After the arrest. Navalny is back on air at 20:18

[music]

It’s 8:18 p.m. in Moscow, which means

finally, finally I’m with you live on

the air on the Navalny 2018 program after a 20-

day break

which, however, happened through no fault of my

own. Thank you very much for watching. Please don’t

forget to like our videos.

I came here so I could be with you again.

I missed you terribly. During

this arrest, I realized how important it was for me

to have this program, how important it is to me, including

because, well, if you like, it helps me

put my thoughts in order by talking them through

with you. I probably understand some things better

myself that way. Ask me questions

on Twitter with the hashtag #Navalny2017, and on

VKontakte you can ask too. And of course I’ll start

with my arrest, my

time in the special detention center. There are a huge number

of questions—I can see the questions.

People are asking: how did it go for you there, did everything

go all right? Everything was excellent this

time because I myself asked to be put in a

non-smoking cell. It was my seventh

arrest, and only on the seventh time did I think

to do that and say, guys,

give me a non-smoking cell. It was

wonderful: you lie there, read, and nobody

is smoking around you. Well, that is, a non-smoking

cell means that out of five people, only

one smokes, which is generally quite

bearable. And the best thing

about a non-smoking cell—this is, so to speak, my advice

to everyone, even if you smoke

but not very much: ask them for a

non-smoking cell, because in a non-smoking

cell

you most likely won’t end up with a drug addict.

A drug addict is the main problem: he doesn’t

sleep at night, he paces around, suffers,

struggles, may try to hang himself, he

will bang on the door—and all drug addicts

smoke. If you’re in a non-smoking cell, then

most likely there won’t be a drug addict with you, and you

can sleep peacefully, you’ll be able to

read peacefully. In 20 days, I read 20 books.

There are a lot of questions about which

books I read. I’ll probably write

a special post recommending some of what I

read. Everything went well for me.

Leonid Volkov got out of

detention yesterday—the head of our election

campaign as well.

He got through it fine. It’s actually awful

that during an

election campaign we have to discuss things like

this—and yes, it sounds strange—whether

there were drug addicts, whether it was a non-smoking cell, whether someone served time successfully

or unsuccessfully. But these are the actual realities

of our lives. Why is this happening? Because

we’ve become too big. In fact, the main thing now about our

campaign is

the scale of the enormous political network

we’ve created—

effectively for the first time in 25 years in

Russian politics—because no one

has ever done this before. And it’s not even about me

being some kind of super-

candidate, though I am an excellent candidate, but about the fact

that we built this network, and they are genuinely

afraid of it. Because, well, it’s unpleasant for them to see

these big rallies, unpleasant to see this

large number of people, unpleasant to

see

thousands who are ready to campaign door-

to-door, because the Kremlin

understands: this is a real election

campaign. What is an election campaign supposed to

do? It’s supposed to persuade people. It’s not

about appearing on the internet, not even

about posting clips, not about videos—it’s about

persuading people. We built a system

that can reach and persuade a great many people,

and that’s why they constantly need to

isolate me. And now, as part of

the same strategy, they keep jailing Volkov.

Here’s the map—you can see how many

headquarters we’ve opened all across Russia. He

is supposed to go to Nizhny Novgorod on November 7,

and he has another court hearing there.

There’s a chance they’ll lock him up again for another 20 days,

but this time we’ll be prepared, and

without him none of our processes will

stop. So there’s really nothing good

about these 20-day

detentions. There’s nothing especially extraordinary or terrible about them,

but of course it is a sign of how much they

are afraid. So, guys, once again I want

to say: we’ve done well to build this, we’ve

done well to manage to finance

it, and in general we’ve done well. In the detention center,

everyone supports us. All right, there are a lot

of questions about Maltsev, very, very, very

many questions about Maltsev. So I should

say this: how do I feel about

the “revolution” on 5/11/17?

I support rallies, and I certainly

believe that Maltsev’s people—

I know there are many of them across the country; whatever

city I go to, Artpodgotovka (Maltsev’s movement) always

shows up. It really is

quite an extensive network as well. They

have every right to hold an event on 5

11 17—hold an event on 5 11 17. I

personally support them. But in order to

hold an event well, you need to prepare it

well. As I understand it, the Artpodgotovka movement has

after all spent quite a

long time

working on this preparation, although

of course they are now being hit with

fairly serious repression. So I can

say that the rallies they

want to organize have my full support.

People are writing, “Welcome back, welcome back.”

Thank you very much. What’s the name of the cat in the window?

Ah, yes, there is a cat in the window behind my

with your back to the window, by the way

it's unnamed, but you could call it something

what shoe size do you wear? 45–46

well, of course, of course, a huge number

of questions

guess which new candidate for

president—of course, Ksenia Sobchak—and

everyone wants me to somehow

comment on Ksenia's campaign

Sobchak. Many even say, Alexei,

it kind of seems like you're not very eager to

comment on Ksenia's nomination, and

and to some extent those people are quite right

I've already said quite a lot about Ksenia's campaign in

my—not in the last episode—Navalny 28

in my previous program, you can

find it, watch it, and say once again: Alexei,

how wise you were, you saw it all coming, but

at the moment I have one main, really

the only comment

regarding Ksenia's campaign. It

is this: Ksenia Sobchak,

being

a citizen of the Russian Federation, over

35 years old, and not, thank God, being in

a place of detention, has every

right to put herself forward as a candidate

an adult makes an independent

choice

[music]

the responsibility for that choice lies with her

she made it, she is running in

the presidential election and has every right

to do so. I would very much like to

limit all my comments on this subject

to exactly that formula, because

come on, guys, do we want to be smart or do we

want to be fools? Because if we

keep discussing this endlessly, we'll be

fools. We'll be doing exactly what people

want from us. They want me to

discuss it endlessly, for me to

argue

issue appeals, respond to statements, and so on

some criticism, other criticism, a challenge to

a debate—of course, debates, everything else

that's exactly what the people in the

Kremlin want from me, and I will try to make sure

not to give them that pleasure

Ksenia Sobchak, who has every right

to run—I read, while I was sitting in a cell,

and, and

well, her announcement letter in the newspaper *Vedomosti*

I had a lot of time there

so I had time just to count, it was

interesting: my surname is mentioned there

four times, while the surname Putin is mentioned

once. That's rather interesting. Thank you

very much, Ksenia, for remembering me, but I

unfortunately won't be able to repay in kind

and

I'm not exactly ignoring it, but there are

candidates—Zyuganov, Yavlinsky, and others

various candidates—and if necessary

to speak about them, I will speak about them, of course I

will do all that. We won't keep silent about anyone

or completely ignore anyone, but

let's not be fools, and let's not

play the game that people

expect from us

Together with you, I created this political

structure that I talked about at the very beginning—these

170,000 volunteers, 80 campaign offices—not

for some kind of

engaging in media

stunts, back-and-forth sparring at these

elections

I am interested in one candidate. His name is Putin,

Vladimir Vladimirovich

he is my opponent. He is the country's biggest

corrupt figure. He is the person

who is stealing the future of

Russia, and I am entering this election in order

to fight him, in order

to remove him from power, in order

to build, together with you, a normal,

prosperous Russia. That is the task of my

election campaign. Other candidates

exist—fine, let them—but our

this structure is for something else, wonderful, but

let's not use a cannon to shoot sparrows

and let's not spend it on

things it was simply not

created for. There are a few more things I wanted

to say on this subject, not even

well, they don't concern Sobchak, they don't concern

her at all. There's a question: all right, but

could we support someone else instead?

Say someone really great

appears tomorrow and declares that they are

a real candidate, and

we support them if you're not allowed

to take part in the election. Well, to that question

there are two answers

First: I have the right to run in the election, I have

that right

so if I'm not allowed in, then these will no longer

be elections. And second, in this

context, more importantly: if you're

a serious candidate, you shouldn't

announce your candidacy five months before

the election campaign, when one of those

months even falls over New Year. Why are we

going into this election? What for? You nominated

me, you fund the campaign

you support it, you spend your time—for

what? You do it so that I actually

fight, so that I actually

campaign among people, right? That's why

you're doing it. That's why we honestly launched

the campaign more than a year in advance. Over the course of

many months, we built the system

I assure you, and I say this responsibly:

it is impossible to collect 300,000 signatures

in the remaining five months if you don't have

the infrastructure. It's impossible

and even 100,000 signatures would be very difficult

to collect. So any great candidate

who has just appeared and doesn't have

everything we've been building for the past nine months

he can't campaign—so why go into

an election if you can't campaign, if you can't

persuade even the grandmothers sitting on a bench? You

don't have the infrastructure for that,

you don't have campaign offices for that, and in five months

it's impossible to build them, no matter how much money you have.

So I can simply say

with regard to all the candidates at once:

I have no doubt, by the way—though maybe

I'm mistaken

that more candidates will appear, as others have,

but they have to appear—that's logical. But

honestly, guys, let's admit to ourselves:

did we really think that as things got closer,

the Kremlin wouldn't come up with something

interesting for us? It will, and many more times

you and I will, many times over in this

election, be surprised, horrified, and run into

staggering

lies, staggering hypocrisy,

endless deceit—we'll still see

a lot more in this election

campaign. They'll come up with plenty more. So

the thing is, any candidate

may appear, but you only need to ask

them one question: my friend, how are you going to

campaign? Where are your campaign offices? Where are your

volunteers? And once again

I come back to what matters most:

what has happened so far with this election, and

maybe even election day itself will be

less important than this enormous

structure that we have actually

created. For the first time, we proved to ourselves and

to everyone else that such a structure can

be assembled, that it can be built without help

from the Kremlin, without any huge sums of money. All

of this can be done—and we did it. And

Maxim, send greetings to Magnitogorsk.

Greetings to Magnitogorsk. If I ask people

to come out to a rally against air

pollution, I won't get expelled, right? For your

volunteering at your campaign office, asks

Maxim. They won't expel you. They may try to intimidate you,

but they definitely won't expel you for that.

At least, we have not had—

we have never seen, ever, any kind of

similar examples. To wrap up this topic, two

things, guys.

You need to remember them, because right now

this whole discussion

about the election—who's running, who's not, whether we should

boycott it or not boycott it,

whether it's acceptable to take part in an election

where your candidate was barred and you were

offered a different one—in the course of

this discussion, two themes will constantly

keep coming up. I want to emphasize

them, because people will

mislead you about this. In every

election they mislead people, and this time they

will do it again. So, two points.

The first point goes like this: how can

you not take part in the election? You have to

use the opportunities of the election

campaign—you can't ignore them, it's

very important. And here you should say to those

who say that: use them right now.

What exactly

opportunities does an election campaign

open up for you that you don't already have now?

Can't you campaign to people? You can.

Can't you make videos, give speeches, make

statements, do something? Of course you can.

You can do all of that. More than that,

before the formal election campaign

even begins, it's actually

easier to do it, because you don't need

an election fund, you don't need

a special licensed printer, your hands are

completely untied—so do something, at least.

What special opportunities do you need?

I don't know—take the Yabloko party, for example.

What opportunities does it have during elections

that it doesn't have between elections? There are no such opportunities.

So most often, this is really just

empty chatter. When people do nothing between

elections, they won't have

any opportunities during the election either. And

the second thing is similar. People will

say: but how can that be? We have to do

something—on election day, after all.

A boycott is

just lying on the stove (a Russian idiom meaning doing nothing), while we'll be doing something.

And then the immediate question arises: but what exactly are you

doing? What does your 'doing something' consist of?

We say that we are against

a boycott; of course we're in favor of participating in elections.

But all candidates must be allowed onto the ballot.

And if a candidate who has the

full legal and moral right

to take part in the election is not allowed to run,

then it isn't an election. And the point is not that

the election should be boycotted.

The point is that you should not take part in a disgraceful

procedure where our candidate has not been allowed to run

and we are being asked to vote for someone

we may not even want to vote for.

So the point will not be that

we will run a broad, powerful

campaign to persuade people and prove to them

that this cannot be called an election,

that taking part in it is shameful, disgraceful,

and impossible—that is what it will be about. Unfortunately,

and, let's be honest,

I don't want to insult anyone or name names,

but when was the last time, in our

elections, that parties or candidates actually

did anything at all? Remember, there was once

Mikhail Prokhorov in 2012, and he

over the course of his entire election campaign

held, if I'm not mistaken, eight meetings with

voters—or six, or three, whatever.

And everyone said: now that's what real work

in an election looks like. As for a boycott—what, just go

do nothing? But I, for one, have work to do...

held six meetings with voters

So all candidates have

the opportunity to do something right now

just as I am trying to do, because

you are funding my campaign, and right now I am

speaking live on air

tomorrow I’m leaving for the city of Ivanovo, and I have

a rally and meeting with voters there at 6:00 p.m.

Come by, by the way.

the city of Ivanovo

at the Krasnaya Talka Memorial. From Ivanovo I will

go to Kursk, and in the square by the Merkuriy Stadium

there will be another meeting of mine. From

Kursk I will go to Tambov, and on the grounds of

the Bashnya shopping center there will be another

rally and meeting with voters. Any

candidate has the opportunity to do this

but for some reason I don’t see anyone

actually doing it. Of course, we

shouldn’t be filled with either despair or anger, because

there’s a lot of talk on this subject: whom will you

support, whom won’t you support, what will you

do if there is a boycott, what if

there is no boycott — this endless

discussion keeps raising one question: why

aren’t you working? If you are

a candidate, then go ahead — like Navalny —

get moving, go to Ivanovo, and from Ivanovo

to Kursk.

If you don’t do that, then overall

you are not real candidates and have no

right to count on any support. I

believe that I can count on your

support because I am working. Let me

see what you’ve written to me here — a very

large number already

I can see a huge number of questions have come in. Will you stream

on Twitch? You promised — asks

Reanimator4. Yes, I will. I still hope

that this will take place next Tuesday,

this sort of public online game of mine for

us. It’s an important thing, and we’ll try there

to raise some money, and also entertain you, and

have some fun ourselves.

So next Tuesday I’ll be doing that.

About RosYama (an anti-corruption road repair project): I sent a complaint through

the website about a pothole to the traffic police, but the pothole still hasn’t been

repaired. What should I do? Since we’re on the subject,

remember, we have such a project — google it,

RosYama, it’ll come right up. This is a popular

question that comes up quite often. I just

want to say that we have actually

done a small redesign there and updated the site,

and now there is a feature there called

People’s Oversight, and any user

can use it and, figuratively speaking,

poke negligent officials into action.

All right, let’s look at more questions. “What is this stupid

stubbornness?” Osip Berkovich reproaches me. “Not to have

a backup plan B? Dear Osip,

please tell me, why do we need a plan B? What

exactly should plan B consist of? Our

plan A is to participate in the election, which we

have every right to do. Elections are

the plan.

And in fact, in an election we

participate in order to win, in order

to bring a large number of people into the political process,

and that is

plan A — and really the only plan,

because all these plan Bs are some kind of

contrivances and machinations, and they are machinations

indeed; they are already something absolutely

secondary or tertiary. What will we

do if elections are about simple

activity — campaigning and voting? That’s

what we are engaged in, and we have every right

to do it. How many more signatures are needed

for Panfilova to let you onto the ballot?

asks Alexei Alex Boss. She doesn’t

— Panfilova —

decide that. Panfilova is simply

a Putin functionary who says whatever

she is told to say by the Presidential Administration.

For me to be allowed onto the ballot,

it’s not even signatures that are needed — what’s needed is public

opinion, this very sense

of political reality that in the Kremlin, including

through opinion polls, will show that

it is impossible not to let me run. This cannot be measured

by purely quantitative indicators, but it

can be done, and we will, we will

try to achieve it.

Right before the broadcast, an amazing thing

happened — let me find it. So, in Ivanovo,

I’m speaking tomorrow, and today

schoolchildren published a recording involving

a ninth-grade student from School No. 14; he has

this audio recording posted on VKontakte (a Russian social network). Well,

it’s the same thing: some people come in and

hold talks with all the older

students, telling them how

they must not go there. And there is this

wonderful dialogue:

“How old are you, young man?”

The teacher says: “Fifteen?”

“Then sit quietly at your desk, keep your nose

in your textbooks and notebooks. Do you

have the right to vote? No, you don’t.” There it is —

you see, that very neatly

captures our main

conflict with them, and their main method

of fighting us, their main message:

“Stick your noses in your textbooks; you

have no voice at all — whether you’re 15 or 18, it doesn’t matter,”

no matter what age. Listen to this —

it’s an absolutely astonishing dialogue. And so

I would really like it if anyone

watching from Ivanovo would go and

try to spread this around so that

city residents as well

can see how the authorities

treat them — not even me, but them.

Just think: a teacher stands there

in front of a student whom she is actually

supposed to educate, and says, “You

stick your nose in your notebook; you

have no rights here whatsoever.” That’s it.

So what kind of citizens does it want to raise?

This regime. Next, an important point:

this happened for me, for my brother, for

my family, and in general for my

political work: we won in the

European Court. Huge thanks to everyone

who supported me. You can see this kind of

headline on the main page—this case is very

important. It legally proved that the case,

the Yves Rocher case, had in fact been fabricated.

That is exactly what happened, because they recognized the so-

called Article 7, which

states that there was not even any subject matter

of a crime—in other words, effectively

the European Court said: guys, you

fabricated the case, and then also staged

an unfair trial, so everything must

be overturned. You must pay

compensation to the Navalny brothers, and this is already

our second victory in the European Court in

major criminal cases like this. There have

also been many smaller victories

in administrative cases. And pay attention,

guys, because the Kremlin constantly—and

not just the Kremlin, but even some

supposedly liberal media outlets—write, well,

that Navalny cannot run because

he has a suspended sentence. They

are obliged to write that Navalny is not

being allowed to run despite the fact that

he won in court

in both cases and proved that they were fabri-

cated.

This is the most important thing, because even

under Russian law, I

have every right to run, because

we had all these fabricated

cases overturned. I have the rulings in my hands, while they

have nothing. I have a decision in my hands

stating that all of this

their whole legal

casuistry should be scrapped. So, what do you think of Yandex?

Vitalik Yaroybetin asks. I think poorly of it.

Oleg Navalny is now sitting in something like

North Korea (the DPRK)—namely,

in prison. What do you think it is like for him now?

What is it like to be sitting there at all? He served three

years, two of them in solitary confinement, and now

he is still there, even though he has a document in his hands

—not just a document, but a ruling—

from the European Court saying that Oleg

is completely innocent and should be

released, but they still will not let him out. This is

the situation we have found ourselves in, and of course

we will now appeal to the Supreme

Court, file cassation appeals, and demand

that he be released, because

there is a European Court ruling, yet he

is still sitting in those prison cells.

Do you think Roizman would be a good

competitor? Pavel asks me.

Well, Roizman is an outstanding politician

and a terrific guy, and an excellent mayor

of a city, but as far as I understand, he is not

planning to take part in the presidential

election.

Alexei, I’m 20 years old, I’m studying and working abroad,

and I gave up Russian citizenship. Will I be able

to get it back after you win

the election? Well, I very much hope so. One of the

reasons I am running is so that all

the people who left Russia—and there are

huge numbers of them, working-age people—

who leave and work abroad, we

would like them to return. By the

way, the simplest way to increase

economic growth is simply for those several

hundred thousand people to return to Russia.

If they start working here, our economy will immediately

make a huge leap upward. And so,

despite the fact that you gave up

your citizenship—Anton Pavlov writes—

if you submit the documents, your

Russian citizenship will be restored, if you

previously had it. You are also asking about

Poklonskaya, if I understood correctly.

She had been reminding people about Chaika,

and then seemed to come out in your defense—why?

Well, there are a lot of very funny headlines right now

about Poklonskaya coming out

on Navalny’s side,

doing something together with Navalny, and so on.

It’s a simple story.

Prosecutor General Chaika spoke rather

dismissively about Poklonskaya, and

did so in a personally contemptuous way,

in connection with their inquiries regarding the film

*Matilda*, and Poklonskaya, to her credit,

turned out not to be so timid

a woman. Although I could say many

negative things here

about Poklonskaya—her activities are very

strange—but she really did, you can see it on my

blog, right there on Red Square,

record a video where she directly goes after Chaika,

basically saying: so, you care

about your children, who

are enriching themselves, more than the interests of the country?

In other words, she wraps all of this

in her own sacred-monarchy rhetoric and all that

about *Matilda*, but if you throw out that nonsense,

it is practically a dissident speech. It is very

interesting to see what will happen because of it.

Very interesting. I mean, she basically

just went rogue and really

—sorry for switching into this

slang—went rogue and jumped on Chaika.

That is what is happening, and of course

we should grab a bucket of popcorn each

and watch what happens next, because

it is genuinely very interesting. What do you

think about shutting down propaganda

news outlets? Someone asks on Twitter about RT.

I think that would be wonderful.

I support it, and honestly, the channel

RT should be shut down. They

receive hundreds of millions of dollars,

billions of rubles, from the state budget.

They make a terrible, disgusting channel.

It's very deceitful and propagandistic.

It's incompetent and unprofessional.

It should be shut down, and all its employees

should be dismissed.

And they should no longer have any opportunity at all

to work in any media outlets. iOS or

Android, asks me, Kitty 69:

I use both myself—don't throw

tomatoes at me or write things like,

"I use them myself." Alexei, when are you

coming to Vladimir? Alexei, when to Rostov? Alexei,

when Volgograd? I really, really

want to get to Rostov, I really want

to get to Volgograd, I dream of a trip to

Krasnodar.

But

right now the situation is this, I'll tell it like it is:

in all the cities with populations over one million,

in all the major cities, except Krasnodar,

which isn't a million-plus city, there is a flat-out refusal.

Completely illegal, with no offer

of an alternative venue. They are afraid of our

rallies in big cities because, well, in

small and medium-sized cities too,

quite a lot of people come, but in

million-plus cities, that's thousands—many

thousands of people. They are terribly afraid of that

image. Even local officials, they

get very agitated afterward, and then

they write to the Kremlin and call, saying, "Hello,

what were we told here—that you were so

great, and that these

opposition people were just marginal nobodies? Well, look, in

our city, look what kind of rally

they held. Of course, we've said a million times

that nobody came, but everyone in the city

knows a ton of people showed up. What do we do?

Some mixed signals are coming through, and that

really disorients the local elite. And

the Kremlin is terribly afraid of this, so

apparently, in major

cities we will now hold only

unauthorized rallies, because we

were actually willing to accept some

bad venues, venues far from

the center, but now they aren't giving us any at all, and

that's their position. So right now we have

something like 200 applications filed in parallel

for next week, and only a handful

have been approved—and those are very small towns,

with things like 10 a.m. time slots, that sort of thing,

which is impossible to accept. So, unfortunately,

despite the fact that we very much want

to go to Vladimir and to southern Russia,

to Rostov and the city of Krasnodar,

for now, in terms of unauthorized

rallies, it isn't working out. But we will not

stop—we will hold unauthorized ones too.

Is another large-scale

nationwide rally being planned?

asks Roger. Yes, it is.

It's being planned. We can't not do them. We could

avoid planning any rallies if

we had other levers: television,

normal participation in regional

elections, in local elections, in

State Duma elections; if we could campaign;

if we could sue the authorities

and win those cases; if the

Prosecutor General's Office were doing what it

is supposed to do;

and if our corruption complaints were actually considered.

But since none of that works at all,

what else is left for us to do besides

hold rallies? We will keep doing it. It's a big,

difficult job, especially now in the

cold season, but we'll do it. And

guys, it's important here not to listen to these

know-it-alls and not get upset about whether

more people came or fewer people came.

It's impossible to always maintain

a high pace. Sometimes fewer people will come,

sometimes more—that's normal.

You just have to keep doing this work.

It's difficult, routine political

work to organize all of this, but we

will do it. How is the campaigning going?

You asked about your... and what

does the polling say? asks Nimlesku.

The polling is good. We can see that

people are noticing our election

campaign. I won't give exact numbers, but

we're satisfied with how things are going. Apparently,

the Kremlin sees similar polling,

which is exactly why they keep

jailing us.

Yulia Lavanda writes that a

"Navalny 2018" sticker saved her from a drunk

man from the administration. Well, I'm only

happy if a "Navalny 2018" sticker

saves you from a drunk man from

the administration—great, then put up

all the stickers you can, please, and save yourselves from

drunk men.

Shurik asks: Alexei Anatolyevich, why

did you ignore the question from the journalist

from TV Rain (an independent Russian TV channel) in Ramenskoye at the meeting with people? Well,

yes, there are just a huge number of

people running after me with questions.

That one was about Ksenia Sobchak. I answered it

quite thoroughly in the previous broadcast, and I've answered it now too.

As I already said, I'm not going to do

what people expect from me and endlessly

repeat the same thing over and over. After all,

you don't run after me with questions about Zyuganov

or Zhirinovsky or Yavlinsky, and I'm not going to

answer those either. I came to the

rally in Astrakhan in order to

speak with

Astrakhan media and talk with

the townspeople, and endlessly harping on

all that stuff everyone is tired of is not what I plan to do.

240 new questions.

Scientists here—turn the cup around.

I turned the cup around. We are not against; we don't have

a campaign against anyone, we have a campaign for you. Right, but

Volgograd again—what do you think about

the attack on Filin

Yes, this is the topic—the attack, and they...

Felgengauer—I’ve known her for a long time, we’re friends.

And

Yulia is friends with her too; she’s generally a

close person to us, and a journalist whom I’ve

known for a long time—an excellent journalist. Like everyone else, I was

of course shocked by the attack on

her. Fortunately, she is recovering. Today

she actively replied to my message, which

means she already has a phone in her hands and

I don’t know, maybe she’s even watching the broadcast.

Tanya, hello—I wish you a speedy recovery.

A lot has already been said; I can add

only a few rather un

original thoughts about that very

—I apologize—the atmosphere of hatred

that plays a part in all of this, because

I know it from the practical side.

First of all, by the way, let’s look at

a short video where the attacker

gets past the security post. Here he takes

a spray canister and, as I understand it, sprays

—first he holds out a pass, then

sprays the security guard in the face and fairly

swiftly gets through and runs off, clearly knowing where to go. I

have been to Echo of Moscow many times, and I can

tell you that if you’ve never been there and you don’t have

a clear plan for how to get to some

place where Tatyana Felgengauer is sitting, it’s

quite difficult. There are always a lot of people in

that place; departments of the

Moscow city government are located in that high-rise on

Novy Arbat, so it’s not some kind of

deserted

back alley. If you were running away like that

from security guards, they could catch you near

the elevators—there are always lots of people there. You need

to know where to run. So, honestly,

it doesn’t seem to me at all that this person is insane.

For now it’s hard to say whether he was acting on someone’s orders or not.

Clearly.

But as for the atmosphere—things like this

happen because the authorities make them possible.

Possibly because, first of all,

it whips up all these lunatics, you know.

There are a lot of mentally unstable people around,

people who are genuinely, from a

medical point of view, ill.

We know that many of them experience

certain flare-ups in the spring,

during

but this endless trash on

Russian television affects them worse than any

spring ever could. It really does affect them; it

simply agitates these people

and pushes them to run around

everywhere with knives. This is the direct

responsibility of the Russian authorities.

This atmosphere of hatred and propaganda—after all, just

a few days before the attack on Felgengauer,

there was a film about Echo of Moscow journalists in which

they talked about what terrible

foreign agents they were, and they showed

how, supposedly, some main target—well,

you understand, every madman in the country with

a disturbed mind could think: well, of course, for the

defense of the country from the CIA, I ought to

stab her with a knife. That’s the first thing. And second,

there are completely practical things I can

speak about from my own perspective. Show the

ruling that my lawyer sent me today.

Remember when I was attacked

and had brilliant green antiseptic splashed into my eyes

—I don’t know whether it’s visible or not, perhaps

bring the red frame closer—well,

in short, it says there that the prosecutor’s office

canceled the decision

refusing to open a criminal case

and points out to the police that they

did not establish

the whereabouts of the attackers and did

absolutely nothing. That is, here

several simply

elementary steps are listed that the police

should have taken in order to find

the people who attacked me, but they did not do this

over the course of several months.

They didn’t do a single one of them; that is, they

did nothing at all. Why did this happen?

Because they were told not to do anything.

There is a laughable point there saying that

the police were unable—the police did not

establish the whereabouts of these

attackers—Petrenko, Kulakov, and the others.

These people are in photographs at every rally.

There are loads of these thugs walking around there,

helping the police fabricate cases

or simply harassing

people. And when they

go to every rally and stand there

under police protection, every time they are

photographed and posted on Twitter: oh, there’s

that guy who splashed Navalny

with

a caustic liquid in the eyes—here he is,

standing at a rally next to

police officers; they came together, and

the police say, well, we couldn’t

determine their whereabouts. This is

a completely deliberate policy. Therefore

every lunatic knows that, first of all, he’ll be

incited by television, and second, he

understands that the state will, by and large,

most likely stand up for him; he will either

not be found, or they’ll help him evade

responsibility, or they may even reward him

altogether, encourage him, maybe give him

something of that sort.

And that is exactly how all of this, all these ideas,

work. Maybe, yes, maybe

he isn’t even insane, but some cynical

person who understands that it is necessary,

that these so-called “liberasts” need to be

attacked.

And then they’ll somehow reward you

and encourage you, because, well, judging by

what we’ve seen in Navalny’s case, it’s clear that...

You just have to walk up and attack a person, and then

the state will be the one protecting you.

So this happens regardless

of any personal motives or impersonal ones.

The motive is not what happened to Veronika, or some street incident, or Matilda—whatever.

What happened to Felgengauer (likely referring to journalist Tatyana Felgengauer) — that’s the point.

The responsibility for this, for all of it,

undoubtedly lies with the state.

The state cultivates and whips up lunatics,

and gives these lunatics, crooks, scoundrels, and

bastards free rein, and then on top of that

provides them with political cover and political protection.

Vladimir asks me: “Alexei, what do you”

“plan to do with the propagandists?”

They have wrecked, Jesus, wrecked the lives

of many people. We can’t just brush that aside.

To say “shoot them”? Well, execute them —

of course we are not going to do that to propagandists, to

the main propagandists, people like Solovyov.

First, they will have to account to us for their

property. We’ll run them through Article 20

of the convention — they will have to explain

where they got their money. As for all the minor pro-

propagandists who usually just receive

a salary — we’ll simply fire them. They should not

be working in the media. We’ll throw them out.

There was a line like that in some film — was it in *The Diamond Arm* (a famous Soviet comedy)?

What was it Leonov said? “Yes, boss, because”

“I’ll fire you, and all of you”

“will have to become honest people again.”

Or was that in *The Adventures of Baron Munchausen*?

Anyway, the gangster threatened them: “I’ll throw you out,”

“and you’ll have to become”

“honest people again.” And they shouted, “Boss, anything but that!”

Wasn’t it on Lenta.ru?

Anyway, never mind. That’s exactly what we’ll do with them:

we’ll simply fire them all, and let

them look for jobs where they won’t

be doing the one thing they do now — the thing they’re used to.

Potrokha2005 asks: “My parents”

“are watching your show for the first time.”

“Send greetings to Voronezh.” Hello, Voronezh!

Thank you very much for watching our

program. So, getting back to Twitter, I see

what people have written to me here.

“Alexei, yesterday Belkovsky reproached you for this,”

“saying that you want to judge people without being”

“a judge.”

And the president is not the head of the judiciary, but

Belkovsky is right. But I do not want to judge anyone. I

keep saying that I will send

these people to the dock.

Look, at every rally I say

the same thing: we will send all those people to the

dock, and I will not control

that trial. It will be independent of me, and

there will be jury trials, and probably

for some of these people, we want them

to be imprisoned — but they may even be acquitted, and

we will be upset that they were acquitted, or that

they escaped responsibility. I am not

going to be the one putting anyone in prison. That is not the job

of the president. But to send them to the dock —

that I will do.

“How will you react if they don’t allow you to take part in”

“the election?” Lyoshka Frolov, I will be very

upset. I hope that you

will be upset together with me,

and angry too, and then

together with you, my dear Lyoshka Frolov,

we will go across Mother Russia

telling everyone that if they did not allow

this person — the one who built the system

together with everyone else, and who has every

legal and moral right to run — then this means

these are not elections at all, and going there is shameful

and indecent. That’s what it is, Lyoshka — you and I

the two Lyoshkas will go around Russia and

campaign among the people. “Are you planning”

“an overseas campaign tour?” asks

Ivan Ivanov.

It would be great to say right now:

“The weather in Russia is getting worse, so perhaps the south

coast of France would be an excellent place

for a campaign tour.”

But no, we’re not planning that. Though seriously,

there is in fact a huge diaspora in London —

200,000 of our citizens with passports,

and maybe 200 or 400 of them there who will

actually vote. There’s also a huge diaspora in

New York and in California, and they need

to be campaigned to. But we will do all that

through the internet. There’s no opportunity

to get there, and really no need

to go there, because if I have to choose, Rostov is not

less worth visiting than going to Rostov, or

Volgograd, or Krasnodar. That’s where I’d rather go

than to New York — New York can come later.

In Armavir, a young man was sentenced to 15 days

in jail for swearing after another picket protest,

after which he was harassed by people from

the local administration, they say. Well, yes.

Actually, I even have some small-scale

statistics on the pressure being put on our

headquarters. Look: as of October 7,

71 administrative reports had been filed, and 16 people

had been arrested.

They received from 3 to 25 days in jail. Another 15

people were fined from 1,000 to

250,000 rubles (roughly from about $10 to $2,700 at the time), and 17

people were sentenced to compulsory labor of

20 to 40 hours. So the Kremlin simply

can no longer fight us in any other way

anymore.

So, strange as it may sound, this is

good news. It’s terrible for those who are

being arrested, and we will help them — we already are.

We are doing legal work with

all these people. We’ll talk more about it.

We will win all these cases in the European Court of Human Rights.

But overall, well,

guys, it’s a good sign. It means that

with tricks,

with deception and propaganda, they can

do nothing to us anymore. They cannot

defeat us that way. The only thing left is to jail people.

And they are jailing people. That means we have to pay some

price for our striving for freedom.

Anime asks me

Alexei, what kind of political

system do you envision for Russia?

after four years of your presidency?

A great question for a beer-fueled anime.

After four years of my presidency,

the presidential term will be reduced to four years.

The State Duma will be re-elected; it

will be independent and will have the right

to conduct parliamentary investigations.

All parties will be allowed to participate in elections. After four

years of my presidency, the judicial

system will not depend on me; the president of the Russian Federation

will not control it — it will be independent. After

four years of my presidency, the Federation

Council will be elected by direct vote.

After four years of my presidency,

we will elect governors by direct

vote, as well as city mayors and heads

of urban settlements, heads of rural

settlements, and so on. In other words, we

will bring elections back at every level, at every

stage. After four years of my

presidency, all mass media

will be completely free, and censorship

will truly be fully banned. What do

you think, asks Oleg from STTM?

Can Yevgeny Roizman — second question —

about Roizman, a popular figure,

run? Can Roizman take part

in the 2018 Moscow elections, and would that be a good

idea? Well, Roizman can

run.

He can — and he is — a great mayor of

Yekaterinburg. It would probably be a good idea, but if you ask me,

whether he could run in Moscow

elections — after all, he’s a person

from Yekaterinburg.

He’s really a local guy there,

Sverdlovsk/Yekaterinburg through and through,

to the marrow of his bones, and it’s unlikely he’d want

to go become the mayor of another city. Well, that

would honestly even be

strange. Mikhail Suvorov asks: how will you

solve the problem of nepotism in the regions —

in Krasnodar Krai and Rostov Oblast, for example?

Oh yes, it’s a gigantic

problem there. But it’s solved the same way

the broader problem of corruption is solved:

through an honest judicial system and public

oversight.

If there are independent mass media,

then when someone appoints

their nephew, or uncle, or

aunt,

the media sees it,

they immediately go after that

official, and he gets fired for

that very nepotism. That’s the only way to ban it.

USA1024 asks: what source is best

for reading the news? Read the news from the blog of

Alexei Navalny, from the 2018 program. Well,

no, listen — Meduza is a great outlet,

there was also a very good new outlet that

Ossetinskaya launched — Mediazona, a great

new outlet. In general, there are some very good people

— not many, unfortunately, but there are a few

outlets where you can read

the news. So, Belkovsky has jumped on me again

— apparently I should check what’s going on there.

Why is Belkovsky jumping on me again, Daniele?

Sobyanin has again proposed raising

the fee for work permits for migrants.

Admit it — was it you who bit him? It wasn’t me

who bit him.

United Russia members are lying and deceiving again,

because we’ve said many times that

something needs to be done about migration in the city.

There are simply so many migrants. Here I am,

sitting in a special detention center, and around me there are only

migrants most of the time. They’re fine people, by the way.

Actually, this time the Kyrgyz guys

were in the minority among the migrants I met. There have become

too many migrants, and Sobyanin is forced to respond

to public demand that something

be done about migrants. And they’re proposing

some nonsense, like raising the fee for

a work permit for migrants — but they’ll

pay it? Come on. They already pay nothing now.

No, this is nonsense, absurdity. They’re

making up some rubbish. Right now, everything

is arranged in such a way that they’re

hired without any documents, and then

— by the way — thrown out without being fully paid

their wages. And sure, go ahead and raise that

work permit fee — make it really steep, raise it

twofold — then even fewer people will pay it.

In reality, there is no oversight at all. First of all,

we need a visa regime

with the countries of Central Asia so that

it won’t be possible to simply go and buy

a ticket and come here even without an international passport.

"Just buy yourself some pepper spray already,"

someone says to me. Damn it all.

Why would I need pepper

spray, and what exactly would I do with it? Just spray it at

the staff? Navalny 2018 has had that image

on the screen for too long, way too

long. I’m going to spray them with pepper

spray. Ivan Spitsyn asks: Alexei, what do you

think about the death penalty? I

am fundamentally opposed to the death penalty.

I recognize that I’m in the minority.

The majority of the country’s citizens, and even

a significant number of citizens

with democratic views, so to speak,

support the death penalty. I am categorically

against the death penalty. We’ve already spent so long

talking about Medinsky. I wanted to say:

can you show me Medinsky, and then

I’ll skip the case involving the theater figures?

I’m simply running out of time. About Medinsky, I

just want to say a couple of words, because I

studied in the 1990s. Just one small

comment — not even specifically about Medinsky.

Back in the 1990s, there was simply this

accepted norm,

not even just a norm — it was considered good form.

Basically, everyone copied their term papers.

Essays, whatever you like, even diploma theses—everything.

It didn’t even raise any questions from anyone at any

point. I mean, it was obvious they had copied it.

Back then, for one thing, there was much less internet,

and it was harder for instructors

simply to check some paper for

plagiarism, and this happened constantly. If there was

a person who didn’t copy their term paper,

they seemed kind of odd. And then all of this

just passed as normal, and there was this Referat dot

ru website—probably still around now. It was a mass

phenomenon. I just want to say that

we are trying to overcome it, and

a lot has been done lately.

It really does seem that now, finally, fortunately,

it has become bad form

to copy term papers and essays; people have started

doing things themselves. And what did we do? We

showed the whole country that it’s great—that is,

in Medinsky’s case (Vladimir Medinsky, former Russian culture minister), it wasn’t even copied—it was

just

But as I understand it, it was nonsense there, in that

his doctoral dissertation or whatever.

That doctoral dissertation—but we showed that the entire

system for evaluating academic work actually

isn’t worth a broken grosh (an old Russian coin; i.e., it’s worthless). It doesn’t

work at all. Any nonsense,

any plagiarism—it covers all of it up. But

here’s the thing:

we—I apologize for putting it this way—but what kind of

example are we setting for our children? And my

point is: how are we going to convince

a ninth-grade student—Kolya (a common Russian boy’s name)—not to

copy, but to do his essay properly?

Of course he’ll say: why are you telling me this?

Look, we had a culture minister, and

his doctoral dissertation was apparently declared

nonsense, and then the whole state

defended him.

He didn’t resign, and in general he’s still

sitting pretty, so leave me alone—I’ll

go to Referat dot ru and download everything

I need. This is a terrible thing.

It’s really a major blow to the education

system, and afterward we’ll still need

to work for a very long time to change things,

to improve the system’s image. Alexei, you

said that there are plans to abolish

the Unified State Exam system (EGE, Russia’s standardized school-leaving exam). What would you replace it with?

That’s what I’m being asked, basically.

I’m not saying I will abolish the system.

I’m saying that right now it isn’t working,

because either in all regions

the exam is administered equally, or else all of this

loses its meaning, because there are some

regions where everyone simply scores better on the EGE

than anyone else. Well then, in principle, it

largely loses its purpose. And why do they

all get top marks on these exams, entire

regions at a time? The same old corruption. So

what do I think about promoting volleyball? Yes, I

generally

support promoting any sport.

That’s a question from an expert from Uill.

It’s the right thing to do. Any

sport gets people moving, and they get sick less often.

Roughly speaking, it’s beneficial.

The more people do sports and physical exercise,

the less they go to

clinics, and the less money needs to be spent

on their treatment. So

Lyoshka Frolov again—Lyoshka Frolov, the same one

we were campaigning with, apparently. My whole

family thinks you’re an American

spy. I’m trapped. Well, Lyoshka, work with

your family—show them some

videos, explain things, and have

some educational talks with your relatives.

Why did the headquarters ignore the continuation

of the protest on October 7 at Manezhnaya Square (in Moscow), at

Palace Square (in St. Petersburg)? You could at least have

mentioned it.

Dunk Lamp is asking me. Guys, look,

a lot of things have to be done on your own.

A special feature of rallies—and of rallies in general—is

that many issues

have to be resolved situationally, on the spot.

People say, well, this or that wasn’t organized there,

but many things are simply impossible

to organize. So

the headquarters organizes the rally in general; it

handles that. On the seventh, we—we

organized rallies in St. Petersburg—the rally in

St. Petersburg. In all the other cities, this

was done by local headquarters, and they deserve a lot of

credit for doing it. After

rallies, different things can happen, and

that’s already a matter of local organization.

The headquarters can’t regulate all of that, and

I mean, what is headquarters, after all?

I’m sitting here, Volkov is sitting here, some other people are too;

some have been detained. Someone has to take

responsibility for calling people out—or

not calling them out. There can be different

points of view. So I always stand

unequivocally for people’s right to assemble

peacefully and without weapons, and I support any

continuation of protests. But in many

ways, here people need to try to act

independently and not rely on headquarters.

Now my favorite question is being asked

by me—“Crazy Alexei”.

What if you get killed?

Will the campaign continue the fight in the elections?

If I’m killed, everything will become even bigger.

Because you’ll be very moved and

put my portraits on T-shirts,

make red flags with mourning

ribbons, and go out marching. But really,

seriously speaking, the point isn’t

me personally or any individual department—the point is the system

we have created. The point is how we

can persuade and mobilize people. So this

is definitely not something done only for

election day. It is a political

mechanism—a political mechanism,

a mechanism of political struggle that we have created.

for all of us, and we will continue to use it

use it

whether I'm around, or whether I get tired of it, or

if the day after tomorrow I say, guys, that's it, I'm

out, I suddenly really love Putin—it doesn't matter, you

are still here, which means this mechanism needs to be

expanded, strengthened, and used

going forward. So, question forty-two:

has come in.

What will happen to the Moscow headquarters? Where

should people come? Bacon, Alex, Bas—something got garbled here.

Yes, we do have problems. As you know, we are

constantly being evicted from our Moscow headquarters.

Various FSB people (Russia’s security service) run to the landlords

and pressure them, so this is already the third time the address has changed.

Soon we'll simply announce

the new address. A lease has apparently been signed there.

No sensible European

will come to Russia and tie their whole life to the country

while getting a residence permit is such a nightmare.

But for Tajiks, the simplified procedure works just fine.

Viktor writes: that's absolutely right, this is

the idiocy of our immigration system.

Any resident of Central Asia can just come here,

but if you live, say, in Spain,

France, or England, and you're a highly

qualified specialist,

you come to Russia to work for a high

salary and pay substantial taxes, and you

will go out of your mind trying to arrange all the necessary

permits. It's absurd. That's why we clearly

say that we must introduce a visa

regime with Central Asia, and visa-free

travel and simplified work permits

with developed, wealthy countries. In other words,

if a country is richer than ours,

then please, let people come, let them

come and spend their money here. But

if a country is poorer than ours, then sorry,

it's better to keep a visa regime in place.

How is all this set up? How is your eye?

Fine. We need a healthy president, well,

or so says Ivan Ivanov.

I'll say this: order matters, and yes, a healthy

president matters too. My eye is fine—much

better than it could have been. Next: the results

of the contest. Daniil Blinov asks about the results

of the YouTube channel contest. Well,

everything was delayed because of the arrest, but

a new jury has been created, as I understand it.

There was a post about it.

Maybe I'm not putting it quite right, but while I

was under arrest, we created a jury, people are

watching, and we will announce the results of this

contest. I apologize that we dragged it out.

When will the Twitch stream be? I've already said

that it will be on Tuesday evening.

Ildar Kharisov asks: what do you think,

does blockchain technology have a future in

government bodies and systems?

Maksim Torkin asks whether there is a future

for blockchain. Yes—an excellent, wonderful

future. We need blockchain. Remember what

happened with the Chaika children and Rosreestr (Russia’s state property registry). There

the name Artem Chaika, for example, appeared, and there was

real estate registered in their names, and then

they removed the name Artem Chaika and

replaced it with some kind of blank nonsense.

Rogozin did the same thing—that is, they

hide themselves inside Rosreestr, and

if the registry itself were based

on blockchain, obviously, they would not have been able

to do that. This is very important for us, because

it would deny our crooks

in government the ability to cheat,

forge documents retroactively. That

would be extremely important. So blockchain has

a huge future, a very big future

in the system of state administration. Next.

Should experiments on embryos be allowed?

How do you feel about Lukashenko? Well, I

I mean, Lukashenko has thrown

half the country in jail. Just look at

the opposition figures who are imprisoned there. But

Lukashenko is a person who, after all,

violates basic democratic

procedures. Alexei, what will you do about

the cost of university tuition?

Prices have risen terribly.

asks Viktoria. Education

should be free. That is my

principled position, because

for the state, this is not a populist position

at all—it is very rational and quite market-oriented.

The more educated a citizen is,

the more taxes they will pay later into

the budget. So it is in our interest to educate people

—and to treat them too; I mean, to educate and treat people.

We're talking about the fact that, after all,

if right now there were, as people here were suggesting,

a canister of that

tear gas, I would spray it into the control room right now

because they're laughing at me

and at my slips of the tongue. Is there any point

in using contact lenses to

protect yourself from caustic liquids?

asks San Sanych 1988. I'll start with this:

the doctor told me something funny: those who

bought those big goggles,

the kind that make you look like a skier, and walk around all the time

trying to protect yourself from all this—well, maybe you could.

But it seems to me that it would look very

strange if a presidential candidate

were walking around all the time in huge

goggles. It's strange, and

impractical.

It's still impossible to implement in practice. 5:11:17.

I see a lot of messages like this:

What position will your brother Oleg get

if you become president? Will he be

in politics and business?

asks Roman Kre-mon.

First of all, I would like my brother

first and foremost

to be released from prison in accordance with

the ruling of the European Court. Second,

let my brother Oleg do whatever

he wants to do, but with all my

because of great love for my brother, he cannot

count on any—yes, and he does not

want that either. He has known me for many years; he will

understand that no privileges

or preferences in connection with any of my

positions

current or future, he cannot receive

them, and most likely quite the opposite: he

will understand that the system we

create will examine through a magnifying glass

any activity of his, and

that is exactly how it should be. You should know what

the president’s relatives are doing.

Alexei, they’ve brainwashed me into thinking that your

arrests will prevent you from

running for president. What do you say to that?

asks Will.

Yes, that is exactly how they brainwash people.

Look, lately the Central Election Commission

and the Prosecutor General’s Office have all said that

Navalny cannot run because

he has a conviction, blah blah blah blah blah blah

blah. So, we open the Constitution, and there

it is written there in black and white. Therefore,

the task—this is part of our election

campaign—is to explain to people the lies of this

government. We talk about corruption, we

talk about propaganda, about inequality and

poverty, and we explain why we have the

right to put forward our own campaign. It is also

a simple thing: guys, if they do not let

me in now, and we accept it, we agree, well

all right, they did not let me in, as they say, well

we have to do something, let’s still

take part in these elections somehow, well

they didn’t let us in, they didn’t let us in—and that will be

the first and main step toward them

never again allowing any independent

real candidate in—the kind of

candidate who actually works,

the kind of candidate who

can campaign and persuade people, and therefore is

dangerous. They will never again allow such a person into

the elections if we accept this. What do you think of

Navalny’s Instagram, asks

Parachute Me Blitzkrieg, but I suppose I should

say that it is sexism, objectification,

because Navalny just posts

simply

various cute, attractive girls,

volunteers. But I like that

Instagram. Now the feminists are going to come after me again

simply after this, after

this statement. Is there a possibility of

putting Volkov forward for president if

the Kremlin manages to lock you up for a long time?

asks Daniil. Leonid Volkov

is the head of this election campaign

and my political ally. Volkov is

a smart man, and he understands just as well

that if we go with Plan B—if

they do not allow the candidate in, and we say, all right,

fine, don’t allow him, we will give you another one

instead; don’t allow this one, fine, to hell

with him, let’s vote for the one

you put forward for us—that is a dead end,

a road to nowhere. Elections can only be elections, and this

is a fight for your own candidate, and in no

other way can they function.

You cannot replace one candidate with

another, because then it is no longer an election.

You will simply lose votes.

In this connection, therefore, Volkov undoubtedly

as an intelligent, educated, very

advanced person can hold any

posts, but in this election campaign

he is a person who understands very well

what is happening; you cannot fool him.

Alexei, what will happen to the Central Bank? Will you

nationalize it? Formally, it does not

need nationalization; it is not

a state authority, our

Central Bank. But nevertheless, it is

independent only formally. Simply put,

the Central Bank should be doing what

it is supposed to do under the

documents that define its mandate; it should not

be involved in gigantic

enormous corruption schemes

as is happening now. From what year

will the transition to a professional volunteer army begin if

you become president, asks

Chiominzai. Unlike Mr.

Putin, who since the 1990s

has been saying that a transition is planned

to a professional volunteer army—or, recently, he

said that at some point in the future Russia

will switch—the first decree on beginning the

transition to a professional volunteer army was issued in

1996, when

Yeltsin was president and Putin was simply working in

the presidential administration. As for Alexei

Navalny, he will begin the transition to a

professional volunteer army immediately—well, to the extent

that it is practically possible. There is enough money in

the Russian budget, a sufficient

amount, and Russia’s army should be

professional. Let’s organize a rally in London;

let the whole world know about it. That is

a guarantee of being allowed into the elections before the international

community, writes Darphin. Dear

Endorphin, the international community and all that—I will

wrap up our program with this: the international

community is, of course, a great thing, but

no one will grant us liberation—not God, nor

the tsar, nor a hero, you understand. No London,

no international community is going to

deal with our problems; they have more than enough

problems of their own. We must work here,

we must hold

rallies here, we must campaign here

in order to win. We will certainly

win. Tomorrow I will be in Ivanovo.

Come to my rally at the Krasnaya Talka Memorial

at 6:00 p.m. The day after tomorrow, Kursk;

on Sunday, Tambov. Come, I’ll be waiting for you.

I will be very glad to talk with you

and speak with you. Goodbye, until next time.

If I'm free on Thursday, I'll be happy.

[music]