[music]
It is 8:00 p.m. in Moscow, and this is the live program
Russia of the Future, and I’m Alexei
Navalny, or a political slug, as
my favorite TV channel called me
Tsargrad. By the way, I should say
I have to complain to you that lately
I’ve been getting insulted much less on
the internet by various propaganda
outlets. In general, they’ve started
mentioning me much less. Only the TV channel
Tsargrad never lets me down.
They had an article titled: “Navalny Chose the Path
of a Slug.” Absolutely great — I really
liked it. Before we move on
to the main topics, I wanted to say a couple of words
about Primorye (Russia’s Far East region), actually about
Vladivostok, because we’ve just
received information from our
Vladivostok headquarters, and basically
the gubernatorial candidate Ishchenko himself said
on his Facebook that, well, finally we
more or less understand how
United Russia is going to solve its
problem after all. Let me remind you that
Ishchenko was elected governor by the residents
of Primorye, after which his victory was stolen.
Instead, they dragged in
United Russia member Kozhemyako, who had already been
governor in three regions.
He was supposed to stage some kind of miracle,
come in and show how a real
tough United Russia guy would now crush
Ishchenko and all those pathetic residents
of Primorye who, you know, want to vote
for someone other than the one they’re supposed to vote for
according to United Russia. So, here’s the very simple
setup: right now, Ishchenko is not being given
the signatures of municipal deputies. In other words,
the election was officially called again, and despite
the fact that this man won the election, he
now has to run again,
go to municipal deputies and collect their
signatures to pass the filter, and
apparently he cannot do it.
Because even some communists
are refusing to sign for him — either they’ve been
bribed or pressured, but
most likely, this man who has already
been elected governor simply will not
be able to take part in the election again. And
in this wonderfully original
way, United Russia and this Kozhemyako
will be able to
apparently win, win this election. Well,
what can I say — once again we’ve seen
what disgusting, lying, yet
brazen people they are. I’m curious how
Kozhemyako will govern after
delivering such a direct insult
to all the people of Primorye. As I understand it, Ishchenko and
his team are planning to hold a rally.
Our штаб is working there too, and we
support him, of course, not because he is
a communist, but because he has already been elected. I
just once again urge everyone to
look carefully at this situation,
remember it well, and then together
with us, because we will be offering you
various options and approaches on this
matter and fighting against this
disgusting, lying party, United
Russia, which allows tricks like this.
Now let’s move on to the main character of
my second program in a row — Army General
Zolotov, who unfortunately after all
backed out of this whole thing. I was wrong,
I admit it. In the previous program I gave you a rather
lengthy speech about how
he would probably agree in some form
to debate me, because
I assumed there was some kind of
spirit there, or some backup plan, or
he would say, “Navalny is too pathetic for me to
debate directly,” and propose someone else, or
some enforcer would come to the debate, meaning
I’d have to brace myself and jump into the fight. But
in short, I thought there was some cunning plan.
It turned out there was no cunning plan at all. And so,
let’s first watch 28 seconds of Zolotov.
They caught him somewhere in a hall, and he
said that it turns out he had challenged me
to a sporting contest. Twenty-eight seconds. In what
format do you plan it? He answered: in this mode.
Why do you think he doesn’t want
to get in the ring with you?
I don’t want to. This was a sporting
challenge, nothing more. He had every
opportunity there — and don’t accuse me, don’t say that I
was somehow
inviting him in order to beat him up
after he was kicking me there —
the point is that
there is a court case now, and after the court decision,
when it is over,
we’ll see. As for pressure — let him
...
By the way, did you notice how much Zolotov
looks like Putin? I mean, this
fact probably means absolutely nothing, but
it’s still funny how much the two of them
resemble each other. I mean,
our general backed out.
There will be no debates. He said
there would be lawsuits, though it wasn’t actually he who filed one against me.
I’ll say a couple of words about that now,
it’s quite interesting. But today
the week I gave him, in accordance with
that very dueling
code he referred to,
officer’s honor, blah blah blah — and all of it
ended in nothing. There is no officer’s honor
there. So of course the Anti-Corruption Foundation
— and we, in any case,
would have continued investigating
Zolotov’s corruption — but now we will do it with even
greater enthusiasm. But somehow
you, our general, must be held accountable.
For backing away from giving satisfaction, I am not
calling on him to shoot himself, resign, or
do something like that. That would be,
well, first of all, rather naive, and
to expect that from a man with his level of
dignity. Second, that is not the kind of
punishment we want to see carried out.
General Zolotov should give up his dacha (country house)
not to me, of course, but to the Anti-Corruption Foundation,
and I have personally already filed
a petition. We have begun the procedure to confiscate from
General Zolotov that very dacha, the former
Mikoyan dacha, which I spoke about at length
in the previous program. It is
a state-owned dacha that, clearly,
could not legally have been privatized, and I
will just show you a couple of images so that
you can see for yourselves. Let us now move to that
part of Rublyovka (an elite residential area outside Moscow) and take a look.
Here is the area where Zolotov's dacha is located. In
a moment I will first show you where the
Ministry of Defense land is, and here, you see,
this entire section is precisely
the territory of the dacha; the parts marked in yellow are
Ministry of Defense land. Let us
look at the next slide.
We can see, and we will see, land belonging to the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs. And now let us
look at where the former
Mikoyan dacha, now Zolotov's dacha, is located. That is,
this is essentially one continuous land
tract that has, in general, been removed from
circulation: it cannot be privatized, and
nothing could legally have been done with it
in a legally clean way such that this
state estate could end up in
private ownership by an individual. And
we have studied all of this carefully and thoroughly.
We have now
submitted petitions to state
bodies, in particular to the Ministry of
State Property, the Federal
Agency for State Property Management. We
demand an inspection and that this dacha be
seized. We have also sent an appeal to the
Ministry of Culture, demanding that it be recognized
as a cultural heritage site. But it is obvious that
it is a monument of historical significance. That is,
we are going to begin
a public campaign to ensure that Zolotov's dacha,
which was taken absolutely unlawfully,
effectively stolen from the state,
is returned to the state. But
strictly speaking, everything Zolotov has
is the product of unlawful enrichment. But this dacha is
a matter of principle. We are not
naive people; we understand that the state,
the prosecutor's office, they will not want to acknowledge
that we are right. But then let this
state, represented by
the property management agency, by
Putin, by anyone at all, say
to us and to the whole country that all of this is legal,
that there is protected land which
is not subject to any transactions at all, that has been removed
from civil circulation and cannot
be transferred into private
ownership. This is directly provided for
by the Land Code.
And yet this land and this dacha were
privatized properly, everything completely
legally, and General Zolotov has the right
to dispose of it as he wishes, and later his
heirs and everyone else as well. Let
them tell us that, and let them take
an official position. I think that
Putin's approval rating, on the basis of all these words,
after this kind of admission and
statement, will fall by another couple of
percentage points. Because even
supporters of this government, and even opponents,
of mine,
even those who are fiercely opposed to what
I and the Anti-Corruption Foundation, our
party, do,
well, probably not probably, but certainly absolutely
do not agree that a historic
state dacha should simply be taken over by
Putin's bodyguard.
You have probably seen that I posted about
the fact that even the largest online community of
police officers held a poll on who in
this situation was more convincing, me or
Zolotov. The police voted 93
percent for me. By the way, right now
they are shutting that community down. In the
Lyublinsky District Court, proceedings are underway under which
the largest community, called Police Ombudsman,
is simply being targeted for closure. Well, because
they are posting some kind of 'wrong' videos,
which brings me to the point I wanted
to dwell on and explain in more detail.
The situation with Zolotov concerns that very
lawsuit that has now been filed against me. It is
very interesting. You heard in that
brief statement our army general
say, well, now there will be a court case involving
Navalny on this matter, and then we
will talk to him. This is very interesting,
because it was not Zolotov who sued me.
It was this very
Crimean Kombinat Druzhba Narodov ("Friendship of Peoples" combine) that filed suit.
There is, of course, not a single word there
concerning the property of the head of the National Guard (Rosgvardiya),
or any accusations of corruption, nothing of the sort. They
are demanding that this video be removed in full on
the grounds that, supposedly, we
calculated food prices incorrectly
and failed to account for seasonality. At the same time, in the lawsuit
they present a table on
seasonality in which the prices are still
several times lower than in their contract. But
the most important thing I want to tell you
about now, the thing that simply
astonished me, concerns meat prices.
In our video, in that original
investigation into how Rosgvardiya
was buying goods at prices several times higher than market rates to begin with.
prices to purchase food supplies for the height of
winter. There was one specific item regarding
meat, and
what this meat-processing plant did was start
supplying
meat with a fat content and all sorts of
cartilage and sinew totaling 14 percent, at a higher price than
the meat they had previously supplied with
only 6 percent cartilage. More expensive, that is. Well,
in other words, they started selling worse meat, but
at a higher price. And then they wrote to us—I’ll
show you now. Please, look closely
and read carefully.
Read this carefully: they officially wrote to me that
you know, meat with
14 percent connective and fatty tissue
has more calories than beef with
6 percent connective tissue, and
therefore, since it has more calories, the meat is better. Well,
I’m not the world’s greatest meat expert, but
I do eat it, and I understand that if
meat has 14 percent sinew, then it ought
to be cheaper than
6 percent. You can simply
run exactly the same test—I did it myself.
You just go and Google
beef with a given amount of
sinew, and the first link that comes up
will show you that, naturally,
beef with a fat content of 6
percent costs 335 rubles, while 14
percent is cheaper—260 rubles. But by the way,
the National Guard (Rosgvardiya, Russia’s internal security force) buys it for almost
twice as much—436 rubles
per kilogram. But I’m sorry,
for suddenly launching into
all these details about beef, but
this made me absolutely furious, because
it reflects the overall attitude toward these very
Rosgvardiya soldiers. They are completely serious
about it.
They are trying to convince me, them, and all of us that
we’ll give them worse beef—fatter beef,
with cartilage and sinew—but it has more
calories, so let our
universal soldiers eat it and then go disperse
protests. And this is just so
contrary to common sense. They understood
that when they filed the lawsuit against me—I’ll
show it to all of you—it contradicts
common sense so blatantly that any person,
any person who has ever eaten meat, understands that
if meat has more sinew, it is worse
and should be cheaper. But no—they say, well,
it has more calories, and these people don’t need anything else.
Why not just give them, like,
I don’t know, what they give some dogs—
something with lots of
cartilage to gnaw on. Then give
your soldiers that kind of meat, give them
something else too—just give them a lump
of sugar, give them a piece of coking coal
—that has the maximum number of calories, that’s
really
just an insult to the armed forces,
an insult to these conscript soldiers, including
those serving there under contract.
Because in the lawsuit with which
Zolotov is defending himself, and which, unfortunately, I have no
doubt they will win,
they will come to court and tell the judge:
of course, yes—the fattier the meat, the more
cartilage and sinew it has, the better it is.
Rosgvardiya soldiers love that kind of thing—
something they really have to sink their teeth into
and pull apart like this. They’ll win
this case, and then on the basis of
these arguments they’ll demand that I
delete the video, and bailiffs will come after me.
Court bailiffs.
And Zolotov will record a new address where
he’ll say: well then, Alexei Navalny,
you lost this case to me in court.
Why am I saying all this with such
force? Maybe it didn’t
hit you the same way, but it really
struck a nerve with me. I want
every Rosgvardiya soldier to know this when
he’s in the mess hall gnawing on something and
thinking, and when they say to each other that
what’s floating on my plate instead of meat
—I want them to understand very clearly who
is defending their right to decent food, and
who is robbing them, and who, looking them in
the face—looking me in the face, and the whole country in the face—
says that night is
daylight: guys, the more sinew there is in the beef,
the happier the Rosgvardiya soldier is.
So if you serve there, if your
friends serve there, if you are in the military at all,
show them all this.
Show them how they are trying to convince us
that black is white, that cheap
beef should cost more, that
more calories means better. So,
again, sorry for this
beef rant, but it matters, and we’ll
be talking about it more. I’m sure with Zolotov
this will be a long saga. It’s clear that he
is deeply offended, insulted, and
he’ll now start inventing all sorts of things,
all sorts of nasty, underhanded tricks. But we
won’t let up. We will take from him, now
or later—and after the arrival of the Russia of the Future (a phrase used by Navalny for a democratic future Russia)—
we will make him answer for
every question concerning illegal
enrichment.
For every kopeck of those 3.5
billion rubles
that his family owns in assets,
he will have to explain to us
where he got it, where it came from, how it
came in—cash and non-cash,
what money from which accounts
was used to buy these apartments. All of these
questions
sooner or later must be
answered.
Even though our general has moved on,
let’s get some satisfaction by talking about Putin’s bodyguard.
We’ve talked about that; now let’s talk about the cook,
Putin’s cook. This week, *Novaya Gazeta*
published a highly sensational
investigation, and this investigation is very
important for us, for the Anti-Corruption Foundation
because it directly
concerns us. It’s a major piece by *Novaya Gazeta*,
please take a look at it; it’s quite
interesting. They write that this very
same
Yevgeny Prigozhin, Putin’s cook, whom
we’ve spoken about here many times, and about whom
many investigations have been published,
is directly connected, through
a chain of people, in particular through
a *Novaya Gazeta* informant, to the people
who carried out attacks, including
which, of course—I repeat—affects
every employee of the FBK (Anti-Corruption Foundation).
The very man who, several
months ago, attacked the husband of Lyubov
Sobol, who is a lawyer for the Anti-Corruption
Foundation,
and is now the producer of this
wonderful channel—he was found near
the entrance to his building. Some man approached him
and, saying “nothing personal,” stuck a syringe into
his thigh, after which Sergei Mokhov
lost consciousness and woke up in the hospital. Well,
yes, I remember that situation—it left
everyone absolutely shocked. What did they inject him with?
Some kind of—I don’t know—toxin or something,
and of course people immediately started thinking
of all sorts of things—AIDS, I don’t know, leprosy,
some incurable disease—but this is
just insane. How does something like that even occur to someone, you know?
“Let’s
scare him by sticking a syringe in his leg.” Well,
they really did scare him, because it sounds
completely wild. This man, who is now
seen on camera—this is footage from
a surveillance camera at the building entrance—from the very
beginning we said that we believe
Prigozhin’s involvement in this
was the primary, number one theory, and it should
have been investigated, because Sobol
had released an investigation just beforehand
into the cartel Prigozhin had built. Our
investigations department found his
real estate, and several videos
were recorded—Lyubov made videos about it
in those reports.
And here’s what happened to the man in
the photograph. Let’s look at the next
slide: he was killed. *Novaya Gazeta*
wrote that
they identified the attacker and
learned his name, and some time
after the attack he was killed
absolutely in the style of those movies
where, you know, some hitman is then
killed by a higher-ranking hitman so that all
the loose ends
disappear—since you were caught on surveillance cameras.
The *Novaya Gazeta* informant who
reported all this
also disappeared. Now, apparently,
they say he has turned up, but there is no
confirmation. But in any case, we
believe that *Novaya Gazeta*’s piece
quite confidently, let’s say,
proves the involvement of that very
Prigozhin, Putin’s cook, in the attacks and
possibly in murder as well. And, well, here’s the thing:
just look at it—once again, assess
the degree of political degradation in our
country. A report came out that should
have led to some kind of
political crisis: a man close to Putin,
the owner of all these troll
factories,
whose protégés will be frolicking in
the comments under this video, among other places—
he has been accused by a major publication of
quite literally engaging in killings,
contract killings, assaults, and so
on. And what?
Where is the Investigative Committee? Where is the FSB (Federal Security Service)?
Absolutely nothing is happening. We
of course demand that the FSB
and the Investigative Committee do some work in
this direction, because, well,
there are actual individuals who have given
specific testimony, there are photographs, and the
case of the attack on Sobol’s husband,
Sergei Mokhov, was closed—but that means
it should be reopened in light of newly discovered
circumstances, and yet nothing
is happening. And this is, of course, an absolutely
monstrous situation, when
these aren’t just random attacks, you know, in
some back alley. We know who
commits them. Before, we suspected; now
we know who does it, who
comes up with it: Putin’s people,
his inner circle, who think up things like this:
“So, she released an investigation about us.
Well, of course we can’t just kill her,
but let’s make sure she doesn’t
get too cocky.”
“Let’s take a syringe with some kind of liquid
—some kind of poison, sure—and stick it into her husband’s
leg.”
That’ll scare them. Well, yes, it did scare them. The other
thing is that Sobol did not stop her
work. After all, the people who work with us
are not faint-hearted, but the situation is
quite unpleasant. They have a small
child, and it’s barbaric, you understand—they
sit there and plan things like this.
You know, maybe they wanted to kill him; maybe they just
miscalculated the dose of poison. In January, in
*Novaya Gazeta*’s article, it actually says
how obsessed they are with various poisons,
with poisonings—that is, these are savage,
dangerous perverts and murderers, those people.
who are now at the head of Russia, and
Well, even Putin himself—I don’t understand, does he
really not have enough somewhat more
elegant thugs, or, I don’t know,
people out of spy movies, supervillains?
That’s usually how it happens, a little
differently. But here we just have some kind of
street thug from St. Petersburg
with multiple prior convictions, and
does he just do whatever comes into his own head,
or does Putin persuade him somehow,
like, “Hey, listen, why don’t you, you know,”
“mess around with some poisons there,”
“cook something up in your kitchen somewhere and start sticking
syringes into the legs of those who are against me?” What—
is that really what he says? I can’t rule that out either.
If they’re protecting him,
if there are no
investigations against him, then Putin probably
gives those orders, or at the very least it’s
being discussed. It’s just madness and degradation. What
good can possibly happen in a country
that is under the leadership of people
like this? And once again, we will certainly
keep following this. We will certainly
demand that proceedings be opened,
that the case over this attack be reopened.
This situation affects us deeply; this situation
is unquestionably personal both for me and for everyone
who works at the Anti-Corruption Foundation, and
of course this “Putin’s chef,” Yevgeny
Prigozhin, should get what he deserves and
sooner or later he will. Let me
answer some questions. Tatyana Tatarinova
says: “You say that in the future everything
will change, and corrupt officials will be in the dock.
When will that happen? What
measures do you plan to take in order
to achieve that?” Well, Tatyana, whatever measures
I can take, I do take. I try
to unite people around me. I
register a party, and it isn’t allowed onto
the ballot; I run for office myself
and I’m not allowed to run. Nevertheless, neither I nor
the people who have gathered around me—we do not
give up. We organize mass rallies,
we have taken part and will continue to take part in
elections. In the near future we will
announce our new project, which
is connected with elections and in which everyone can
participate. We are engaged in political
struggle.
Sometimes more effectively, sometimes less
effectively. So, Tatyana, come join
us. The answer to the question of when this
will happen—when the Beautiful Russia of the Future (a slogan for a democratic future Russia) will arrive—
has a very simple answer: when you
join us, when a sufficient number of people
join us—then
the Beautiful Russia of the Future will come.
Because that is
purely a matter of the will of a significant
number of citizens—some 3 percent, not even
50 percent, just 3 percent—who, well,
finally understand that everything is in their hands and
begin to engage actively in politics,
take to the streets, and generally be
involved in direct
political activity. Let’s move on to the
next question. After watching the interview on
Echo (likely Echo of Moscow), a viewer asks me: do you think
they’re such cowards? They ask:
“After watching the interview on Echo, do you really
think the authorities would not dare touch you?
Attempt an assassination? Or can you simply not
start living normally?” No, of course I do not think
that the authorities would not dare touch me. Well,
they already have, repeatedly.
Remember when I traveled around the country as part of
the presidential campaign? I carried
a change of clothes with me simply because
I would step out at a train station or an airport and
things would come flying at me, and I had to
just change clothes because all my
clothes were splattered with eggs and
brilliant green antiseptic (zelyonka).
Of course, that’s the mildest form of
“touching” me, but I have no doubt that for these
people anything is possible. But what, am I supposed to
think and brood about that endlessly?
Of course they can do anything—well, so can we
do everything we believe is
right. So we do what we do, and they do what they do, and
we’ll see who prevails.
George Washington asks: why is Patrushev again
scaring Siberia with terrorists?
What else can he do?
Can Patrushev tell you how
effectively Russia’s economy is developing?
How the number of terrorist attacks in Russia has actually
gone down? No, he can’t. Can he say that
wages are rising here? No, he can’t, despite
what the government says about it. I’ll say
a few words about that.
He has nothing else—no real
achievements of any kind in the field of
security—that Patrushev can tell you about.
So instead he tells some kind of
fairy tales that terrorists are everywhere, closing in.
Putin has said that the FSB security service
prevented 15 terrorist attacks. Well, then I’d like
to say: if they prevented them,
show us the court cases, because
otherwise your “prevention” of terrorist attacks
is about the same as what Zolotov did on
Vasilyevsky Spusk (a square by the Kremlin): a staged performance.
So he came, grabbed the “terrorist,”
twisted his arms, and then shook his hand.
And then, for some reason, despite the
supposedly prevented terrorist attack, this “terrorist”
is charged under the article for hooliganism. It’s all
an absolute fabrication, and these people have failed at everything
they could do. All they can do is scare you.
Let’s talk about another major
Putin favorite, who, admittedly,
is loved only in Russia. This situation struck me as
very interesting. Roman
Abramovich, one of the richest people
in Russia, whose wealth is tied
directly to Putin. In other words, he is
a kind of Putin oligarch, and he is an executioner
who got his money because Putin ordered
Gazprom and other entities to buy out
some Abramovich business for unimaginable sums, and
that business of Abramovich's. So, in a way,
a kind of reverse privatization took place, and
that is why this should be remembered every
time Putin criticizes the 1990s and
the unfair privatization, the loans-for-shares
auctions, and those reformers of the '90s
as the bad guys. All of that is true: the fair
privatization was unfair, the loans-for-shares
auctions were unfair,
and the reformers of the 1990s were crooks. But
the main
unfair and fraudulent
privatization deals were made under
Putin, in particular.
Roman Abramovich made money from them, and
an interesting thing happened in Switzerland
because it became known that Roman
Abramovich had applied for a residence
permit.
He was refused, and there was a court ruling, at the insistence of
Abramovich's lawyers,
which prohibited the Swiss media from
talking about why
Abramovich had not been allowed into the
country. And now the supreme court of that
country has overturned that decision, and we found out
that when
Abramovich came there and said, "Guys, I am
a rich man, I have 14
billion, and in Switzerland, where there are many
people like me, I'd like to get a residence
permit here," the Swiss
prosecutor's office said no because, and I
quote, "Abramovich's presence
is a source of possible threats to the
country in the area of public
security, causes reputational damage,
and Abramovich is quite likely involved in
money laundering." And you see the point:
even Switzerland, well,
Switzerland couldn't care less about dividing up gas;
some rich people from Russia — they even have
Artyom Chaika living there, and a whole lot of
other crooks from Russia. And before that,
the United Kingdom and many other countries
were saying, basically, Abramovich is some
guy who made his money not through honest
work, who is connected to
corruption, who is connected to money
laundering and other unpleasant things. We do not
want to see him on the territory of our
country. He causes us reputational
damage. But what about Russia?
After all, Abramovich robbed us, and the money
he laundered was ours, yours and mine. And most importantly,
it is not just reputational damage but very
real damage
that he inflicted on all of us, 145 million citizens
of the Russian Federation.
He robbed us and siphoned off the money,
and Russia remains the country that
loves him,
that welcomes him and does not
consider, at the official level, that
he causes any kind of damage or that any
problems are associated with him. No,
for us Abramovich is simply a
perfectly respectable fellow; we
welcome him here, everything is fine with him. And
what is more, he is also running away from
us. He is somehow even showing this
Putin clique that
"Guys, I want to be as far away from you as possible. I want
to be in England, in Israel, in Switzerland, or
somewhere else. I don't want to have anything to do with you. I
took the money out from you, and over there I'll
buy football clubs and everything
else." It would seem, yes, that
even some part of Putin's elite,
which pretends to be patriotic,
should find this rather unpleasant. They should tell him,
"Roman Arkadyevich,
at least come here and spend
some time here, at least. Come on,
pretend that you're with us, because you
became a billionaire thanks to us."
But no, they too remain silent, and everything is very
fine, and everyone loves him, Roman Abramovich,
despite the fact that the rest of the world
is somewhat outraged that we were
robbed. Yes, we, the people who were robbed,
are not outraged by it; we swallowed it, and everything
is fine for us. It is quite a
unpleasant situation that shows
that even people in the West are already disgusted
to deal with those who robbed those Russians
somewhere far away in the north, out in the middle of nowhere,
and only those Russians themselves
seem to think it is normal — Russians, Russian citizens, however
you want to put it. That is why we conduct our political
activity, because we believe it is not
normal. By the way, I was asked
several questions about why
Spanish courts acquitted some group
of several people — 17 people
who had been accused of involvement with
the Russian mafia. The Spanish court
acquitted them, and people say, well then, those
Spanish prosecutors
must also be corrupt, they must also be
terrible, and outright mafiosi
who were accused, among other things, of ties to Putin,
were accused of money laundering — they
were acquitted. But how could they not be acquitted
if Russia sends dispatches there, to Spain,
saying that they are not guilty?
But if you want to convict in Spain
a Russian mafioso,
a bandit or an official who took money out
from here, laundered it, stole it, and bought
real estate with it, then Russia must say:
we have claims against this person, and
Then the Spanish court will say, well, there you have it.
The Russians have claims: this money was
stolen, and these people cannot explain where
they got the money. The Russian mafia—lock them up.
Put them away for that many years. But Spanish
justice is still justice, after all.
If a judge has a piece of paper from Russia, with
the signature of the Prosecutor General, with
the signature of the Supreme Court, saying that these
supposed crooks are in fact crystal-honest
people—how can they be tried? We saw the same thing
with Pachaikov (unclear reference), when
the Russian prosecutor's office was saying about its own people
that Prosecutor General Chaika (former Russian Prosecutor General) himself and his children were
crystal-honest people, and everyone else were
crooks—monstrous crooks. About Kana (unclear reference),
about whom any English or
Spanish judge can plainly see there isn't a single unblemished spot left—
they're rotten through and through.
But he still needs some documents, and it is necessary
for the person who was robbed
at least to admit that they were robbed. And
if they do not want to admit it—well, let me tell you how it works.
If you're a fool, then fine—let
the thief go free. That is exactly how it
works. And
with Abramovich (Roman Abramovich), that is exactly
how it turns out. It is very unpleasant
to look at, but if Abramovich is a welcome
figure for the Russian state, then they
love him, they cherish him, they will never
hand him over. And it turns out there are
quite a lot of people who are inconvenient for
the Russian state. There are
millions of them, and of course they need to be squeezed. And I
want to say a few words about the new
law on the self-employed, about taxation
for the self-employed. A huge number
of questions came in asking how I feel about it,
what I think about it. Well, I think
the only possible conclusion is that this is a
genuine robbery of the poor. Let's look at
who the self-employed are.
They are tutors,
some doctors earning a small
salary and making extra money by giving massages
or providing small services; they are people
renting out apartments, first and foremost, and
so on. In other words, these are people trying
to survive, and in order to survive, because
their salary is tiny, they engage in
some kind of micro-business, like renting out
an apartment, or
I don't know, cleaning other people's
apartments, or tutoring a single student, or working
as a plumber, or driving a cab in the evenings.
They run this mini-business and, well, they do not
pay taxes on it and are not
registered anywhere, because it is a small
income. They do not want to register anywhere,
they really do not want to pay
any taxes, because this
state gives them nothing, and above all
this is a tiny income. And so
our state has decided that these
people need to be tracked down, they need to be
counted, grabbed by the scruff of the neck,
grabbed by the scruff of the neck and forced to pay tax. And
that is why a law has now been passed, already in
its first reading, on this kind of experiment in
the largest cities.
Naturally, people are most interested in Moscow,
Kazan, and several other cities. So
now there will be an experiment in which these
self-employed people will have to pay a tax—
a small tax: 4 percent if they
provide services to private individuals, 6
percent if they provide services to legal entities.
But a much more interesting thing
is that the author of this
bill has already stated how it will, in
practice, be enforced:
in addition, what they will do is this: if this
self-employed person is caught—if you are caught
being a tutor,
or, say, if you are
treating someone's leg or arm, seeing them at
home, or providing some kind of service—you will
be fined in the amount of your income.
In practice, it is clear how this will be done.
You provide some kind of service;
you probably take part of the money in cash,
in cash,
but very often, if you rent out an apartment,
the money simply comes to your bank card.
The money comes in, right? You
made an agreement, and under that agreement this amount
comes to you because you rented out a room, an apartment,
or something else. And they will simply, through the
financial monitoring system, see that you have
regular payments.
Time passes, you did not register,
and then they come to you and say: ah,
so you're self-employed, are you? Well then, you received 1,000,000
rubles (about 10,800 USD) for renting out
this apartment over the year, so now you are fined
in that amount. And this really is
robbery of the poor, because people
become self-employed not because of
a good life. And of course many will say
to me: well, they should pay some kind of
tax. If a person rents out apartments, they should
of course pay tax; if a person
earns extra money as a tutor, they should
probably pay some kind of tax too.
Yes, probably some tax should be paid. But, guys, the question here is
one of priorities. Our oil
companies refuse to pay; Roman
Abramovich refuses to pay taxes; our
entire Russian economy belongs
to Cypriot offshore companies, which do not pay
taxes, and so on. But tell me, how much
tax has Zolotov (Viktor Zolotov, head of Russia's National Guard) paid?
How much tax has he paid? Somehow, by unclear means,
he bought himself, acquired
real estate worth three and a half
billion rubles (about 37.8 million USD)—his family did. So how much
tax did they pay on that, exactly?
Everything’s great with all those mansions on Rublyovka (an elite residential area outside Moscow), all those...
those owners of unimaginably expensive...
cars, not to mention...
the oligarchs who got rich from...
privatization deals, and every time...
people start shouting at me the moment I so much as mention...
compensatory taxes, they tell me...
what a terrible, terrible, utterly...
non-market measure it is, why are you harping on about it...
It’s impossible to calculate, it’s so...
so hard to figure out, for example, how much to take from the owners of...
Norilsk Nickel, what they really owe us...
what they should actually pay us, because...
they bought it for next to nothing, and so on...
and so on. It’s all supposedly so hard to calculate...
like how much more Usmanov should pay us...
in taxes, because for many years...
yes, he used a scheme to understate the value...
of the raw materials he sold abroad. That’s...
impossible to calculate. Navalny, you’re...
a populist, this is awful populism, we...
say that—but these people we won’t touch, because...
it’s very hard to calculate, and it would create...
social tension, it’s populism...
But sure, let’s go after that tutor instead...
now that’s something, right?
Easy to calculate, isn’t it? So then we can...
see the money coming into their bank card, and now we’ll...
take their income, then look at their employment record...
how much we paid them at school, and everything else...
the rest is obviously what this dangerous...
crook earned. Imagine that—giving lessons...
and making about 15,000 rubles a month...
a month—let them pay 4 percent...
It’s not much, sure, but then let Abramovich...
pay 4 percent too—4 percent more...
let Usmanov pay 4 percent more...
4 percent more—let all these people...
these dollar millionaires and billionaires...
let them pay at least something, let...
the oil companies pay, let...
the state-owned companies pay, the ones where we can see...
that they’re simply living some kind of insane...
life, even judging by their procurement alone, but...
remember how Rosneft buys tea...
spoons for tens of thousands of rubles...
let them pay more taxes, and then...
after that, sure, the doctor who moonlights...
as a massage therapist in the evenings...
will probably have their turn too.
Though in my presidential...
platform I said directly that all these...
people should be exempt from paying taxes...
because they’re simply trying not to be...
destitute—they’re just trying to earn...
a little extra. Maybe someone inherited...
an apartment in Moscow, Kazan, or some other...
city, and rents it out. They got lucky; you...
rent that apartment—you didn’t get lucky, while...
someone else rents one out, and...
you pay them 35,000 rubles a...
month, or 40, or 15—they got lucky. But frankly...
let’s be honest and agree that their...
income, on the scale of the state, on the scale...
of our economic policy...
doesn’t really play any role. This...
person has simply...
moved from the category of being very poor into...
the category of...
someone trying to make it into the middle class, that’s all. And why should we...
be chasing after them? Why are we going after them? We’re not...
going after the obvious targets all across the country...
the obvious fat cats and stupid...
wasteful spending. Just this week it was announced that...
they’re going to refurbish the presidential aircraft...
and the presidential flight squadron, and spend...
20 billion rubles on it. Yes, I’m more than...
certain that in the course of this experiment...
with taxing the self-employed, we’ll collect less...
money than that. Maybe...
they don’t need to urgently refurbish...
the presidential plane—especially since...
as we can see from the photos and current...
procurement, things there are very, very far from...
modest: gold, crystal, mahogany...
the whole package. Maybe we should ask...
where these amazing...
motorcades of Rolls-Royces in Chechnya come from, driving off somewhere...
Maybe we should try...
to seize something there instead of from a tutor in Moscow.
So my position is very simple: this...
cannot be done now. It is absolutely...
unfair. It is literally the robbery...
of poor, unfortunate people who are...
just trying somehow to make...
their lives a little better, and they work, they’re...
busy, and they work in order to...
earn a little extra. Leave them alone.
And tax revenue should be found in other...
things, in other places—especially since, well...
look at the official statement...
by the country’s leaders.
Maxim Topilin drove the whole country into...
hysteria.
This is the labor minister, who declared that...
wages in Russia are growing...
at unprecedented rates. I saw...
naturally, a huge number of jokes about...
this topic. Really, at this point it’s impossible...
not to laugh and cry—it’s impossible...
not to; all you can do now is laugh. Our...
official statistics say that...
real household incomes have been falling for four, nearly five...
years in a row, and yet out comes...
a minister telling us...
‘at unprecedented rates’—not just...
inflated, but unprecedented. Can you imagine?
The government must have been sitting there looking at...
some unprecedented jump—what was it, up...
30 percent, 50, I don’t know, 40? Did your...
salary—think about it—did it grow by...
10, 15, or 20 percent? Did it grow...
at an unprecedented rate? No, it didn’t. If I...
tell you now that according to official...
statistics, in the first half of the year in Russia...
the average salary was 40,250 rubles, you...
would say, ‘Ha-ha, that’s not true.’ If you live...
in Moscow, maybe you might still fit into that figure...
Believe it or not, even if you live in St. Petersburg,
let alone anywhere else in the country, you
understand perfectly well that there is no such thing as an average
salary of 42,000 rubles
anywhere close to that, and of course there is no
unprecedented wage growth either.
So then the question is: if you do have
unprecedented wage growth, then why
again—if wages for the self-employed are
rising,
then taxes on those wages should be rising too.
Today I had in front of me a program
by Vladimir Milov, who was specifically
examining
this statement as well, and he made a fairly
reasonable argument: if wages are rising,
then let’s look at the financial reports
of the largest companies and see that
surely payroll taxes and contributions, and the
overall wage fund itself, must have grown. But no, none of that
has grown.
Where did Maxim Topilin get this from? We
understand: he simply came, as a
minister, to an official meeting and
brazenly lied right to people’s faces, and everyone in
that room understood that Maxim Topilin
was talking nonsense—they could barely hold back their laughter at the
words “unprecedented wage growth.” Well,
that’s how it is.
And he didn’t resign, and in the State Duma (the lower house of Russia’s parliament), take
note, there was no outrage at all. You’d think
that, say, the Communists, the LDPR, or A Just
Russia would demand his resignation.
At the very least, they could issue him a reprimand for
such a lie—or let him confirm it
with real data. Where is this wage growth?
There is no data. None. There are only
some statements. They told us, “Guys,
your salary is 40,000 to 42,500 rubles,”
we know that isn’t true, but you know,
your wages have grown even more, and then
in the next half-year they grew
again—even though you know they’re falling—but
still, on television they tell you:
they’re rising, rising.
In Russia, your salary is rising. And I’m very
interested to see when this will have its
next stage of political
implementation—what we saw on September 9
in the elections, when United Russia
lost ground—that was the first stage. All
these people like Topilin and all the rest, they
will talk themselves into it, especially against the backdrop that
if we look at the declaration of
Mr. Maxim Topilin himself, we’ll see that
there, everything really is growing unprecedentedly: his
own salary is 6 million rubles, and his
wife’s income is 17 million rubles. Well then, let
Maxim Topilin explain what
his wife does that gives her an
income of 17 million rubles. That must
be some kind of substantial business.
It’s funny, by the way, that according to his declaration he also
has property
abroad.
A garage in Bulgaria. I mean, I don’t
know—maybe they sold the apartment in Bulgaria and
only the garage was left. It’s a funny sort of thing:
“I took a long time getting home because
I parked the car in the garage, and the garage is in
Bulgaria.” I mean, these people are simply
completely detached from reality. He earns 6 or 7
million, his wife earns 17 million, and they
come out and tell us that here everyone’s
wages are growing at an unprecedented rate.
An average salary of 42,000 rubles—this really
starts to sound like some kind of fairy tale, like
*Three Fat Men*
or something by Gianni Rodari,
about Signor Tomato, who comes along and
to some poor people
literally tells them these
outrageous, disgusting things.
You really want this to have
a political sequel, so that people make them pay for
these brazen statements by Topilin
—or rather, repay them—at the ballot box, and
we will very actively urge you to do
exactly that, especially since all of this
is only getting worse and worse.
I also really liked how they start
making promises to Putin and then instantly
fail to keep them in spectacular fashion. I was sitting
in a special detention center not long ago, and there
they brought me newspapers and printouts, and
in particular it was reported that German
Gref was meeting with Putin and saying
that, you know, Sberbank had promised
to lower mortgage rates there, on
some old loans and new ones, and all
of this was being pushed hard—every newspaper
was writing about how wonderful it was that Sberbank
was lowering mortgage rates.
A great achievement by the government,
after all—macroeconomic stability,
inflation is falling, and Putin too, in response
to Gref, says, “How good, you know,
despite everything, Sberbank is lowering rates
on mortgage loans.”
And this is so important for the public—people
will be able to buy apartments, apartments will become
more affordable, everything is great. That was on October 8, and
two weeks pass, and Sberbank announces
that it is raising mortgage rates.
Who do you take us for?
Again, here’s the question: why did you sell this story to the whole
country about lowering
mortgage rates if you
raised them two weeks later?
It would be one thing if you had promised to lower
rates and then didn’t lower them—fine, that would just be deception,
some kind of PR stunt—but
you promised to lower them and then raised them.
That is just truly, truly
absurd.
I don’t know how else to put it. 28,100
people are watching this live right
now.
Probably a much larger number of people
will watch online, and I want to tell you
guys, this is exactly the main
political persuasion. Yes, people often
ask me what I should say to my
relatives who are
pro-Putin
who don’t believe you—what should I
say to them in order to challenge this regime?
This is it.
Tell them this: show them the article from October 8
where Gref speaks to Putin
about rates going down, and there they are
sweetly kissing and hugging over how
rates are being lowered. And then show them
the news that Sberbank raised mortgage rates.
That’s all. Your relatives don’t need
to know anything else about Putin himself
in order to say, well,
no, we’re no longer willing to put up with this, and
even despite some kind of mythical
successful foreign policy by Putin, we’re not
prepared to tolerate this. Say that to everyone
around you, and then we
will beat United Russia, and we must
beat them. Continuing on the topic of Sberbank,
it’s very interesting how people and investors
in general assess this company and
assess the role of the state compared with
the remaining parts of
Russian business. Sberbank hadn’t even made any announcement—
there was just a rumor that
Sberbank would buy 30 percent of
Yandex shares, after which
Yandex stock collapsed and still hasn’t
recovered.
Those same investors simply
made it crystal clear: guys, everything
your state touches, even in the form of
Sberbank—which, to be fair,
among all state corporations, Sberbank is
probably the most reasonable, at least
in words, among all the heads of
state corporations. Gref is clearly better—
at least from time to time he says
some sensible things, looks normal,
and seems to understand, I don’t know, technology
and banking much better than all the
other state bankers. But even if
Sberbank comes into private business—
Yandex—
we don’t believe for a second that this will be
a success. Everything crashed and doesn’t want to bounce back,
and in fact I have no doubt
unfortunately that Sberbank or some kind of
conglomerate like VTB or someone else
will still gobble up Yandex, because
first, they need to get hold of one of the
few effective newly created
businesses in the country, and second,
they’re just greedy—they have grabby hands,
they just want to acquire, acquire,
acquire. You really have to ask
yourself: what the hell for?
Why is one state corporation buying up
private business in Russia? Why, for example,
are there now talks about buying
Alfa-Bank, or why is there a need to buy
Yandex? Is there really nowhere else to spend the money?
Nowhere else to invest, nowhere else for
Sberbank to grow except by pushing into a private
company whose shares are already falling
just on rumors alone? They simply can’t do otherwise.
No matter what the oil price is, no matter how much
money they get, they’ll still
spend it God knows how. They’re squandering our
money—yours and mine—and there is not the slightest
doubt about that, unfortunately. And in
that sense, my favorite, Anatoly Chubais,
whom I’ve often talked about,
I know he reacts painfully to it—we even
debated each other.
His story simply shows us, among other things,
what will happen next, because
the board of directors of Rusnano
recommended that the general meeting
approve extending all the powers of
the management board overseeing nanotechnology
assets. That means
that Chubais isn’t going anywhere on us
for another 10 years. So, first of all,
they have completely failed in every
direction. The years of Rusnano’s work
have been years of failure—just a super,
mega-fail. You saw my video about
the famous case, I mean, Rusnano
is an absolute sham; it’s billions
wasted for nothing. But the state
speaking on behalf of you and me says: well, not bad,
these people worked, earned money,
at least all of them, judging by
their declarations, have hundreds of millions of rubles
in personal assets and property.
Not bad, not bad—let’s give them another 10 years
to keep commanding our money.
That’s first. Second,
the state and Putin are showing us that
for them, these so-called technologies,
promising technologies, and the people who
know how to build technology and are responsible for
technological development—well, that’s Chubais.
You see? There you go—the leader of
promising business, the Russian Elon Musk,
the Russian Zuckerberg, the Russian everything under the sun—
that’s Chubais. So that’s the kind of
technological development you should expect.
And third—this is also very
important, by the way—and this is what you
can say to your parents or to
anyone else when they dig in their heels and
start telling you that Putin is very good.
Because that’s what they say: Putin
is very good, Putin is very good because
back in the ’90s
things were terrible. As the singer Monetochka says,
in the ’90s people were being killed, everyone was running through the streets
naked, and now things have gotten much better
because Putin, supposedly, defeated all that.
the legacy of the '90s—if he had really overcome that legacy
of the cursed '90s and driven out all the villains
who created the nightmare of those cursed '90s—what nonsense
why did you keep Chubais in office for another ten years?
In a position paid for with our state
money—you kept supporting him all that time.
Why do you keep doing this, you wonderful
fighter against the cursed '90s, Vladimir Putin?
Putin and Chubais are simply the same thing.
Chubais's privatization deals and
Putin's privatization deals are one
and the same—they're the very same St. Petersburg mafia.
And now it's the Moscow mafia—people with
exactly the same mentality. It's absolutely
the same thing. This is very important,
because as soon as we go into an election
or as soon as we do anything at all, they forever
throw the '90s in our faces. Fine, the '90s—
then let them direct that at Putin,
because Chubais is his close friend. We
believe that privatization deals
should be taxed. They
protect the oligarchs, they hand money to Chubais—
and it's being done by none other than
Vladimir Putin, who supposedly saved
the country from collapse in the '90s.
Well, no—he didn't save the country from
collapse. Together with those very same
people, he continues to efficiently siphon off
money. Twenty-nine thousand people are watching us
live right now. I'm very glad that at the end of the
program I can share some good
news.
First, there is good news about Konstantin Saltykov.
He went to a rally with me,
stood next to me, and when I was being detained,
he got caught up in that whole mess too,
the guy just got swept up in it.
They wanted to bring a criminal case against me then,
claiming that I had kicked a police officer (militsiya, the old Russian police force).
And they needed someone else, so they took him.
He spent eight months in pretrial detention (SIZO), and the verdict came
this week.
He was given a year, and since time in SIZO
counts toward the sentence, he was released right
in the courtroom. Everyone applauded. All of this is
very good, but the guy served time for absolutely
nothing—eight months. Still, at least it ended
this way.
It's good that it ended like this, because they
could easily have just kept him locked up out of sheer inertia.
So at the same time, Konstantin, I
congratulate you, and at the same time
I express my regret that he lost eight months
of his life like that. But someday we will pay for
all those eight months—or rather, those people
will someday pay. And Mikhail Benyash—this is
an important story—is a lawyer from Krasnodar. We
have known him for a long time; I personally know Mikhail.
He's a fierce man who, in
the Kuban region, where there is just complete
lawlessness—Kuban is basically
like Chechnya in that sense; it's just total chaos there—
was released on bail this week.
The case against him was just absolutely outrageous.
In this criminal case, they grabbed him on the
street and dragged him off somewhere because
he works defending people
who are unlawfully prosecuted for
taking part in rallies, and he caused a lot of trouble
for these Kuban
creatures—for the Krasnodar authorities.
So they seize him, put him in a car, and
start beating him there, after which
they bring him to the station and write a report
saying that he was banging his head against the wall, and
that the police officers were telling him,
"Go on, bang your head against the wall," and he
kept doing it, thereby committing
disobedience toward police officers.
They say, "Listen, buddy, why are you hitting
yourself? Why are you giving yourself those black eyes?"
And he supposedly kept saying, "No, no, I
need these black eyes," and kept hitting himself. It was just
completely absurd—obviously such a
disgusting lie. More than 300 lawyers
from across the country spoke out in support of
Benyash. Even so, he spent two months—
I think even more—in pretrial detention (SIZO), but
now, as a result of
this kind of massive public pressure, he
has been released on bail. The criminal case, however,
is still ongoing. In other words, a man was
charged with a criminal offense against him
because he supposedly beat himself up. Well, I
want to express my support for Benyash and I hope
that everything will turn out well for him.
The last thing I want to say—I have
a minute left.
A lot of questions are coming in about the elections
in St. Petersburg, in St. Petersburg.
It's all such a purely St. Petersburg
kind of thing. There will be elections there that are very
important for us, for everyone, for the whole country:
elections to the municipal councils
next September. Naturally, there is already
a group called United Democrats,
of one kind, and there is another competing
bloc that is also called United
Democrats. One bloc consists of
Andrei Pivovarov, Dmitry Gudkov, and Ksenia
Sobchak, who is trying to join
them there. They apparently don't want her
to join, but she is joining anyway.
And the other bloc is the Yabloko party and Maxim
Katz. Both sides are "United Democrats,"
and it's hard to choose between them, and
everyone is asking what should be done. Well,
what needs to be done is this: we understand that this is
a complete mess, and we understand that it's hard for you
to decide, so we'll make a third list.
Seriously, no joke, we already have
670
people who want to take part in
the municipal elections. We will do everything
properly, we will do everything fairly, we
will create a real unified list,
and, if necessary, we will compel the process and choose the best.
Here we will choose the best candidates.
Here we will put forward the best candidates ourselves.
the candidates and make one unified main list.
the best list, which I hope will put up a real fight
to United Russia, so
residents of St. Petersburg, don’t worry
in these elections we will be able to run
as a proper united front and defeat everyone
or at least put up a serious
fight. Thank you very much to everyone watching.
See you in the next 3.