11/5/17, Putin Team, the police organize attacks

[music]

Hello everyone. It's 8:18 p.m. in Moscow, which means that in

the Navalny LIVE studio, I'm Alexei

Navalny, here to discuss with you

what happened this week. Please write to me

using the hashtag #Navalny2018

on Twitter, and I'll be reading your questions

right from Twitter and trying

to answer them. Don't forget to like

this broadcast so that more people

see it, so that we can overcome

the Kremlin bots who are leaving their

dislikes.

Naturally, of course, I want to start with

Artpodgotovka and November 5, 2017.

Simply because this is truly

an important topic, a topic that will stay with

us, my friends, for months, for years,

it will remain in the news for

many, many more months, like the Bolotnaya case (the prosecution of protesters after the 2012 Bolotnaya Square rally in Moscow),

and perhaps even more than the Bolotnaya

case, because unfortunately, judging by

the way this is unfolding, there will be a whole

group of political prisoners in Russia

who will be known as the Artpodgotovka people,

just as there are labels invented for many others,

like the “Bolotnaya defendants” — and now there will be the “Artpodgotovka people.”

We are seeing completely unprecedented

repression unleashed against

Artpodgotovka, and the media coverage of this

repression is completely out of proportion to its

scale. I see Mediazona writing about it,

Meduza, and some other media outlets

that still

lean toward human rights coverage

and write a lot about it. But overall, unfortunately,

to my outrage, many media outlets

have ignored this huge, enormous

case, which will proceed in Moscow and

across all the other regions. I want

to say, first of all, that all these

people are political prisoners and deserve

our fullest sympathy and

support. Second, well, I probably

disagree with many commentators who,

including some who sat here in this studio, I do not

agree with. I've heard comments like:

“Ha-ha, Maltsev's revolution didn't

happen,” or Yulia Latynina on Echo

of Moscow says Maltsev is a provocateur, or

something like that. I don't understand why we

should talk about this that way, or why we

should treat these people that way. What

wrong did they do?

So what exactly did Maltsev call for? He created

his organization, Artpodgotovka. It is

a real, genuine organization.

Whatever city I go to, there are always

people at headquarters or at a rally — especially a big rally

like the ones I'm holding now —

a group of people comes up and says, we're from

Artpodgotovka, from Maltsev. So I know

for a fact that this is one of the

most extensive real regional

networks. And he said: guys, let's

hold acts of civil disobedience on 5/11/17

— you can call it

a revolution, you can call it something else,

but basically we understood that this

wasn't going to mean that actual

revolutionary sailors would be running around

shooting somewhere. I myself was once on Maltsev's broadcast

and asked him, because I also didn't understand:

is November 5, 2017 more of a metaphor, or

an actual date for a revolution? And he

told me that it was, of course, a metaphor. On November 5,

2017, we will go out into the streets in all cities

in order to express our

dissatisfaction.

They have every right to do that. We did exactly the same

thing

on March 26, June 12, November 7 — that is,

it's a normal thing in political practice

when people declare a certain day to be a day

of protest actions. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation does this,

for example, or some Left Front group, and

Artpodgotovka decided to do the same.

It called on people to go out into the streets

on a certain day, and they have every

right to do so. I don't understand why this makes Maltsev into

some kind of Father Gapon (the Russian Orthodox priest associated with the 1905 Bloody Sunday events). What exactly did Maltsev do wrong?

We're not discussing right now

the specifics of his ideology, the specifics

of his organization, what he said now

or what he said a hundred years ago, or whatever

bad words he may have used — that's a completely different matter.

That can be discussed; it's a topic

for substantive discussion. But in essence, he

was calling for something entirely legitimate.

Artpodgotovka did nothing

illegal, and the fact that the authorities came down on it so hard

shows that they were simply

terrified.

But there is a short video — you've probably

seen it, but I still want to show it again.

It's less than a minute long.

It's 56 seconds, and it

was released by Russia's FSB (Federal Security Service). So

here they are telling us

proudly

how great they are, how they supposedly defeated

the Artpodgotovka movement. Please show

this video,

about that.

Just look at these heroic actions —

they literally protected

the security of the Russian Federation.

They're breaking down doors, blowing out windows, rushing at someone,

bursting in, arresting a person — and he has

compact discs. Can you imagine?

They're just lying there on the table, on the floor — or rather on

the asphalt — these most dangerous compact discs, and

bandages.

Isn't that a crime? People have, for no reason at all,

some bandages and, well, of course, there are

some shocking shots of a pistol —

some kind of pistol, it's not very clear what kind

of pistol it is: gas-powered, traumatic, whatever.

even if it's a real firearm

Go to Umar Dzhabrailov, who had

a pistol that was fired at

the National Hotel and, I think, into the elevator there, into the

ceiling with that pistol. Why don't you go

break down his door?

Please go to Ramzan Kadyrov and

all the rest of his people who

are formally listed in some kind of unclear

armed formations. Look there — you'll find not

just a pistol, you'll find all sorts of things.

So what is happening now — well, this is

it is being presented as completely

repression. Even now, we still do not understand

the full scale of it. We have collected — please show

the slide — we have compiled statistics. As of

today, according to what we have on the website

tracking this, there are more than 400 people

detained, 8 criminal cases under various

articles, and administrative charges

are being filed — all of it completely absurd.

Every day, every hour, there are reports that

someone detained is a 10-year-old child.

On November 5 itself, you saw those

wild reports: Pokémon Go players were being detained,

Pokémon Go.

The Libertarian Party in its entirety

was detained — or large groups of people were detained wholesale

simply because they were walking

somewhere to have lunch, quite literally. At that

conference, they were simply grabbing people who

were walking down the street. And in all this

discussion, you know, one thing really rubs me the wrong way:

we have these

armchair anti-Putin fighters, and they love

to stick to one extreme or another.

They either criticize us and say, well,

Navalny

is standing there for some kind of elections,

or there are protests at Bolotnaya (Bolotnaya Square protests in Moscow),

some white ribbons, circling the Garden Ring,

it's all nonsense.

When there's a revolution, then we'll take part in

the revolution. And others say, no, this

revolution is nonsense, some kind of joke, a laughingstock.

We revolutionaries want to take part in some other kind of

activity. Well, here you go:

please, choose — there is a choice.

Volunteers, whatever you like, balloons, white ribbons,

come work in the campaign. But no, they do not

want that. They want revolution, revolution.

All right then, please join

Maltsev. Maltsev is proposing direct

action — go ahead. He has bandages, supplies,

and apparently even a pistol somewhere — and they don't like

that either. And then come these

ironic assessments: ha-ha-ha, what a

ridiculous revolution Maltsev's is.

Well, of course it was bound to fail — it

was crushed, this movement was smashed, and

all the forces of the FSB of Russia were thrown at it.

They were doing nothing else, and the entire

Russian police force was occupied only with this.

That is why these people were thrown in jail,

completely unlawfully arrested. I do not

know what is happening to them there, and I

certainly cannot rule out

torture, as there has been in many other cases.

Some of them emigrated, some are

in hiding, and so on and so forth. So

guys, let's stop

making snide jokes and treating this ironically. These people

were doing something they had every

right to do. They announced that they would take part

in an act of civil disobedience and in

actions where people simply gather in

the streets. They have every right to do that. Upon them

the machinery of the state came crashing down; they were

repressed. Therefore, regardless

of the many

differences in ideology or

organizational matters, these people are

political prisoners. These people should

receive active support

and our sympathy. And these sneering

comments everyone is tired of — 'Father

Gapon' (a reference to Georgy Gapon, often used in Russia to imply a provocateur) and all the rest of it —

they were acting for us, for

our freedom and yours, you know. They did it

and many of them are now in prison. And Maltsev is not

to blame for that. Putin is the one putting these people in jail, and

let's not fall victim to this

Stockholm syndrome: if someone

was imprisoned after following someone, then somehow

Maltsev brought them into the streets, so Maltsev

is to blame. No — Putin jailed them. Putin jailed them

completely unlawfully, and Putin bears

responsibility for that. These are adults,

brave people who took part in this.

They understood the risks they were taking, and they

are now bearing those risks. Maltsev

was forced to emigrate, but others were also forced

to leave the country.

And the fact that he is not now sitting in the

next cell does not mean that

we should start shouting 'Father Gapon.'

Because then no activity in

Russia would be possible at all. As things stand now, after

any action, after any mass

action, there are always two, or three, or four, or five

people who get imprisoned for nothing. This is

the authorities' tactic: they take

hostages. They simply seize random, accidental

people and put them in prison in order

to intimidate everyone else, in order

to sow in our ranks these kinds of

doubts, these conversations about how, well,

look, this person was jailed, but

one is sitting in Paris, and another

is hosting a Navalny Live broadcast — they are not

in prison, so this must be some kind of provocation.

It is not a provocation. The Kremlin is the one doing the jailing. The Kremlin

must bear, and will bear, full

responsibility for it. Why are you asking me

about the preparations? I'll ask now about

the preparations. No one is asking anything. What do you

think about the idea of legalizing

short-barreled firearms?

Someone is asking me about revolutions.

You can even find the video on YouTube.

For some reason, people very often

throw it in my face as a reproach and think that

it’s some kind of, you know, compromising material on me. I

am ashamed of that video? No, absolutely not.

There’s a video where I speak in favor of

legalizing handguns.

I believe that Russian citizens can

buy themselves a pistol, and nothing terrible

will happen. They won’t go running around

the streets shooting left and right.

United Bowie says: my computer science teacher

said that Putin is the most

honest politician-president in the world. She’s 27.

I said he’s a thief. She said,

“Were you there holding the candle?”

Do you really need to have held a candle?

A spotlight is shining on these people

and showing that they’re thieves. What candle are you talking about?

You should ask that teacher: you don’t need a candle.

Are you blind, a 27-year-old woman? Come on,

just look at how Putin’s

associate became the youngest billionaire in the world.

Isn’t that direct proof

of corruption in Putin’s system? That’s all. So,

5,117: ask me something about that.

I saw that there were simply a huge number of

people saying, “Vlad Nadeika, I’m outraged.”

Artpodgotovka is an extremely unstable

organization, and there really are

people there who are inclined toward unlawful actions.

Should we defend them? Well, yes, there are people

who are inclined toward unlawful

actions, and maybe everywhere—even in the Anti-Corruption Foundation

there may be people who are inclined

toward unlawful actions. And I, according to Putin, am a twice-convicted

repeat offender; according to

their version, I’m basically

a habitual hooligan who systematically disobeys

the police, constantly gets administrative

arrests, and so on. There are unpleasant people, yes,

but do they have civil rights?

People like me and people like you—does Vlad have them?

Yes, which means we must defend these people.

Anyone from Artpodgotovka

even if they are inclined toward instability

or unlawful actions, is a hundred times

better than those sitting in the Kremlin. That’s

all.

Ivan Shesterkin asks me:

why did I stop appearing on

regional TV during my trips?

Is it because they stopped inviting me, or to save time on

other things? Well, right now we’re holding big

rallies. Back when I was just opening campaign offices, we

would invite the press in, and I would appear

on regional

television wherever they let me on. Now,

of course, they let me on much less often—

practically not at all. And we also don’t have the time;

after all, a big rally requires different

preparation, and very often we simply have to

leave one city for another

right away—there’s just no time for it.

A bit off topic, but still: were you

surprised when you saw such a

huge number of people at the venue in

Irkutsk at the meeting?

asks Murik Chit—Murik or Murid4. I

wasn’t surprised. I knew that Irkutsk is

a very protest-minded city. We saw that in

Irkutsk—everyone saw it in Irkutsk—

they elected a Communist governor in a tough

standoff with United Russia, so

they chose an opposition governor there.

Another question is that now he’s not very

oppositional. I knew that Irkutsk is a

student city, a protest city.

It’s just that even more people came

than we expected. That was very

nice, really great, but I wasn’t surprised. I

know—a lot, if not everything—about the cities

I’m going to, so I can fairly

accurately predict how many people

will come or won’t come. The only place I

was wrong was Kemerovo. I’ll talk more about Kemerovo later.

Alexei, tell us about the new

batch of documents related to offshore holdings

of Russian politicians. Khaba asks. I’m not

going to explain it now, because we’re going to make

a short video about it next week,

an explanatory one. A whole bunch of

articles came out, as you can see, and nobody understood anything

about what happened. And I read those articles, even though

of course we knew these publications

were being prepared; we worked with some media outlets

that were preparing the publications, and they

asked us questions. But I can see that what

was written and explained still isn’t very

clear to Russian citizens, so we’ll make

a special video—maybe even two—

on this topic. Speaking of videos, today

we released

a video about “Putin’s Team.” And today as well

news appeared that “Putin’s Team,”

which is supposedly an association of various famous

athletes and, apparently, just

well-known people,

was created not by Alexander Ovechkin,

who announced it, but by some PR people

from the company Image Consulting. What’s interesting is

that they recently received a grant—well, not a grant,

whatever you want to call it—in short, they got money

from the Central Election Commission after winning

a tender for coverage of the election

campaign. In other words, they received budget

funds to cover the election

campaign—our money, yours and mine.

And with that money, they’re creating “Putin’s Team.”

But overall, we’re not surprised, and

it seemed important to us simply to place

the right emphasis on a few things. If you

haven’t seen the video yet, it’s 10 minutes long.

You can go watch it—it’s in first

place in YouTube’s trending right now, hooray.

Right now we literally have 45 seconds.

Let’s take a look specifically at America.

more specifically, in the suburbs of Washington

Ovechkin first bought this house for $1

and $1.6 million, and then this one here

this impressive mansion for $4

million, and relatively

recently, he reinforced his love for

Putin and Russia by buying a 200-square-meter (about 2,150 sq ft)

apartment in Miami for $2 million

Kovalchuk moved to the U.S. even earlier, in

2000

to vote for Putin in 2012

Kovalchuk urged us, from this

wonderful house in Atlanta

or perhaps from this apartment in Miami

here is the building where Kovalchuk has an apartment

we go exactly 150 meters (about 500 feet), and in this

building lives another member of the new team

of Putin: the legendary Pavel Bure

Why is it so important not to be afraid

to criticize these people, despite the fact

that, well, really, in fact,

they are respected athletes and celebrated

hockey players, and they earned all this money

honestly, and have every right to buy their

beautiful dachas (country homes) and mansions in Miami or wherever

they want

And yet these people, to our

great regret, have become servants

of corruption. They have great achievements,

but they defend Putin's regime, and my

prediction is that this

election campaign

will largely be built around people like these

because Putin has nothing to show

in terms of real achievements. Right now, in the

2018 election, we simply have nothing

to say about what he has done over the last

five years, four years — just a failure

a decline in people's real incomes

nothing at all. So it is extremely, extremely, extremely

hard for him to campaign for himself and make his case

to say, look guys, I did something, I made it so that

people's

salaries fell. So he will

focus on foreign policy, he

will focus on Crimea, and there will be this

support group and chorus of cheerleaders

athletes and performers, whoever — they

will dance around him in circles

telling us all how very

great and impressive he is, and it is very important for us not

to let ourselves be, so to speak, intimidated

Of course, Ilya

Kovalchuk

doesn't intimidate us, but we should not be afraid of these people's authority

Fine, yes, they skate well

and score goals, or perform well

in some theaters — so what?

What comes next? Why should we

listen to all of this, and why should we

place them beyond criticism? After all,

when it comes to this

Putin team, they all live in the U.S., and from the U.S.

they give us wonderful advice about how

we should once again vote here for

our terrible roads and vote for

all this filth and nastiness that

is going on. We should not be afraid to argue with them

and of course we should point out all sorts of

details like these. There will also be a small

poll — I have a question for our

vote, which will take place on VKontakte (a Russian social network)

in our game, in the Navalny LIVE group, on

Twitter, and on YouTube itself, and it goes like this:

So, Putin's team, made up

of famous people — do you think this

will work or not? Because

before, it generally always worked

you show these famous people, they

line up in rows, and people's jaws drop

and they say, well, if this

famous actor or this famous

footballer, this famous hockey player, then

I guess we should vote for Putin too

What do you think?

Will the authorities be able to fool us this time

with their stars and celebrities, or

or will it not work very well for them? Of course,

you may ask me, Alexei, but

going back to the run-up, after all

Maltsev could have, during this time, properly

prepared his supporters instead of just reading

the news

My dear princess, well then, what could

during his election

campaign, Alexei Navalny have done?

He could have opened not 80 campaign offices but 160, and also

flown to the moon. And Maltsev, too — what

could he have done? And you could have done something too

instead of just writing on Twitter, and I

and everyone around me. But he did some things, and some things

he couldn't do. So that means some

leaders he managed to train, and some he didn't

manage to train. Overall, we should ask

the question: did he do something bad to us? No

he didn't. Did he try to do something

good? He did try to do something good

and for that he has been unlawfully persecuted

So, of course, we would all like

there to be great

ideal politicians. I too would very much like

to do twice as much, and the fact that I

that the Kremlin is still saying now that

they will not allow me onto the ballot probably

proves that I am not working effectively enough

and that our team is not

working effectively enough — we could have done more

we could have brought a million people into the streets

Someone will write here: well, Navalny could have

brought one or two million people

into the streets, but he didn't. We are trying, and he

is trying — all of us together must keep trying

So yes, of course, people should be criticized

but you shouldn't just, you know,

pull things out of thin air and say, well, they could have

done everything differently. Maybe they could have, maybe not

they didn't do it, it didn't work out, they couldn't

they didn't have enough support, including from you

I haven't gotten many questions asking me about it.

Roman Berezovsky, it may seem that way.

Maybe it seems like the campaign is doing something wrong,

like it has stalled. So when will things pick up?

Roman Berezovsky, your impression is completely

mistaken, because

our campaign has not stalled—quite the opposite.

It is moving very actively in the regions.

That impression may arise simply because

you read news from Twitter, and

if I just spent all day posting

updates, making posts, or putting out

twice as many videos, then you

would think things were moving quite actively.

But we've simply moved into a phase of

practical, difficult, routine, but very

effective work. Right now I'm speaking here,

and early tomorrow morning I'll leave for Volgograd.

This week we have three cities:

Volgograd, Izhevsk, and Smolensk. Please come

to the meetings. And I am doing what

a candidate is supposed to do.

In that sense, I travel around cities.

Obviously, when I arrive in Volgograd,

Volgograd knows about it, but to everyone else

in other cities and to Twitter readers it seems

like none of this is very active, because I

can't be speaking in all cities at once.

But nevertheless, we deliberately shifted

the emphasis away from media work and onto

the hard work that actually needs to be done,

and which, unfortunately, in Russia

almost nobody ever does—holding these

kinds of meetings.

Alexei, why not challenge Putin—call him out?

Challenge him to a debate. He has never taken part in one.

People practically treat him like a tsar (an emperor).

Mikhail asks:

I have challenged Putin to debates many times, and

I want debates with Putin. This has been discussed many times.

But you are right to say that

he has never participated in debates, and

he is not going to debate you.

In that sense, people have been trying to call his bluff for many

years already, and it really is a weak spot for him.

He is afraid. All his "Direct Line" call-in shows

feature pre-prepared questions, and all his interviews with

journalists are always staged. When it comes

to Putin, it's important to understand that this is a man who

has never really taken part in genuine

election campaigns.

He took part in Anatoly Sobchak's campaign

and lost. He took part in

the campaign of that—remember?

—ridiculous party of Chernomyrdin's, "Our Home

Is Russia," and he was an active functionary in "Our

Home Is Russia"—and that lost too. So he

is afraid of election campaigns, he is afraid of

debates, he is afraid of real competition, and

of course, he will not go to any

debates, because he would simply

be scared, and he has repeatedly shown

that he is afraid.

So, returning to Roman's question: yes, I

actually wanted to say a little about what

we are doing. Right now, as a candidate, I

am primarily traveling to the regions and

holding meetings with voters. This is very

important. We can see, including through

polling data, that the level of

support in these cities is growing. Well,

it's not exactly rocket science.

There is a reason why, all over the world, candidates always

travel around the country and hold meetings with

voters: because that is what

an election campaign is. That is how you

win votes and support, not by

being shown on television.

Well, if you're not the incumbent president and

can't completely turn television

to your own advantage, then you won't get

any votes at all unless you do this

work—and that is exactly what we are doing. Please show

the slide with the current cities.

I also wanted to say something separately about

Izhevsk. All three of these cities are very

interesting. In Volgograd, for example, there are always

provocations. I think this time the local

authorities are some completely rotten

crooks, with other crooks working for them,

and they are constantly organizing

utterly lawless stunts. I think

this time won't be any different. But

there is, of course, a very interesting situation in

Izhevsk. Maybe you read my post

today, because as you know, we are not

being given permission for rallies, nor are we being given

a venue for holding a meeting. We put out

a call for help, and I talked about it on this program:

guys, give us private venues—

hangars, warehouses, anything. That's how it was in

Tambov and that's how it was in Irkutsk. And

an amazing person in Izhevsk did something

that had never even occurred to us. He

simply made arrangements with his homeowners' association,

held a vote, and now we are holding a rally on the

adjacent residential property. You live

in some apartment and don't even

think about the fact that, actually,

the surrounding land belongs to you too—

a fairly large plot of land. And you think,

wow, in what way are you even allowed

to use it, what can actually be done with it?

None of us ever really knows.

It had never even occurred to us. And now,

right now on your screen you can see part of the

minutes of the meeting

of all the homeowners in that building, and

you will see that with a 100 percent

vote they approved

letting us use their land for the event.

We will pay them 8,000 rubles under an

official contract, and now the authorities

can't do anything about it. It's an amazing thing,

because it turns out that, yes, the regime

may be powerful, Putin may be great and mighty,

the police may be scary and all that—but

you can still just do this—like that.

simply to exercise the right that we

had never even thought about — our right

to use the land around our own apartment building

in front of the building. It’s very interesting.

How it all goes — come to Izhevsk, for example.

Please come to the rally, and if you

happen to have a building that is friendly toward you

and if you’re ready to do

that much work with the residents, then let’s

repeat it. Let’s use our

rights. It’s really great and wonderful. But also,

in general, you encounter all kinds of, literally,

heroic acts

when you hold these meetings in the regions.

It is always extremely, extremely inspiring, and

but what happened in Tambov

when we were also holding a meeting on

private property — now they’ve jailed all of us.

The coordinator of our headquarters was released; she

got 7 days in jail.

But the others got 20 days, 25 days,

a 300,000-ruble fine (about 300,000 rubles), and they are not giving up.

People keep fighting. That is, that is very

cool. I said here that I would say a few

words about Kemerovo, because that was exactly

the meeting that made

a huge impression — one of the best

meetings we’ve had. And honestly, I’ll say

I apologize to the residents of Kemerovo

— I did not expect so many people

to come. I underestimated you, guys. The fact is,

Kemerovo, the Kemerovo Region,

is where Putin always supposedly gets 80

percent with 90 percent turnout. This

is the place where he always gets 93

percent with 90 percent turnout. In other words,

these are always completely rigged

elections. The opposition has been completely destroyed,

wiped out, and the political field

is such that no one can even dare hint at anything.

Maybe you saw it — I posted on Twitter

this funny picture from the airport

in the city of Kemerovo, which is very generally

illustrative: Alexei

Leonov Airport, named after the famous cosmonaut

who, in his time,

was the first person to walk in outer space,

and it says there, basically: the airport named after

Alexei Leonov

named in honor of Alexei Leonov, the first

person to walk in outer space,

on the initiative of the governor of the Kemerovo

Region, Aman Tuleyev. Obviously, the idea

was that the airport was named in honor of

Leonov on Aman Tuleyev’s initiative, but

the way it reads — and it was done this way

on purpose — is that he walked in

outer space on Aman Tuleyev’s initiative. There,

on every bench it says that it was

installed on Aman Tuleyev’s initiative.

In other words, everything there has been completely scrubbed clean.

They told me that from the hotel, you need to leave

30 minutes early to get to the rally site.

I thought, 30 minutes? So we all figured

there was no way — 30 minutes from the city center

of a relatively small city like Kemerovo

means we’re going into the woods. And in fact,

we drove through a forest, then through

a private housing area, some villages, and

ended up in some remote district.

And there was a rally there — the biggest rally in

the city of Kemerovo in the past 20 years.

Probably only the miners’ rallies of the 1990s

or 1980s were bigger.

And it really takes courage there

to come, because in Kemerovo

people were intimidated, people were fired, people were

threatened.

[music]

They threatened students with expulsion from university; they expelled

one person, a young man, our

coordinator — our coordinator Ksenia

Pakhomova. Though later they reinstated him. Her mother

was fired, and as far as I know, she has not yet

been reinstated. So going to a rally there

is an act of civic courage. And on top of that,

you have to travel 30 minutes, and on top of that

the minibuses there were effectively banned that

day.

They canceled routes, and on top of that

taxi drivers, as we reliably established,

were forbidden to bring people there. So you

also had to find a way to get there — and still such a

huge number of people came. This shows

that Russia needs a new position,

and new approaches are needed. All this

opposition that sat in Moscow thought,

well, in regions like Kemerovo

there’s no need to go poking around,

there’s nothing to do there, no point, because

it’s been completely cleaned out. That approach

must die.

We must work in every region. More than that,

in regions like Kemerovo, I

am sure that in the North Caucasus,

for example in Dagestan and even in Chechnya, there is

enormous support. People write to us from there too.

There really would be a lot

of support there — people were just always afraid

to work there. But we are not afraid, because we are running

a real election campaign. That is

really great. And I can tell you that

this is a constant source of my inspiration

and encouragement. People often say, well,

how is it, aren’t you tired, what keeps you going?

Well, this is what keeps me going. And when

you arrive and see people

standing out in the freezing cold — it was very

cold — who came on foot or made it there with

great difficulty in order to

support you, ask a question — absolutely

all kinds of people, young and old,

from completely different social backgrounds —

they all support us, and that is really amazing. We

understand, by holding these meetings, that we

can win this election, and we definitely will

win it in a system where

the elections are free. But even under the current one

in free elections, we’ll give

that government a real fight. So, guys, on Friday

evening — Volgograd, 5:00 p.m.; in Izhevsk, we have

Saturday. And seriously, today a terrible

tragedy happened — four people have already

died by now. It’s a nightmare. There will be

a meeting in Izhevsk on Saturday at 2:00 p.m., and in

Smolensk on Sunday at 4:00 p.m. Please come

for sure. Let’s see what I was asked there.

A lot of questions: when [unclear], when

there, when here. Two things have to

happen for me to come. I want

to come, of course, everywhere — first and

foremost to the biggest cities.

We either get a rally approved there, or we

look for a private venue where we

can speak, as happened in

Izhevsk.

Until we find that, we

simply can’t properly hold

the event. I mean, I have no problem

with organizing an unauthorized

rally. I understand that a lot of

people would come to it.

But there we wouldn’t be able to use

a stage or a microphone — I mean, it would just be

some pushing around, photos, but I wouldn’t even

be able to say anything — you wouldn’t hear me.

That’s why we don’t want to do that kind of format.

We’re holding proper meetings after all,

and we’ll keep holding them, and we will

continue. Strange Ts writes about Kemerovo:

if everything there is on Tuleyev’s initiative

the opposition mood there is

because of Tuleyev’s initiatives, absolutely one hundred

percent — you’re right. In regions like that, where

everyone is being squeezed,

well, Tambov is also a typical example. There

there is constant election fraud there,

a real bandit is in power there. And at the rally,

so many people came, because this

endless pressure leads to the fact

that in such regions

the opposition movement grows even stronger. So,

Nils writes to me here.

Pyotr sent in this rather colorful photo

where he has a beard made out of a parachute.

Are you verified? [unclear] from Rostov-on-Don.

By the way, I myself am not yet verified either.

But I urge all of you to get verified — this is

the second thing we’re going to do now.

As a candidate, I travel around the country first and

foremost,

while the headquarters — our headquarters — are focused on

the verification procedure, which for us

is very important. It consists of the following:

if you’ve registered and want

to sign for me, you need

to come to a headquarters office — any office, not necessarily

the one where you live according to

your passport registration. You can come to any office

in order to verify — basically,

to say: I’m a real person, and I’m ready

to sign, so that we can compare what

is written in your passport with the data on

your passport that is stored in

state databases, because that is exactly

the method used to remove

candidates from elections. Your passport

says one thing, and when we take

your signature, we copy it from the passport, but

then it turns out that in the database

your surname is written with an error, the passport

number is written with an error, your birth year is written

with an error — and the Central Election Commission checks against the database, not

the passport. That’s why we’re checking all of this now.

We compare it, record it, and verify it.

It’s a fairly quick procedure. You come to

any headquarters office; you can go to the website

and choose a convenient time to come. It’s

very fast, and it’s very important, because

right now, having carried out this

colossal amount of work —

80 headquarters offices, 600,000 people registered with

us — I can say with complete certainty that

this is an absolutely overwhelming task:

to collect 300,000 signatures if by this point you

do not already have in place

the necessary structure. Even 100,000 signatures — I

state responsibly that candidates who

do not already have a structure like ours

up and running, working, and doing this

right now — I’ll tell you a secret:

they will not be able to collect either 300,000

signatures or 100,000 signatures. Everything

they bring to the Central Election Commission will be

fake, one hundred percent, because

this work cannot be set up and done

at the very last minute. It’s simply

impossible. Just on notaries alone, it would take

many, many millions of rubles.

You can collect only 7,500

signatures in a single region.

I can’t just go and collect 300,000 signatures in Moscow

— that would be easy, but it

isn’t allowed. In huge regions like

Krasnoyarsk Krai, it’s still only 7,000

500 signatures. So you

need a structure across the whole

country, and it has to be well organized. People

must be registered. In each of our

headquarters offices, we have a special scanner and a special

computer program.

We built all of this over a long time, and it all cost

a lot, and now we know that we can

do it. Apart from us, no one else will be able

to do it, and all the other signatures

they bring in —

I’m telling you, and in fact you yourselves

will see when the signature collection begins. You

will see that all of those signatures

will be fake. Alexei Anatolyevich, will you

support in your politics

the development of villages? Sincere thanks,

asks A.P. Pankrukhin.

Well, of course I will support

the development of villages in general, and of any

settlements, because that is

You know, there’s one strange thing people often say.

They ask Alexei why he supports

the development of the regions. But regional development and

the country’s development are really one and the same, because a country

is made up of regions. In exactly the same way, a country

consists of

villages and cities. In our villages

20 percent of the population still lives,

which is quite a lot. But if they do not

develop, that means the country

will not develop either. Either everything develops

from the village to Moscow, and from Kamchatka

to Kaliningrad,

or nothing develops at all. That is what

the development of a country means. The same applies

to Stavropol: when there is a venue there,

all the southern regions—which are very

difficult—can be reached. Right now, with great difficulty,

we have finally managed to push through approval.

We got Volgograd, Rostov-on-Don,

Krasnodar, and Stavropol. We very much want to go there,

but the local authorities there are completely

blocking us and not letting us do anything at all.

There are a lot of questions about the lawsuit against Putin,

so let me tell you about the lawsuit against Putin.

Today we received a rejection.

It’s a very absurd one. They falsely claim

that Putin is beyond the court’s jurisdiction, that you have no

right to sue Putin. Besides that,

of course, they also say

that permits are issued

by local authorities, and Putin has nothing

to do with it.

Therefore, he is not

a proper subject of the case—which is, of course,

an absolute and complete lie. We had grounds—

we had two grounds for the suit.

We listed the full number of refusals,

and documented the fact that we were being

denied permission to hold rallies. In

some city—I saw a funny

statistic today.

I’m afraid of getting it wrong, so I won’t say

which city it was, but our campaign staff there

submitted 18 applications to hold a rally, and there was

a refusal for every single one of them. That means

the total has already run into the hundreds.

As you can see, nowhere at all—absolutely nowhere—

are we being allowed to hold these rallies.

So we brought a huge amount of

documentary evidence—about 1,500 pages

showing that we are being denied permission—and

we say that this could not have

happened without coordination with

the Presidential Administration. That is ground

number one. Ground number two is ironclad:

he is the guarantor of the Constitution, and as

the guarantor of the Constitution, he is obliged to guarantee

my rights as a candidate, and the rights of any

person who has them.

That includes the right to hold rallies

in accordance with the procedure established by law. And his

failure to act as guarantor of the Constitution is something we

are also challenging—his unlawful inaction.

He is supposed to do this. But anyway,

they rejected it. Naturally, we all understand how

Russian courts work, but I want to tell you

that after we filed suit and after

I released a video saying that we were not being given

any permits, they started

issuing permits in some places—very bad

locations, but still. For example, in Volgograd it had been

completely impossible to hold anything at all. We

didn’t even dream of coming to Volgograd.

We really wanted to, but the local authorities there, as I

already said, are a pretty hopeless bunch,

and it was simply impossible.

After we filed the lawsuit, and after that

video, they started arguing back with us.

Through all sorts of their

prepped-up pet journalists,

they began lying, saying, “No, no, no, we

did give you permits, you’re just

lying.” And to back up

their story, they really did, in a few places,

very rarely and in very inconvenient ways,

start giving us approvals. That is why

we now have such a strange travel schedule.

This week, I mean, it’s this kind of

logistical idiocy: Smolensk,

then Volgograd, from Volgograd

to Izhevsk, and then Smolensk again. I mean, who

could come up with such nonsense? Every time

it’s through Moscow, very inconvenient. But it’s

the only way, because only now

sporadically, in some cities,

they have started

to issue at least a few

approvals. It is entirely possible—indeed likely—that they

will shut that down again; I am practically certain they

will. But still, they have started giving us something.

So, answering questions.

Tatyana, hello. Please answer me:

I’m answering you, Tatyana. How can you

comment on the video by some

little-known blogger, “Navalny

is a Kremlin project”? I watched it with indignation, but

then again, who knows? Who knows?

Some little-known blogger released a video,

“Navalny is a Kremlin project,” and you, Tatyana,

started wondering, “Who knows?” Listen, on YouTube

—I won’t lie, Tatyana—if you

type in “Navalny pro-”

and “Kremlin,” you’ll see years’ worth of

some hellish pile of videos,

discussions, pointless political commentators, and

everything else, all of whom simply

chew over the idea of whether I am a Kremlin project

or someone else’s project. The answer is simple. First:

these people do not believe in politics. They do not

believe that you can come to Kemerovo

and hold a rally there. They think there must

be some kind of Kremlin approval, that the Kremlin must give me

permission, and that all those residents of the city of

Kemerovo who came must have needed

special permission from Kiriyenko

in order to attend the rally.

Stop believing that, and

nonsense and conspiracy theories

there generally are no complicated combinations in politics

at all

look at what people do, and don’t read or

watch videos by little-known bloggers

Lately there have been discussions about

burying Lenin—what will happen to him when

you become president, asks by

track 1. I think these discussions

well, on the one hand, the discussion is important

but of course it was obviously invented

to distract attention from what

is happening. These kinds of public

spats come up regularly

this topic is regularly thrown into the mix

everyone discusses it—should we hold

a referendum? In general, the Moscow community

and Russians would vote to do exactly that

and close this issue. I assume that right now

most people probably would. I, for one, would vote

of course, for Lenin to be buried in full

accordance with his wishes. The man

wanted to be buried; instead they turned him into

a mummy and placed him in

Red Square. Yes, thank you.

Oksana, by the way, have you been to the mausoleum?

As a little Pioneer (member of the Soviet youth organization), I, Alexei Navalny,

went to the mausoleum twice, by the way

Oksana Baulina, the channel’s producer, says

once maybe, but twice?

I stood in a gigantic line, and it was really like this:

you know, you just stand there and stand there

outside, and then you go in, and there’s this

oppressive silence, you walk through some dark

rooms, and then some people say

‘quiet, quiet, quiet,’ and you walk past, and that’s it

and of course you think, he’s so small

somehow so strange, and you can tell that

this was, after all, a dead person. Well, yes,

it was an interesting experience from my

childhood

A viewer asks:

Did Palpatine see you off today? There were terrible

traffic jams, and people were standing at bus stops

waiting—they’ll still vote for

Putin anyway. Why do you think

that? What makes you think they’ll still

vote for Putin? That’s a very

wrong idea—that, well, my God,

someone from Chelyabinsk says people were standing

at bus stops, and because of the traffic jams there were no

buses; they were soaked from snow and

rain, but they’ll still vote for

Putin. No, they won’t vote for Putin

They vote for Putin now because

there is no alternative, because no one

is running an election campaign. In

Chelyabinsk, does Zyuganov or Mironov

or Yavlinsky—does anyone do anything

at all? If I come to Chelyabinsk—I’ve already

been there to open a campaign office; now they won’t

give us permission for a rally, but if I come somehow, they

will change and vote because I’ll talk

to them about something, and they’ll say, well,

at least Navalny is fighting for our votes

so we’ll vote for him. But if since 1996

we haven’t had any real campaigns, if since

1999 we haven’t had elections in which

there wasn’t Putin—or Putin or

Medvedev, which is basically the same—then for now they

are voting for the same thing. That’s why this

current campaign is once again

structured this way: there’s Putin, and a bunch of

what look like strange clowns

some strange people

making odd statements and

at the same time not

running any normal election

campaign. And then there’s Putin, with

athletes around him—Ovechkin, Kovalchuk

skating around him, blood on their skates, as it were

that looks serious, that looks respectable, and that’s what people are supposed to

vote for

People need to be shown an alternative

to be told that there are politicians and political

forces that are fighting for them. Unfortunately

to our great regret, that is not

happening. On the one hand, this is my

advantage—that I’m the only one running a

campaign—but on the other hand it

weakens the entire political

situation. Of course, I would prefer it if

everyone who has declared that they are taking part in

the election traveled around the country, and we

competed with each other over who could gather more

people or hold more rallies

that they were actually doing something

building this signature-collection system. But

they are not doing that, and of course this

reduces people’s interest in politics overall

and I suffer from that too

So what about the idea of moving the capital of Russia

from Moscow to Siberia? I’m against it

that would be—well, it’s impossible to do. We

all love Siberia, it’s great there, although

cold, but most of the country’s population

lives in the European part. Do you

want to condemn all those people so that they

still—in the beautiful Russia of the future—

the country will not be so Moscow-

centric, and people won’t have to go to Moscow over every

little thing. But we cannot

move the capital from a more populated

region to a less populated one. We simply

need to give opportunities to Siberia and the Far

East to develop, instead of strangling them as

is happening now

Artur Shaimardanov asks: is it true that the authorities in

Kazan changed their mind after

the video? Today I saw, in my opinion,

a message from our team that in Kazan

and this was even reported by Kazan media

which also cited the figure—hundreds

of applications, literally hundreds

of requests we submitted for a rally. We can’t

hold anything there. Please tell me

what our key dates are

for voting under Putin’s orders, how do you

Do you think it works for Putin’s team in

On Twitter, 28 percent of people think that

yes, it will work, and 72 percent think that

no, it won’t. On YouTube, it’s similar: 27 percent say

it will work, 72 percent say it won’t. Well, listen,

the guys are feeling optimistic, of course.

So, it seems to you that all these

wonderful artists and athletes won’t be able

to fool Russians this time? I don’t know.

We’ll see. They’ll be able to fool them if we don’t

push back. We need to

push back, including by

sharing today’s video and

talking about it constantly. And I will keep

talking about it, and you support me

with likes. And by the way, subscribe

to the Navalny LIVE mailing list. We’ve also launched

a newsletter, and once a week you’ll receive

an email that simply lists

links to all the most interesting things that

were on air during the week. You’ll be able

to choose and watch whatever interests you.

You promised the contest results

this week—when will you announce them?

someone asks me. By the way—sorry,

we’ve almost finalized them already. I just need

to record a video on the subject. Probably

next week. I’m covering my head

with ashes—everything will happen, I apologize to

all the contest participants, and in general

to everyone who’s been following this. I’m a

bad, bad candidate, a bad

contest organizer. So, about

bloggers—I answered that. A couple of bloggers...

Please tell me, if you become

president, will you change the punishment

for animal abusers, for domestic violence...

In civilized countries, there is an animal

police force—if you don’t believe it, it’s called animal

police, asks Yulia.

Oh, this is a very important topic. As I understand it,

today or yesterday, finally, a bill was introduced

on cruelty

to animals, on combating cruelty

toward animals. At last. It had been sitting there for many years.

I really don’t understand why they weren’t

passing it. Everyone supports the bill, and

of course I support it too. We need

this law, and of course we need criminal

penalties for people who

treat animals cruelly. But these

animal abusers—well, these criminals, these

people are criminals, absolutely.

These kinds of bills are necessary. We also, of course, need

a separate public awareness campaign.

On another note, you read a lot—what can you

recommend we read? We’d be interested

to know your tastes and interests. Evgeny,

I’ll write a special post about

what I read while I was sitting in

the special detention center (a short-term detention facility in Russia). There were some good books there,

some excellent books, and some not so good ones. I’ll write

a post and recommend what to read. Reading

is useful—read, citizens! What else did I

want to talk about today? I wanted

to talk about billions. Not exactly an original

topic for me, admittedly, but I wanted

to talk about billions.

Because once again, you and I have poured

billions into Kurdistan and Venezuela.

And an absolutely astonishing

situation, of course, has unfolded in Kurdistan,

with which Rosneft signed a contract for

oil supplies and said that it would

buy all your Kurdish oil from

certain fields. Those

fields, before the fighting,

were under the control of this

unrecognized Kurdish state.

Rosneft paid them an advance

of $1 billion, and now it has turned out

that Iraq has taken control of this part

of Kurdistan and told Rosneft: we still don’t

understand who you paid that billion to,

or why you paid a billion. And Rosneft

sort of turned to Iraq and said, well,

goodbye.

No billion? God knows where it went.

A billion—we don’t know. Then they

went back to the Kurdistan government,

and it said: what billion?

We don’t know anything about it.

Talk to the people in charge. As for that

billion—we’ve already spent it.

But if you want oil from those fields,

then talk to Iraq. And that’s that.

And there goes our billion. This shows

what a brilliant manager we have,

what a great international politician Igor

Ivanovich Sechin is. And all this Putin-era

Sechin-style and propagandistic nonsense about how

we’re now going to enter all sorts of countries

around the world and run everything there,

making money—it’s once again a soap bubble, a sham,

and a deception. They send enormous sums of money, and that

money never comes back here. The Soviet

Union already did this for many years. They

did it, and nothing came of it. And now we

haven’t just stepped on the same rake again—we

are standing on it, stepping on it over and over,

letting it smack us in the forehead constantly.

But we keep doing it. And as for

Venezuela—what happened there after all?

Remember, about a month ago, probably,

I released an angry video about Rosneft,

which, in effect, the Russian government

used through Rosneft to extend credit to

Venezuela. I released that video and said

that we would never get that money back. There’s even a clip

in the video as proof, confirming

it—let’s watch it, 19 seconds, okay, about

how I predicted the loss of $6 billion.

Just the other day,

our state-owned company—ours and yours—

Rosneft, by decision of Igor Sechin,

allocated $2.8 billion. Even earlier, by

Putin’s decision, more was allocated—and that money can already

be safely written off, because

Venezuela said it could not

pay them back.

And when I said that, later there were all sorts of

special videos from all those Kremlin-linked

hacks and various political commentators

saying, “Come on, Navalny is

a complete amateur, he doesn’t understand

anything, he’s just

picking on Putin and Rosneft, while

Russia

is going to make a killing on these Venezuelan

contracts.” Well, as you can see, nobody made anything.

The country there is in collapse, but Russia was supposedly going to profit

because Igor Ivanovich Sechin knows

everything, Maduro is his friend. And what do we hear

this week? That Rosneft—well, Venezuela

has once again defaulted on its debts.

It is once again asking for restructuring, and

we haven’t seen and won’t see our money again.

There will just be endless

restructuring, the debt will keep hanging there, and

then, just as happened with Cuba, with

Mozambique, and with all the other countless

countries, we’ll have to forgive those debts.

If Putin stays in power, that’s

an enormous amount of money. Those

billions of dollars would have been enough

to solve major problems.

For example, not a single Russian citizen—and certainly

not a single child—should have to

pay for surgery, because all

those operations could have been funded

with that money, and there still would have been some left over

from what we sent to Venezuela, from what

we lost in Kurdistan.

But that isn’t happening, and Russia is still

operating as if it were some kind of

festival of unheard-of generosity, sending money

here, sending money there.

Some United Russia member in the Federation Council, I don’t remember

his name, said that Russia should

restore its bases

in Lourdes, Cuba, and Cam Ranh, Vietnam.

Putin, by the way, was the one who closed those bases.

And now they’re saying: let’s invest

another X number of billions

of dollars to reopen those bases.

Do we really have nowhere at home to invest that money?

Look at the roads—look at what’s going on with them.

Even in major cities—take, for example,

Volgograd. I’m going there; it’s notorious

for its unbelievably

broken roads.

In all sorts of rankings of the worst roads, it’s in one of

the top spots. It’s a city of over a million people, and yet

it was hosting World Cup

football matches, and of course we’re all supposed to be proud—

Volgograd, the Volga, everything is wonderful—but there are

no proper roads. What base in Cuba? What

base in Cam Ranh? Let’s maybe do that

a little later. Maybe there is some

geopolitical or military logic in building

such a base,

but first let’s fix the roads, and only then

build the base. It’s simply

ridiculous. Rus writes an angry

message: “What about after introducing a visa regime with the countries of

Central Asia,

what will you do with Russians

living in Central Asia? Will you also

abandon them? Millions of Russians

don’t just cease to exist. Will you forget us the way

Putin did?” Well, as I understand it, you live

probably in Uzbekistan—there are the most there,

or maybe in Turkmenistan, I’m not sure.

No, dear Rus,

unlike Putin and Yeltsin, I will not abandon you.

Because many years ago I

—you can easily find it online—

wrote a special draft law

similar to those that exist, for example, in

Israel or Georgia, under which every

person whose passport or

birth certificate—his or his

parents’—states that they are

Russian, Tatar, or Udmurt—that is,

a representative of those peoples who

have no other state besides

Russia—would have the right, automatically,

to receive a passport of the Russian

Federation. Under President Navalny,

you would come from your Uzbekistan

and say, ‘Hello, here is my father’s, my mother’s, or

my grandfather’s birth certificate,

and here it says “Russian.”’

And they would say, ‘Welcome, we embrace you,’ and you would receive

your

Russian passport automatically, because

you, dear Rus, have no other

state, and the Russian state was created

for you. You should live here. And with the countries of

Central Asia, of course, we will introduce

a visa regime, which is a normal

and civilized measure. They live there, we live here; visas

exist—everyone gets visas if they want to travel.

All right, all right, all right. What do you think about

Russia being barred from the Olympics? Isn’t it Putin who

forces people to use doping? Dima, age 6. Well,

I still hope that Russia’s exclusion from

the Olympics won’t happen. Today

Putin said something absurd: that these

doping scandals are connected to the elections in

Russia. In other words, a year and a half ago

this scandal happened, and it turns out it was

connected to the elections in Russia. Then we should

say: dear Putin, the fact that you

together with the FSB (Russia’s security service) falsified

athletes’ doping tests in the urine sample scheme

means you wanted to influence Russia’s elections. The whole

problem with the doping scandals

was that it was the Russian state itself

—through its security services—engaged in

a massive cover-up. There is, of course, a broader

problem of doping in sports: coaches,

athletes, pharmacological clinics,

I mean, there are lots of shady

and semi-mafia-like schemes in every country

in the world. Naturally, this exists everywhere, and dealing with it

Russia is also trying, in its own way, to fight back.

It is the only country that, directly at the

state level, decided there, through a

hole in the wall—as you may remember, in that

report it was written that they stole

urine samples and swapped them for other

urine samples. That is what caused the

doping scandal.

This puts Russian

athletes and Russia’s participation in the Olympics at risk.

The person personally and directly responsible for this is

Vladimir Putin.

An interesting thing happened today, literally

this evening—an interesting story

was reported in full by the TV Rain channel (Dozhd, an independent Russian TV channel).

There is actually a similar channel,

Sotnik.TV. As it turns out, I only found out today

—people were talking about it back in the summer, but I

hadn’t heard. But TV Rain did a very

clear report showing that, as it turns out,

well, no one really had much doubt about it,

I had assumed it too, and I spoke about

it on this program: at the Center for

Countering Extremism in the Russian Interior Ministry,

there are special people who supervise

these rather odd people from the movement

SERB, who carry out attacks on

opposition activists—most notably by splashing

them with brilliant green antiseptic dye, and TV Rain released an interview with

one of the movement’s participants, who

directly names that famous

big guy—I don’t know, we have a photo of him

here, you can see him in Moscow.

He can be seen at almost every

protest action. It’s actually pretty funny:

when I, by the way, start filming him with my phone,

or point it at him,

he turns away and pretends I’m not filming him.

But he is quite well known to all

opposition activists, and it turned out

that he is directly involved in

organizing the movement’s activities,

even paying them fees of some kind and

supplying them with information. So now we have

a documented answer to a question I am often

asked: why is it that, in particular,

attacks on you are never

investigated? Because the police organized them.

That man in the

photograph, together with his paid

provocateurs, did it.

As TV Rain tells us, apparently

he also organized that attack. And that answers

the question of why they know where I’m going,

what routes I take, and where I’m coming out from.

Why does the police claim it cannot

find their whereabouts despite the fact

that they seem to be everywhere? Because these are people

working directly for the police,

for the police. And this is exactly what the

tsarist Okhrana (the secret police of imperial Russia) did 105 years ago,

when it simply hired provocateurs.

But as we know very well from history—and

as we have been actively remembering and discussing

over the last few days—nothing good

ever came of it.

When the security apparatus

engages in shadow operations of this

kind, it corrupts itself and

degrades, and it becomes impossible to distinguish

where the thug, the bandit, and the murderer are, and where

the police officer is. And at some point

it turns out that this police officer is

the thug, the bandit, and the murderer—he is the one ordering

these crimes. All of this will lead

to extremely negative consequences, not to

mention the fact that

it simply, simply destroys

the law enforcement system.

A law enforcement system cannot

do what it is supposed to do.

That is why we have such a huge number of

premeditated murders in Russia. Why is

public safety in Russia so poor? Because

how could it possibly be good when, in one

office, they are supposed to

investigate crimes, while in another

office they are busy organizing

the commission of crimes—and all the while they all

know each other, and it is obvious that

there is really nothing to investigate when

the bandits and the police are one and the same. That is not how a system

works. I am running in this election, and we are doing this,

in order to change this system, in order

to eliminate things like this. I am sure

that together with you we will achieve it. Guys, this

weekend I will be in Volgograd,

I will be in Izhevsk, and I will be in Smolensk.

Come to the meetings, sign up,

leave your signatures, and please come

to our campaign offices to get verified—don’t

put it off. Bring new people

who are ready to leave their signatures.

Leave likes under these videos,

subscribe to the Navalny

Live mailing list, and let’s work together, because

water does not flow under a lying stone (nothing happens unless you act).

See you on Navalny Live on the 28th

this week. Bye, everyone.

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