactical Missile

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Armament corporation, Boris Obnosov, a trusted

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associate of Vladi-

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mir Vladimirovich Putin. Read this

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Novaya Gazeta piece—the link is in the

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description. There’s a lot of interesting material there, but we were

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interested in another leader of the military

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state corporation:

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our old acquaintance Sergei Prikhodko. And in

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parallel with Novaya Gazeta, we were looking for

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the property of this crook and thief

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that he registers in the names of members of his

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family, and we found his son-in-law, Ignas

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Ochakov, who does business with the daughter and

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son-in-law of Boris Obnosov. The business is absolutely

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astonishing—the kind of thing no

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business training course would ever teach you.

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Subsidiaries of the military corporation,

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the military corporation Tactical Missile

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Armament, were building various facilities,

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for example

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a giant grain elevator in

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the Port of Taganrog, and by the way

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what’s especially funny is that no one in

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the government, or the Ministry of Defense,

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or the FSB (Russia’s security service) ever asked,

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excuse me, why the hell a missile corporation

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was spending millions of dollars on

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building a grain elevator. Anyway,

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one way or another, they set it up, construction

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goes ahead, and shortly before completion

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they go and sell it to

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Prikhodko’s son-in-law for seven times

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below market value. So basically

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the scheme is this: two Putin officials run

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a secret military corporation, while their

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daughters and sons-in-law make money

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by latching onto the money of this

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corporation and carrying out various projects at

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its expense—that is, at your expense, because it’s your

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taxes that fill Russia’s enormous military

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budget.

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And now, my friends, I want to take you

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to the French Alps, because, strange as it

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may sound, money stolen from

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Russian missiles is being invested precisely

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here. And by the way, I insist that you

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take special note of one thing: Sergey

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Prikhodko, as a government official, on

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Medvedev’s instructions, is specifically responsible for

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preparing retaliatory anti-Western

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sanctions.

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There he is, swaggering in interviews: “We do not

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intend to ask Europe to lift sanctions.”

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“It’s a matter of political maturity,” or

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then suddenly

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in another interview: “Western sanctions mean nothing to us.”

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“Our partnership

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is unshakable.” Of course it’s unshakable, Sergey

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Nikolayevich.

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Your personal partnership with the West—and your family’s—

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is so unshakable that

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your daughter Svetlana Prikhodko is

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the director and co-owner of a French

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company specially registered in

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2014 for the purchase and management of

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a specific property, namely

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a chalet in France. We obtained this

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information from the official public

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registry, and then requested the land registry

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records and found that it belongs

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to another French company,

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Akela SARL, whose 100% owner

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is your son-in-law, Ivan Sadchikov,

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the very same man who does business off

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the state corporation Tactical Missiles

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Corporation, where you

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served for 10 years as chairman of the board

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of directors. So, shall we fly over and look at the chalet? We’re

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over the French ski resort

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of Megève, right near the border with Switzerland and

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Italy. This is not just a small, beautiful

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town in the mountains—it is also one of the most

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prestigious ski resorts in the world.

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A huge number of ski lifts are ready

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to carry any vacationer straight from

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the cobbled streets and fragrant baguettes to

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a summit 2 kilometers high, from where

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there is a magnificent panorama of

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Mont Blanc. And now let’s come in closer.

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Right in front of us is that very chalet.

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From the building to the ski lifts is only a couple

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hundred meters. The house has an area of 170 square

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meters, and it sits on 11 sotkas of precious

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French land (about 0.11 hectares). We believe that

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the Prikhodko family acquired this house in

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2014 through a chain of other companies,

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and in 2016—this part is already confirmed

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information—everything was officially registered to

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Prikhodko’s son-in-law’s personal French company.

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If you feel slightly

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disappointed that this is not

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some pompous palace but rather

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an unremarkable little house, then you’re

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mistaken. This is a super-elite location with

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insanely expensive land, and this little house

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is worth €2.1 million.

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Now let’s look at the property documentation,

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which we also obtained completely

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officially. The chalet is built from wooden

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logs. There is a basement, three basement

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rooms,

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most likely for wine, a storage room, and on the first

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floor three bedrooms and two bathrooms,

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a toilet, a wooden terrace; on the second

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floor, a bedroom with a balcony and

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a bathroom with a toilet. Along with the chalet came

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furniture, including

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for example, bedding for

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different rooms worth €4,700,

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mattresses for €7,500, and

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even curtain rods

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for €10,000. All in all, a great place.

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Congratulations to Sergey Prikhodko,

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his daughter, and his son-in-law on having so

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successfully parked the money from Russia’s

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military budget. But to everyone else I

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want to ask: so what do you make of this? Because to

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us, on television, they talk about

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super-secret state corporations, missiles,

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an efficient military budget, sanctions

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against the West, patriotism—they applaud one

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another. But the reality behind this Putin-era

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image is offshore companies,

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chalets in the Alps, and daughters and sons-in-law in this

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super-secret corporation doing whatever

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they want, skimming off billions and moving them

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abroad. The security services either stay silent

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or are so incompetent that they

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are incapable of noticing it. So if it

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seems to you that Putin has brought some kind of order

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to the defense sector,

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and to arms procurement, don’t believe it

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for a second. Everything is falling apart. The specialists

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have scattered. The only ones left from the USSR (Soviet Union) are

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already elderly, and there are simply no new ones. We

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are still using technological

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developments from the 1980s of the Soviet Union,

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they wrecked it, looted it, and the money

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have been moved to the West. Here is the scheme of operation

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of Putin's elite in the sphere of

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the military-industrial complex. Your

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personal step to oppose this

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is to share this video, especially with those

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who work in the structures of the Tactical Missiles Corporation

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and everyone who

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works anywhere in the defense

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industry, all military personnel, and those who

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are connected with the army

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But let them watch, and let them decide for themselves

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whom they should

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support. Subscribe to our channel

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where the truth is told

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