[music]
Good evening, everyone. We’re live on air.
This is the program *Russia of the Future*, and that means
that in Moscow it is exactly 8:00 p.m.—or rather,
the other way around: the fact that it is now exactly 8:00 p.m. in Moscow
means that we are live
with *Russia of the Future*, and with you here in the
studio is me, Alexei Navalny, or the man
who, according to some people, tanked the ratings
of a noodle shop in Moscow—that’s what the Kremlin media called me.
The Kremlin media did. I didn’t actually
tank the noodle shop’s ratings—it did that to itself.
Some crook from
some noodle place I’d never even heard of
decided to join the other
crooks, like
the Armenia restaurant, Mosgortrans (Moscow public transit operator), and
the National Guard, who filed lawsuits over
the organization of rallies. It turned out that
the rallies, and the people who
took to the streets of Moscow to protest over
the refusal to allow candidates onto the ballot, somehow
interfered with some damn noodle shop.
I don’t even know—some nobody just decided
to curry favor with Sobyanin (Moscow mayor), or maybe
to advertise his disgusting
business in this strange, exotic way.
His noodle shop joined in too.
He rushed in with this lawsuit as well, and no doubt
he’ll squeeze a few thousand rubles out of us
and claim that, you know, he sold far less noodles
that day because of us.
But indeed, it wasn’t just *Izvestia*—
people went onto sites like
Google, Yelp, and all the others and gave it
one- and two-star ratings. In fact, if
you do that right now, I’ll be
very happy. Let that noodle shop
never be used by anyone ever again. Its owner is
a crook and an idiot—let him go bankrupt. Please send me
your questions with the hashtag
#RussiaOfTheFuture on Twitter; they’ll be passed along here
and I’ll answer them as attentively as I can.
Some of you have probably noticed that
there’s been a renovation behind me.
We redid the backdrop because the old one
had gotten a bit worn out, so now our
apartment building has become much bigger.
Everything is exactly like what happens
in Moscow: lower buildings get demolished and
replaced with huge high-rises. And now we have
two cats, because especially on this
side you can see that one cat
is especially large and fat for the size
of this window. This is the very cat that
wasn’t allowed into Arafat—we gave him shelter here.
The first story I’d like
to begin with is a story
worthy of a TV series or
a great film—a sad story,
quite a tragic one. Remember the film *Three
Billboards*? There are series of that kind too,
and in general it’s a popular genre where
some volunteers accidentally
start investigating something on their own in
small-town America, most often
the American heartland, because that’s where
these kinds of series and films are usually set—
in rural America.
Though of course they should make them about
Russia too. And they stumble onto
injustice, a crime, a murder,
blood traces, and then those blood traces
lead somewhere, and it turns out that
the crime is being covered up. Then it turns out
that the police are covering it up, and so on.
It all goes right to the top. It’s just
a nightmare and total chaos. And that is exactly
what is happening right now in the city of Azov
in the Rostov region. Several people wrote to me
saying, “Alexei,
please talk about this.” So I am,
because this story
is outrageous, and unfortunately not enough
people are talking about it. It’s really just
an incredible story. So, on November 2,
very recently, a man named Ruslan
Popov called and said,
“I’m on my way home.” He never made it home. He disappeared.
He was gone one day, then two days.
Volunteers began searching for him
and simply combing through the area.
And in the end, there was no sign of the man anywhere.
They just walked everywhere along the route he
usually took.
And in one spot on the road they found
blood traces and this man’s sneakers.
Let’s watch 29 seconds.
This is simply a crime scene. Volunteers,
while searching for the missing man, saw
a skid mark—very clear, speed matters here—
leading onward.
You can see this skid mark here,
and here we also have blood, and farther on
drag marks.
From the car that, in all
likelihood, hit him.
His sneakers were also found nearby.
So: blood, a skid mark,
a skid mark,
drag marks from the body, and the man’s sneakers.
But there was no man, and the police had no
report or statement saying that he had been
found, that there was a beaten body, that there had been a traffic accident—nothing.
Nothing. The man’s relatives began
calling every morgue.
The volunteers started calling the morgues too,
and no one said anything. The morgues said they had no such
person. Three days later, when they
had already started going from morgue to morgue on foot,
the body of Ruslan Popov was found.
It was found in one of the morgues, and
the morgue staff said that
the body had been brought in from a completely different
place, located 30 kilometers away
from there, in a forest belt.
Here you can see a diagram of the place where he was hit, where there are
skid marks, sneakers, and blood.
this person's blood, and where the body was found
as you can see, it's simply far away, it's not just that
you know, the car hit him and the body was thrown aside
it's about 30 kilometers (19 miles) as the crow flies, if
by road it's much farther, deep into
a forest belt, that is, he was hit in one place
loaded into a car and taken somewhere else
hidden in the woods, and then they began
reviewing surveillance camera footage
they found the car, the car
belongs to an Interior Ministry major named Roman
Lobanov, who urgently left for somewhere
on some kind of business trip, but already under the weight
of this evidence that had been
found by volunteers, this man
is arrested
only one thing, though, is that
relatives and friends are watching the footage
they are in the register, in the case materials now
this footage has now been classified, and the cameras show
that the car that hit this
person, at a gas station and somewhere else,
did not contain only this Roman Lobanov, but also
a certain Interior Ministry colonel and other
people
a scandal erupts too; it turns out that if
one person hit him, then the others took part in
covering up the crime. The Rostov regional Interior Ministry
starts an internal review and tries to convince everyone
shouting that there was no one else
in the car
even though this directly contradicts, first of all,
the video footage, yes, what was recorded
by the camera on video, and second, it simply
obviously contradicts common sense
so in the end, what do we have now in Rostov Region
are high-ranking
Interior Ministry officers, senior officers, a major and a lieutenant colonel
at the very least, and with them some other people
from the Interior Ministry, maybe not, we don't know; they are driving at
very high speed and veer onto the shoulder
we assume someone there was drunk at the
wheel, though now it's no longer possible
to establish otherwise; they hit
a person and kill him
it may have been manslaughter, but still a killing, and they then
on the shoulder, that is, he himself was simply walking along it
Ruslan Popov wasn't breaking any rules
they hit him, his body is thrown onto
the roadside, his sneakers are lying there
they get out, take the body, drag it along
the shoulder, hide it in the trunk, and take it
30 kilometers (19 miles) away to some forest belt, where
they pull it out of the car
carry it into the tree line and dump it there in order to
cover up the crime. I repeat: this was done by
police officers, senior Interior Ministry officers
but then the pyramid grows further: now the Interior Ministry
in Rostov is supposedly conducting a review and
says there was no one else there, meaning
it turns out that, well, basically
Interior Ministry officers committed a killing
they hid the traces of the crime and, under the
weight of the evidence, were forced to
arrest the one who was behind the wheel, while all the
other participants in the crime
excuse me, when the body was moved and hidden again
all of you became participants in this killing
are now already being protected, defended by
the leadership of the Rostov regional Interior Ministry
I mean, this is literally a story out of
a TV series, and all of this happened; this
police officer, this major, was arrested
only because volunteers caused
this scandal, because they kept going, because
they were searching and found these traces
of braking, found blood, then the car
and kept going. If they hadn't done this, people simply
would have acted as if nothing had happened: somewhere
in a forest belt they found a person with signs of
injury
dead, another dead person, just one more unresolved
case. This is very important because
really, guys, just imagine what
we can expect at all from the Interior Ministry, from
our police
if their senior officers are engaged in
things like this, and their generals, their leadership,
despite the video recording, the video recordings, and
despite the fact that you can see an Interior Ministry major in the car, and sitting there is
a colonel from the ministry, still say no, there was no
colonel there, just some unknown
person, only this killer Lobanov
but being a killer because you hit someone with a car—something like that can, in fact,
happen to anyone, but only
even if it happens to you by accident
and you accidentally hit a person
stuffing them into the trunk and taking them
to another place would never occur
to anyone. And these are police officers, and we simply
must realize two things. First,
in this same Rostov Region
quite recently, as you may remember, I
talked about this twice on the program
they imprisoned several people for taking part
in a one-person protest picket and gave them six years each
these same police officers
this same regional Interior Ministry opened those cases
and thought it was right and great
to arrest people for one-person pickets
and then send them to prison for six years, and these same
people should be fired, because if
things like this are happening under your watch, then the degree
to which your entire
territorial, regional Interior Ministry has been infected by lawlessness
is such that you cannot claim
that you, as police officers, are protecting
people. People cannot turn to you; to
you, no one simply trusts anymore
unfortunately, this is happening across the
country. The Interior Ministry system is absolutely rotten
it was already falling apart in the 1990s
it went through something in the early 2000s
not exactly a renaissance, but some order
started to be restored there, but now it
has absolutely, completely, in these last
Putin years, simply sunk into
corruption, just, well, simply into
crimes, because it has become
a press completely unaccountable to anyone
there are no independent deputies, no
public oversight, no commissions, nobody
if there is no oversight, then everything just
falls apart. This decay, this decomposition, we
can see in
the example of Rostov Region. I urge
everyone to follow this case. It
is being talked about, and this case should, it should
become one of the most high-profile of all
that is happening in the country. By the way, last
time I showed you a deputy from
this same city, Azov, who
made an appeal regarding
people arrested for taking part in pickets
I talked about that. This deputy, he
is a deputy
this deputy, sorry, made an appeal
because I simply happened to
run into him on the street
when we were filming for the program about Stalin
and the Gulag, that report where we were traveling all over
with people in wheelchairs, and he
asked to make an appeal in this case as well
too
Well, this deputy is a decent guy
Yurov, Vladimir Yurov is his name, and once again he
made an appeal in the Azov City Duma on behalf of
his own—well, that very city
Let's listen to 1 minute 17 seconds.
On November 2, in the Azov District
a terrible tragedy occurred: under the wheels
of a car, a 20-year-old young man, Ruslan
Popov, died.
But despite the full horror of the situation, and
even more grim is the fact that behind the wheel of the car
was a police officer with the rank of major,
an employee of the inter-municipal Ministry of Internal Affairs department
Azovsky.
Roman Lobanov, after loading the body of the deceased
young man
into his car, drove it away and hid it
in a forest belt.
According to available information, in the car together
with the major was a certain lieutenant colonel
who helped him hide the body.
They commit such grave crimes.
The Azov MVD department has long had a reputation, and
has earned itself the fame of being not a very effective
police department on many issues.
The police are inactive; it is impossible
to get through to them. Every year the
head of the department changes. The conclusion suggests itself that
the entire department
is rotten to the core, and it is necessary to replace not
only the head of the department, but the entire
leadership staff. The CPRF faction (Communist Party of the Russian Federation) in the Azov
City Duma, expressing condolences
to the family and loved ones of the deceased, demands from the
Investigative Committee and the prosecutor's office
a thorough investigation of all
the circumstances of what happened
and the identification of all guilty persons who
assisted and covered for Major
Lobanov.
Well done. And maybe someone there
will smirk and say, some little
district duma
—but this is exactly what they should be doing. It's a real
shame that the State Duma
doesn't do this. It's great that some
local deputies are doing it, who, by the way, still have to work
with this police force, and keep working with it, and
it's great that they are not afraid. Once again, I simply
urge everyone, especially those who live in
Rostov Region:
guys, don't be afraid, don't stay silent. We know
everything about your police. We know that
the Rostov police, the whole Rostov
Region—of course, maybe recently it is
not as much of a lawless zone as
Krasnodar Krai, but it's something close to
that, like the whole south of Russia. But nevertheless
I urge, in a sense,
simply for everyone, quite literally,
all residents of Rostov Region, I don't
know, in any available form, to express
their distrust of the police until this
case is fully investigated.
Because, well, it is impossible to put up with
the fact that in the police there are
people who continue to work there,
who hide bodies in the trunk and
drive them out to dump them in a forest belt. Well,
that means tomorrow they could do just about anything
to your relatives
and, God forbid, dump the body
in a forest belt in exactly the same way. So, about Popov—
Alex B asks me, you said there was information about
how it happened that they themselves
are telling the story—I’ll talk about that later
about Popov. It's actually quite
interesting. More broadly, continuing this whole
theme of big shots behind the wheel,
police officers, FSB people, and so on,
it really looks as if in our country
the attitude is becoming: don't stand in front of
our hood, because we are important people.
It seemed that this had gone away sometime in the middle
of the 2000s. I remember very well that back then there was
a mass movement arguing that we should not
have to give way to all these mega-
officials. Obviously, if an ambulance is driving,
you need to let it pass.
But if it's just a Mercedes with a blue
flashing light, you don't need to give way. Remember
there was the Blue Buckets movement (a Russian protest movement against officials' misuse of blue emergency lights)
and then those crooks from United
Russia started tightening
the legislation, and now once again
we have entered simply this
era of absurd lawlessness, when they
will just drive along, run over
you, and it is considered that this is exactly how it should be. And
in Moscow, fortunately, without such severe
consequences, exactly the same
thing is happening.
So, if you live in Moscow, you know
this place—Vasilyevsky Spusk—and beyond
Moskvoretsky Bridge. If you don’t know,
Vasilyevsky Spusk is right near the Cathedral
of Christ the Savior and St. Basil’s
Cathedral, right at the bottom of Red Square, and
the Big Moskvoretsky Bridge.
On the Big Moskvoretsky Bridge, there was that notorious place where
Nemtsov was shot (Boris Nemtsov, opposition politician). Traffic there is organized
in such a way that it would be very convenient to turn off
the bridge onto the embankment, and after driving
a little way, sort of along Red Square, past
the end of Vasilyevsky Spusk—but
traffic is arranged so that you can’t drive there,
even though it would be very convenient.
You can turn one way, but not the other.
And, well, all sorts of big officials
are constantly driving there—those very
Mercedes cars with flashing lights, darting around there
endlessly, and even without the lights,
just some people with official IDs.
They drive there all the time. And there’s this motorists’ movement
led by
Andrei Orel; he ran for the Moscow City Duma
in my district, Maryina. I’ve talked about him
here before. So they simply
stand there and, in that spot, monitor
compliance with traffic rules. And
now let’s watch 40 seconds of what
happened to them and to the car involved.
[music]
The plan protected...
I
Oh
Where—what am I even saying?
Hello, Kitay-Gorod police department.
Broccoli... Vanga... your documents...
They’ll prepare them for you... basically, this is a statement
claiming that someone threw themselves under the car.
It’s better to take... under your code... that
Of course, it’s all very sluggish, but I mean, they
are standing there on Vasilyevsky Spusk.
A beautiful black car pulls up—a
Mercedes
whose driver wants to break the traffic rules.
But as you saw,
with the StopXam movement, usually people
see that there are people there and that they can’t drive through,
and they’re being filmed, so they just turn around
and go make a U-turn somewhere else.
It takes three minutes longer.
I mean, you’re not going to run someone over, right?
But these big shots are driving there, so they
just drive into the person
and leave the scene. Then they call
the police and say, ‘There, please detain those
who are standing there and not letting us break the traffic
rules.’ So the police detain them,
arrest them, and then something truly
remarkable happens: they call in
a technical specialist, supposedly to the
scene
of the offense. What do you think
they call in a technical specialist for?
To take the cameras away from these
people and erase all the information from them.
They recorded audio of the technical
specialist
discussing it. Fortunately, they were recording
onto a second memory card there, so all the
video recordings
were preserved. But the fact is that these big shots
and the police call in a technical
specialist to delete the video of the
collision.
As I understand it, they wanted to find that video, and I was driving...
The driver said one of them threw himself
under the car—one of the four who were brought into this little room.
These three were brought here, and he says they’re copying it
for themselves first. I hope you
heard it clearly enough—they say there
that first they copy the video for themselves,
and then deliberately wipe it. The story
continued with the fact that
these three people were jailed—these
people who were not letting others break the
traffic rules. One of them got, according to the
court record, 15 days.
Two others got 13 days each. Don’t stand in the way
of the great.
Really, to them we are nobody.
If they need to get through, they can run us over, and when
they do, they’ll also write in their statement
that you’ll be ‘dealt with’ on top of that.
And then they’ll lock you up for 15 days, because
you’re not supposed to stand in front of big black
cars. I just wanted to express
my support
for those people from the motorists’ movement,
for Orel and all his comrades.
These are, of course, difficult times for them now.
A few years ago, yes, they really
really
—well, not exactly terrorized people, but they did go after
all those who drove into oncoming lanes
and so on. But at least they were
effectively stopping it. Now they just drive over them.
Why? Because lawlessness
has reached a whole new level—there are no courts, no one to turn to, that degree of arbitrariness.
Of course. But if three years ago
someone had told me a story about how
first they drove into someone, and then claimed
he had thrown himself under the car, and then he was
jailed as well—though they say you can
give 15 days to a person who was
run over by some obedient official car—
well, they found a reason. And unfortunately
this will keep developing further and further in
our country, because the doors have been opened
for all these wonderful
police enforcers. They’ve received
a very clear signal: for us
there is some law that can be
twisted any way they like, and some sham court
can convict us for any amount, any term—whatever they want.
But for them, no law exists at all.
And one of the guys also said
that no law exists at all there.
This week, he was ultimately forced to somehow
listen to the will of the people and leave for Mexico.
Comrade Evo Morales
a great friend of Vladimir Putin, who
thought he could do exactly the same things
as Vladimir Putin, who also spent a very
long time posturing here and loved holding meetings.
Let's watch 33 seconds of Putin
and Evo Morales meeting to discuss
cooperation, because both of them
seemed to think they would be eternal
presidents for life. Major companies
are investing substantial resources. Gazprom, for example,
has invested $500 million, and billions
of dollars in the development of the oil and gas sector.
Rosatom is building a center for nuclear
research, and our equipment is increasingly in demand,
including
automotive equipment as well.
Many of our students study at Russian
universities. We will continue to develop
this kind of cooperation. Our countries
share a similar approach: that
states must act
sovereignly and independently, both on
the international stage and in developing
bilateral relations.
We have 61,000 people watching us live.
What's going on? Did you all
stop watching cat videos or something? I don't
know. Usually, at this point, when we're talking about Morales,
we have about 22,000 people watching us
live. But now it's 60,000. A big hello to everyone.
Hi, we're discussing Evo Morales,
a great friend of Putin who was
forced to leave. What made Evo Morales
so similar to Putin? In fact, they're fairly
similar guys. Both of them, thanks to
high oil prices, had the opportunity
to tell fairy tales like, 'I lifted you all
out of the dirt and made you into decent
people.' Under both Putin and Morales, for
a certain period of time,
people's standard of living rose fairly quickly.
Oil money came in, and
Morales got elected, and then said,
'I want to run again,' and he got elected again.
Then he said, 'Well, two terms aren't enough for me,
I need to be elected again.' People started
to get angry, people started taking to the
streets. He said, 'Fine, I'll hold a
referendum.' He held a referendum and
lost it. But after
losing the referendum, he had a whole
group of judges whom he himself had appointed.
Just like with Putin, this group
of servants came out and said, 'You know,
this violates our wonderful Bolshevik-style
constitution. We believe that Comrade
Morales should be able to run any number of times.'
So he spat on the referendum and
went into a new election, which
is, of course, a direct parallel with
Putin.
He rigged it, and what did he get?
He got protests, which we're about to see now.
37 seconds.
[music]
[applause]
[applause]
Only
[applause]
Well, as you can see, actually these are
pretty similar to Moscow—these kinds of
rallies that don't really look
particularly aggressive or
angry, but there were more and more of them.
These local
'white-ribbon' protesters (a reference to Russia's 2011–2012 protest movement) came out waving flags
and saying, 'What the hell? We don't want this.'
I mean, sure, Morales did raise
people's standard of living at one point
because there was our oil that
was coming from our dear Bolivian
soil. But come on—he was in power for one term,
then a second term, and that's enough, that's it.
We're done with this. Morales, just leave.' But
he didn't want to go, and more and more people came out.
Then what happened was exactly the thing
that, unfortunately, we still can't achieve:
so many people came out that simply
the police and the military switched to their side.
And that's how it happens everywhere, and that's how
it will happen here too, because all these
police officers, all these people in
uniform—they will, quite obviously,
ultimately swear loyalty and serve
society when they see
that people have still come out into the streets and
that what happened there is happening. Now let's
watch the wonderful
great Comrade Morales, who was
sure that, like Putin, he would be there forever.
He gave a 44-second speech and said that
he had to leave...
Germanu
turizmu
but at that moment... Rebecca, I...
the public sector... questioning... I...
from the intonation... some kind of combing her lies
are monster manus
donator minako dushu mir dets
but argue nosik top issues arise praded
patriot from bama zakon taylor
krysa lucha poley vanguard byuro pas if
If you read the subtitles, then you saw
exactly what it was: just a stream of absolute hypocrisy.
Really, with this kind of
sincere-eyed, 'brothers and sisters,' tone:
'The police dealt us an unexpected blow.'
Dude, you just shouldn't have
run again. Two terms—two
terms. You were in power for a long time,
for ten years, but that's it—bye-bye. Someone
else should become president. That's how
it works. People want power to
change hands. But first he lies, cheats, and his
judges spit on the constitution, and...
Then he says, “brothers and sisters,” and—
they dealt a blow. No, they didn’t deal any
blow at all. It’s just that all of us—in Bolivia and in
Russia—want power to change hands regularly.
Some people like Morales, some
people like Putin. Fine—then let’s elect
the next one. Why should we have to
live out our whole lives while you keep the president
in power? In practice, it all still
comes down to money and corruption. Putin is
monstrously corrupt, and Morales is
exactly the same. There were scandals involving his
family—brothers, daughters, and everyone
else—because no matter how much they
talk about “brothers and sisters,”
behind all of it there is simply
money, a desire for power, and a desire
for unchecked enrichment. And that’s why I’m
very glad that all of this happened in Bolivia
and that it is another example for us:
protests work, demonstrations work. If
we’re unhappy about something or want
to achieve something, we need to take to the streets and
not be afraid to come out as many times as
necessary. But in Bolivia, he didn’t leave
right away either. People came out once, then twice, then
the 22nd, the 23rd time—when a huge number of people came out,
the police said, “Well, it looks like that’s it,”
they won—and that’s what happened.
chillin gout, I guess that can be
read as: should we expect from you and your
team, in the end, a Strategy 2020—our
Strategy 2020? That’s Putin’s Strategy
2020. That’s a very good idea; of course we’ll
discuss it. CO2 asks me
to comment on Medvedev’s response about
the latest investigations. The latest
investigation—it seems Medvedev
our latest investigation was about Prosecutor
Popov, but as I understand it, Medvedev
didn’t comment on it. Maybe that
just happened right now; then we’ll discuss it
in the next program. But
before Popov, I’d like to discuss
Dmitry Rogozin’s tooth and Vladimir Putin’s
corruption. These things are very closely connected,
because this week Putin
simply stunned us. He had just been
defending Morales—you saw him, Morales, how he
was speaking in complete seriousness, saying
“brothers and sisters, how can this be, under
threat, democracy is being undermined,” and all that.
I understand that you’re a liar, a hypocrite, a crook, and
then Putin, with some kind of amazement,
was telling us, “My God, it turns out that at
the Vostochny Cosmodrome (a Russian spaceport),
there’s terrible corruption. No matter what you do, they still
steal hundreds of millions
of rubles.” Let’s listen to Vladimir
Putin,
who, in the twentieth year of his
presidency, is outraged by corruption: “A hundred
times it was said: work transparently,
the money is transparent, huge sums have been allocated, this
project is practically
of nationwide importance.”
“No, they steal hundreds of millions, by the hundreds
of millions.”
“There’s no order there; to this day they still haven’t
managed to establish proper order.” Whenever
you watch a video like that, you want to ask: who
are you addressing? A hundred times it was said?
Order? You haven’t managed to establish it in 20
years in power. He appoints all
the prosecutors, all the Interior Ministry chiefs, all the FSB
chiefs—and still, no, they just couldn’t establish order.
And why not? And who was saying, a hundred
times, long, long ago, that there was terrible
corruption in the construction of the Vostochny Cosmodrome?
Who said that there
billions would be stolen there? Who said
that what Dmitry Rogozin was doing
would lead to even more billions
being stolen? Vladimir Putin? No.
Here, please, look here: Alexei
Navalny talked about it, Lyubov Sobol talked
about it. We at the FBK (Anti-Corruption Foundation) dealt with it quite
specifically,
with corruption in general and with the construction
of the Vostochny Cosmodrome. Sobol led that
project. We dug into
each specific construction site, how
when you build without documents, on
a site like that you can write down
whatever amount you want. And remember, back then Dmitry Rogozin
already had a whole—why did I remember
Rogozin’s tooth? He had a whole little
dust-up with that same Lyubov Sobol,
because in 2012 there was
his famous promise that he’d “bet his tooth”
that the Vostochny Cosmodrome would be built in
2012. Even then, we said
it would not be built, and Sobol
already in 2015, when it became clear
that we had been right, launched a whole project,
a whole campaign. She demanded that
Dmitry Rogozin
give her his tooth, because she
had won that argument and the Vostochny Cosmodrome
had not been built, and it was clear that it would not
be built. Show that post—we have
Sobol’s post where she demands the tooth from
Rogozin; there was such a funny
photo.
Well, let’s better watch the video of Sobol
for 50 seconds, where she argues with
Rogozin and demands that he give her his tooth
and talks about Vostochny: “I demand
that Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin
give me his tooth. Dmitry Rogozin,
you promised journalists you’d give up your tooth
if the Vostochny Cosmodrome was not
built in 2015. It is now 2016, but
the cosmodrome is still not ready. I know
how massive the corruption is and what a
mess is going on in the construction of
the Vostochny Cosmodrome.”
Most of the facilities at the Vostochny Cosmodrome
were built with serious violations
of urban planning regulations and rules
the construction of most of the key
facilities began before the preparation of
the official design documentation. I also
found out that for some of the sites
Roscosmos and the organizations subordinate to it
entered into fictitious state
contracts worth hundreds of millions of rubles and
what’s more, they are still doing it now
this is the most corrupt construction project in
the country, but instead of at least
trying to restore order, Dmitry Rogozin
boasts on Twitter about the jailing of a lead
engineer who took a bribe of 50,000
rubles (about a few hundred U.S. dollars). Heard that? Yes, that was three years ago, well
they actually started dealing with this back in 2012
three years ago, Sobol spoke out and
said: this is the most corrupt
construction project in the country, which was already
to which Rogozin replied, basically: idiot, shut up, you
don’t understand anything, don’t stick your nose into
things that aren’t your business, we are great space people, you don’t
understand the issue at all, just some pathetic lawyers
but as it turned out, we were right. If only
Putin and Rogozin and everyone else had
listened to us back then — and even better, if
they had left their posts when they were
supposed to, in 2008, they would no longer have been
there, then the corruption during
the construction of Vostochny (the Russian spaceport) either would not have
existed or would have been far less severe
because either you want
to fight corruption, or you don’t
and all this time, this whole
crowd
in Spetsstroy, the FSB, and the rest of them
the whole of Roscosmos — they, precisely they, are the ones who
supervised it, the ones who built it, and the ones who stole
those billions. And now Putin says, yes
yes, how could this happen — and now they say
criminal cases have been opened, hundreds
of millions, billions were stolen, and they recovered
some utterly trivial amount; the rest will not
be returned. Well, because who is going to
return it? The very same people who
opened a small number of
criminal cases — they controlled all of this
they took part in this corruption. But
of course, when a company
starts construction without the required permits
and paperwork, they get the money, they
effectively begin “using” it for something, well
of course they delivered a few suitcases of cash
to the supervising FSB people, because
of course the security services control
the progress of construction at this cosmodrome
Vostochny — everyone there knew perfectly well
that if you are doing anything at all without
documents, first of all you are not
digging the right thing at all — which is exactly what happened
so, you know, to this day there are almost no
launches from Vostochny because it was simply
built incorrectly. Well, that’s how it was “resolved”
with this suitcase, that suitcase, the *chemodan* (suitcase of cash), because
when they started building, all of this was estimated at
120 billion rubles, and as of today
construction costs are 300 billion — 300
more than double
all of this has ballooned, but it is obvious that out of those
30 billion, several billion
rubles
went precisely to the people who were supposed to
be making these arrests. And it would be
simply ridiculous
to expect that we can get builders to show
any desire to work without
corruption
if everyone here is steeped in that corruption
here I would like to smoothly move on to
our wonderful Moscow prosecutor
about whom we released an investigation on
Monday. Huge thanks to everyone who
shared it
and it needs further
circulation, because this is once again
another great example of how this Putin regime
won’t achieve a damn thing
for an entirely objective reason
because their prosecutors are exactly the kind
like this one
because, well, you see, we
are not the FSB, we are nobody, yet we found these villas in
Montenegro and houses in Spain
and he — he was only supposed to be doing his job
he was the prosecutor of Moscow, he was the prosecutor of
Dagestan too — they basically sent a goat
to guard the cabbage patch, one of the most
corrupt republics, and there
they send a man who by that point had already
with some incomprehensible money
built hotels in Montenegro
houses in Spain, and he arrives to fight
corruption in Dagestan. What do you think
the hell is going to happen? Will he defeat corruption
in Dagestan
or will he make enough for a couple more hotels abroad
abroad? Let’s spend 1 minute 20 seconds
just going over it once again — this is
what property the Moscow prosecutor owns
this is what his family built
with money of unclear origin, and what, well
obviously
his superiors could have found out with the slightest desire
or the FSB bodies or other
oversight agencies, if they had even the
slightest interest in making the prosecutor’s office
less corrupt. How can anyone expect anything
when our
Moscow prosecutor is effectively the second
person in the prosecution hierarchy, where there is
the Prosecutor General, then the Moscow prosecutor
not counting the deputy prosecutor general
but overall, in practical terms
the Moscow prosecutor is person
number two. Let’s look at what this man managed
to acquire while earning at the time
some 60,000 rubles a month. We’re flying over
Ahead, by the bay in Qatar, there’s a small
tourist village.
The Marine hotel, which we just
visited, is up ahead. Its area is more than 1,000
square meters. Obviously, the main thing here
is not the rooms, of course,
but the view — it’s simply priceless. Still, the house itself
can be valued at
€1.5 million. Well, just look
for yourselves: construction is in full swing, and they’re building three great
chalets, 250 square meters each. The entire
surrounding area — almost a hectare —
belongs to our company. And buenos dias,
Mr. Popov: we discover your family’s townhouse
in the city of Marbella.
Here it is — this is what Denis Popov risked
his prosecutorial career for: a beautiful
225-square-meter townhouse just 200 meters
from the sea, in a great residential complex with four-
story buildings with terraces and
balconies, and in the middle
there’s a pool and ponds. And now an apartment like this
costs around €1 million, at
the very least.
The main house is 660 square meters, four stories tall.
Behind it there’s something like a gazebo with
columns.
And of course, the second house is impressive too:
380 square meters, but with an entire underground floor and
a rooftop pool. Astrakhan Region (in southern Russia):
200 kilometers from Astrakhan and 80
kilometers from Volgograd — a whole
fishing lodge, and also a recreation base on
the riverbank: a hotel, a restaurant, a tennis
court,
a swimming pool — all of it on 1.5 hectares
of land. And now let’s return to the question from Alexei
Oboi, who asked me about
how exactly this information was sent to us
by the employees of the prosecutor’s office themselves.
The prosecutor’s office.
What did they tell us? We have 75,000
people watching us live — some kind of
anomalous number. Well, I’m very glad, I’m
very glad you all came. It’s great, it’s
wonderful. I hope you’re not
some sinister bots, and that Margarita
Simonyan (a prominent Russian state media figure) won’t be tomorrow
saying that we’re artificially inflating the live
stream. So anyway, I’d just like
to answer Alexei.
What people from the prosecutor’s office wrote to us about, among other things, was this:
you can see even from
the set of properties alone that this is a very
strange, eclectic mix. There’s
some hotels in Montenegro, they started
building them — such a strange investment
project. At first they wanted to sell apartments
at the hotel,
then a second hotel in the mountains, then
they buy something in Spain, then in
Astrakhan Region a fishing lodge.
These are clearly not the kinds of businesses that can
generate money, because from everything
it’s obvious they were simply bringing in suitcases of
cash. You can hide it under the
floor, as we saw in the case of that colonel from the Interior Ministry in Ufa,
or police officer Zakharchenko.
But where do you invest it? It’s obvious that
he was simply trying to stash away this money
that was burning a hole in his pocket,
somewhere. I’m sure we didn’t find a lot of things.
I have no doubt whatsoever that we
didn’t find most of it. I mean,
there’s just a lot of money — but where do you put it? Let’s say
someone brought €2 million
for some case. You need to somehow
put it somewhere — so you buy a hotel in Montenegro, and then
they bring another 500,000. What do you do with that
500,000? To avoid panic, you buy an apartment
in Spain. But this
is impossible to hide. First of all, you
have to keep going there all the time. Second,
it’s a whole operation — hotels,
a fishing lodge — all of this
has staff, people connected to the fishing lodge,
friends, acquaintances — people talk.
Naturally, some lower-level
employees of the prosecutor’s office
work in a totally corrupt institution, but we
understand that, first, some
corrupt officials envy other
corrupt officials, and second, you can’t rule out
the possibility that there are still some decent people
there. This information can’t be hidden, so
someone got angry and said:
check out Popov’s assets — the guy is
openly buying hotels in
Montenegro. Look, there’s this whole hotel in
Montenegro. They wrote to us, and we started
looking.
To be honest, we were a little skeptical, but
then we discovered: yes, the man was simply
buying things in his wife’s name, and at the same time
he was supposed to list them in his asset
declaration. He listed nothing in the declaration. His salary
at that moment was 700,000
rubles a year — that’s about 60,000 rubles a
month. His wife’s income: zero. And yet he buys and
keeps buying. It’s impossible to hide
that, which is why people write to us. And now
you’ve just seen all of this.
Now, against that backdrop,
let’s enjoy how the prosecutor, when he was
being appointed,
to Moscow, spoke in the Moscow
City Duma — the very one where they did not allow
the
independent candidates in. And here’s a question for you again, by the way:
did he want there to be, in the Moscow
City Duma, did Prosecutor Popov want
even a single person there who would
ask him
questions about his real estate?
They ended up there thanks to you and
thanks to Smart Voting (an opposition tactical voting strategy), we have
representatives from both the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and A Just Russia,
as well as Yabloko — all three opposition
The factions sent parliamentary inquiries.
so that Prosecutor Popov would answer
us where exactly he got the money from.
for all this real estate. Of course, he
did not want these people to get elected, precisely
which is why he actively helped
block the registration of all independent
candidates. There is, like, a direct connection here.
He has a vital personal interest in there being
no independent people there at all. Thanks to
you, they got through. But let’s go back—44 seconds
of how Popov speaks before
the deputies. Let’s appreciate this—he’s just
such an exceptionally honest man. Appointment
to the post of Moscow prosecutor is, for me,
without a doubt, a very important stage
in my work and in my life. It is an element
of serious trust on the part of
the leadership of the Prosecutor General’s Office
of the Russian Federation, which I am obliged
to justify, as well as an opportunity to apply
my professional qualities and knowledge in
the cause of protecting the rights and freedoms of citizens,
the legally protected interests of society and
the state. The problems and pressing issues
that concern the city’s residents are familiar to me.
Special attention must be paid
to the protection of the rights
of entrepreneurs, and to the targeted use of funds.
In September of this year, there will be
elections to the City Duma. The Moscow prosecutor’s office
will traditionally take part in
ensuring legality during their conduct.
Great, right? The Moscow prosecutor’s office will
traditionally take part in ensuring
the rule of law. Translated into
plain human language:
we will do everything so that not a single person sits here
who might start asking questions about
my hotels in Montenegro.
It really does sound astonishing, by the way.
Our investigation has already been watched by
more than two million people, and
it has caused quite a stir. Deputies are writing,
asking the prosecutor why he wrote
all those petty cases, but Popov is silent, completely silent.
The Prosecutor General’s Office under Chaika (former Prosecutor General Yuri Chaika) is silent too.
Silent. So millions of people
are discussing the fact that your number two man in
the prosecutor’s office is a crook and a thief, that he has illegally
and unjustifiably enriched himself, and they simply
say nothing. They could come out and say: we have nothing to do with this,
this is all lies, all deception. But they stay silent. So
it’s clear they have two possible strategies.
Either it will be like with Sergunina (Moscow Deputy Mayor Natalia Sergunina),
where they say absolutely nothing because
that operation is impossible. When we released
our investigation into Deputy Mayor Sergunina, she still
has not said a single word.
Sobyanin (Moscow Mayor Sergei Sobyanin) still has not said
a single word either. There is simply ironclad
evidence that people are stealing
billions, and they just pretend nothing
is happening—oh look, what cute cats,
that’s all we care about now.
Nothing else. And these people will do the same—just
stay silent.
Or else, as happened in
some cases with Medvedev (former Russian president and prime minister Dmitry Medvedev),
after some time,
a few weeks, when it seems the situation has
kind of
been forgotten, they will then file
some nonsense lawsuit against us, and that court case
they will win—and in one day, just like they
win all the other court cases. Like how
some noodle restaurant in Armenia is supposedly winning now,
and then they’ll run after me shouting,
“Immediately delete your
investigation—it damages the honor
and dignity of our most honest prosecutor.”
And when asked where he got the money for all
of this, they say, well, that has absolutely nothing
to do with the court proceedings, that’s
nonsense, his wife bought it all—and he divorced
his wife.
And the fact that in 2010 he was not divorced yet—
well, that was back in 2010, and
in general, please produce a video recording
of the wife saying, “I built these
hotels with corrupt money.” There is no
video recording, so you were unable to
prove anything—delete your video. But what should we
do now? Spread
the investigation, first and foremost.
Spread it so that people see it.
How many people are watching the live stream
right now?
More than 75,000 people. If every tenth
one of you watching live simply
shares this link one more time, then already
millions of Russian citizens
—millions—will see all of this, and that matters.
Because if we want, sooner or later,
for people to understand the moral situation,
on a mass scale, all of it,
and to take to the streets, then we need to
explain it to them. And the situation with Popov once again
perfectly shows that there are no
prospects for our country as long as power
remains in the hands of Putin, Popov, and Chaika.
Now let’s look at the questions. Valentin
asks: what can you say about agents for
individuals? Indeed, right now
they are adopting some strange law under
which individuals can be
designated as foreign agents. I assume that
this is, of course, being done specifically for us.
They rigged, put together some kind of
scheme to designate FBK (the Anti-Corruption Foundation) as
a foreign agent, because some
strange guy from Spain, as you may remember,
who knew nothing about us, knew nothing
about Russia, nevertheless sent
$2,000 to our blocked
account. We were unable to return it, and we were
declared a foreign agent. And the point
of the new law is that if you
if you receive money from a foreign agent,
I mean, if you get a salary from one,
then you too can be designated as an individual
foreign agent, and so if
you post on Facebook or write on
Twitter, apparently on every single post
you have to write that you are a foreign agent,
so in this way they can designate a great many people
as foreign agents, I don’t know,
journalists from a huge number of media outlets and
just ordinary people. If you run ads on YouTube,
for example, we don’t have ads on YouTube, but those
people who do,
who have ads on YouTube—those four seconds
of ads you watch before a video—well, they
get monetization from that, some kind of
tiny amount, but it still comes in. And where
does it come from? From California, from the state of
California. So that means you’re receiving money from
YouTube, which means you’re a foreign agent, and you
will have to create a legal entity.
I mean, it’s some kind of hellish
absolutely
law aimed at everyone who
writes anything at all on social media in Russia.
Viktor Medved asks: this week
Putin supported the idea of celebrating
the liberation from the Tatar-Mongol yoke (the period of Mongol domination over Rus’), well,
though it seems they later denied it; he did support it, but
none of this moved into any practical
stage. But in fact, you can see
with what pomp they celebrated
the anniversary,
the anniversary of the 1941 parade, good Lord. In
Soviet times, when all those
veterans were still alive,
they never celebrated anything even remotely like this
because, well, basically,
what can Putin sell
as an achievement? There’s no economy, no science,
no education, nothing. All he can
talk about is how he, Vladimir
Putin, and his Igor Sechin,
Vladimir Medinsky, I don’t know, some
Alexei Miller, how they won the Great
Patriotic War (the Soviet term for World War II), and that’s what they
are selling. So I wouldn’t be surprised if they
keep inventing more and more and
more amazing holidays. I’ll say a couple more
words about how we filmed this
video. It was actually a fairly
funny story.
By the way, I’d be interested in your feedback
about the fact that we recorded
this not in the way I usually do—a talking
head against a black background,
somewhere out in the fields, with some kind of my
acting skills, which came to me
of course
rather painfully. If you had seen
how many takes I had to redo—this whole
“I want to end up in the prosecutor’s apartment”
makes you feel very stupid. But it seems
people are writing that it’s more interesting than
a regular standard video, and here
it’s a classic situation:
no blessing in disguise—misfortune
helped us out. We never would have started making
this kind of video
if all this equipment hadn’t been seized from us.
There’s a studio right next to us where
I usually record videos, but in it
you can’t record now because, well,
there isn’t even any light there—they took absolutely
everything out of it. So we recorded
it in a funny way. Let’s watch a few
seconds of how we recorded this in my
apartment in Maryino (a district of Moscow), so you can see how
the lighting was set up for this video.
Kira, tell me please, specifically
did you learn to bend like that, or what?
Kira, it’s a very difficult profession, but at least it comes with
a prize: amazing white slippers.
We really did record this in my
apartment, and instead of a lighting fixture
we just used a desk lamp from my
children’s table, which my press secretary
Kira Yarmysh was simply holding in her hands.
Now let’s take a look—actually there
really was
this funny episode when we
were recording all this, fully aware that
this woman there, a friend of the family
of Popov, was literally on
one balcony, while I was whispering all this, and on
the other balcony you could clearly hear that
people were sitting there watching some Russian
TV series.
There’s a 44:37 segment from this apartment
a kind of backstage clip so that
you can see how we were recording. We posted a bunch of jokes in
Instagram—go enjoy them on my Instagram.
I’m waving to everyone from the car after
we upload the video about the crooks in the prosecutor’s office
in Moscow, and very quietly
look, it’s actually beautiful here,
there’s a balcony—basically, over there
right nearby, you know, someone is sitting clearly
who is that prosecutor’s friend. Very
quietly, he’s talking about them and filming on the balcony.
Really, my main—personally my main—
problem was simply
to slip into this apartment, because, well,
we understand that the prosecutor’s friend, with
99 percent probability, watches
my channel, because certain kinds of
investigations—we know very well
that some of our most attentive
viewers are all sorts of crooks and thieves
and their family members, because they’re
interested in how we expose
their colleagues and how they should
behave so they don’t get caught themselves.
So I understood that someone might
recognize me there. I didn’t want anyone
to know that I was in Montenegro; I flew there with a layover,
trying to keep a low profile. It was all
funny—you put on a cap, you put on glasses.
When we arrive in Montenegro, we're met by money changers.
Burov leads us to the car; it seems like we've gotten away from everyone.
We slipped away, no one saw me, and then suddenly—out of nowhere—
across the whole parking lot, some guy
starts shouting, “Alexei! Alexei! I want”
“to take a picture!” He comes over. I mean, in
Montenegro there are just tons of Russians, and
it's pretty hard to stay hidden. But we still always
try to make sure that
the subjects of our investigations find out about
them at the exact moment everyone else does,
when someone sends them a link to the video,
they open YouTube and see that there's a film about them.
So please write to us and let us know
your feedback.
How much did you like this new
format? Should we keep using it or not?
Should I, Georgy, and the others keep portraying
all these characters, or should we keep using some kind of miracle
actors in our report videos? This week there was a very popular video on this
topic that was, well, kind of
comical, and I joked about it.
It was also one of those, you know, kind of
videos where it's funny, even though the situation is actually terrifying.
If you want to get something done in our country, fall to your knees
before some crook like this.
Medvedev went to Siberia. He went
to Novosibirsk, then to Altai, and all of it
was staged with some kind of huge pomp this
time, along with total, super-mega
security.
Just look at how, in particular, in
Novosibirsk, police officers were lined up along the road.
They were literally placed there like posts.
Usually, when a government
motorcade passes, officers are stationed at intersections
and crosswalks simply so that
no one gets in the way of
the motorcade or accidentally drives out in front of
the cars. But here they were just standing there like posts,
all across Novosibirsk.
Let's watch 30 seconds of Medvedev driving into
the city of Novosibirsk.
They were standing there every few dozen meters.
That's what it looked like.
There they are—our police-posts, lined up like that.
Across the whole city. Don't you feel sorry for them? Poor police officers.
They don't want this. No one asks them
whether they want to be there. But let them, too, be
part of this idiocy, because they
force citizens to play along with this
idiocy, and then the authorities do the same to them.
It's like a whole vertical of idiocy
running from bottom to top and top to bottom. So anyway,
he also went to Altai, and as usual
there was a lot of the usual nonsense that
Medvedev spouts. We understand perfectly well that
he is a rather disgusting
corrupt official, a crook and a thief, and his
corruption takes a particularly revolting
form: he collects money from—well, as we explained in our investigation—
we talked about this in our investigation—
through all sorts of pseudo-charitable foundations (a reference to the anti-corruption film *He Is Not Dimon to You*)
and from various big
oligarchs, and spends it on all sorts of his own
palaces. And then some woman simply
ran up and literally dropped to
her knees. Why? Why are people falling to their knees
before Medvedev in Russia in 2019?
A country that claims it wants to be among
the world's top five—whatever that means—
artificial intelligence, nanotechnology,
everything super-mega-advanced, a leading global
power, respected once again on
the world stage—and yet here we are.
She falls to the ground before him because
she has no hot water. Thirty seconds that
some channels played off as something else, but which are actually
deeply humiliating.
And this wasn't, mind you, some remote backwater
village in the middle of nowhere where there's nothing.
This is a city, with a gas boiler house.
A gas boiler house—Gazprom, the “national treasure,” as they call it.
As you may remember, Gazprom funds
football teams, builds
all kinds of flashy buildings; at Gazprom's expense, everything
Gazprom managers have become millionaires,
all the contractors have become billionaires, but
for some reason, in order to get
what they are legally entitled to—
hot water—because if a building has no hot
water, it shouldn't even be classified as residential.
A multi-story apartment building with no hot
water for years is some kind of illegal absurdity
that the authorities should have dealt with long ago.
They should have sorted it out, and besides,
where it is technically impossible to connect hot
water, no residential building should be built there in the first place.
Right? Can you imagine Trump
coming to Detroit, say, and then
some local elderly woman runs through the security cordon
falls to her knees and says,
“Mr. Trump, for three years now we haven't been able
to get hot water in our building—140 apartments have no
hot water.” Can you imagine that
happening with any leader of a normal country?
But that's exactly how it is here.
Damn it, everything in our country is arranged so that
people can live for years in a major city
without hot water.
And their problem can only be solved by some
crook from Moscow showing up—and only
in exceptional circumstances, if you run up
and drop to your knees before him. And then
that woman said—meaning, she
barely got through the security cordon—and
that someone tripped her. I don't know; it doesn't
look like someone tripped her. It looks
like she really did fall to her knees. But this is
truly, deeply humiliating for the whole
country—for the entire country.
How are people supposed to solve their
most basic problems?
If that woman hadn't fallen to her knees,
Medvedev would have come, Medvedev would have left, and there still
would have been no hot water—just as before. And if
those people later, without cameras, without
Medvedev around, had gone chasing after the governor...
so that they would properly get 15 days in jail
of arrest for the fact that they
in some way disturbed the peace of these
wonderful people, and by the way
very wonderful, yes. Moving on as well
Medvedev explained how he would solve the problem
here, this part—let's watch 19
seconds
Medvedev's answer about what needs to be done with
a territory where there isn't even hot
water, and yet development will happen, here
first he killed her, chopped her into several pieces
before that, he dumped some body part into
the video recording—we can watch it
actively, by the way. A separate issue
that simply outrages me is that this
shows how our
police work. All these video recordings
the video of him throwing away
some body parts into the Fontanka River
we'll play it without sound; you'll hear what I
am saying. There, there, there—you can see, there he is
the idiot walks up to the embankment
throws some bag in there, walks away, then after
some time. This video recording is from
the materials of the criminal case, of course
a high-profile murder. So, such a
brutal one—the whole country is discussing it, and
the police are leaking it left and right
all of it. Yesterday on Twitter I saw a head from
the girl's severed head, all covered in blood
it's all been published, the internet is flooded
with photographs that are official
confidential material, and damn it, the relatives seeing
it, and some friends and acquaintances—how is any of this
all this is part of a criminal
case. These are all confidential things, and for
the safekeeping of these confidential materials
the officers in uniform are responsible, and they
really ought to be fired. Nevertheless, they
for fun or for whatever reason, send
it off somewhere, leaking this severed
head or whatever else, and all of this
gets discussed—haha, hehe, lots of jokes on this
topic, but still
these police officers need to be fired because
because they should use their
heads before publishing all this
secondly, they should remember the
relatives—they should think about them, they
should remember the law, and in general
excuse me, but how can we
expect the safekeeping of any kind of
in such a nomenklatura-style organization (a Soviet-style bureaucratic elite structure), very
he was very fond of Vladimir Putin. Some time
ago, pranksters fooled him
they called him and asked whether he wanted to become
a trusted representative, and he was practically
squealing with delight, saying how much he loved
Vladimir Putin, how much he adored Crimea
and everything else, how badly he wanted
to be given some kind of early promotion
in the academic elite, another rank, so that
he would be made a professor. He adored
Vladimir Putin. Well, naturally here
everyone really piled onto this
Putin-lover, because it simply turned out
that he, like all great lovers
of Vladimir Putin, had something not quite right
in his head
however, all this is not the main part of our
story, because, well, a family drama
an argument
a husband killed his wife, a wife killed her husband—this is what
happens in Russia every single day, sadly
to great regret. The story took on new
dimensions when first this
Military-Historical Society
which had been very proud of this Sokolov removed
him from its lists and started lying that
he had never even been a member
naturally, the entire internet was
instantly filled with screenshots
from the Google cache and the Yandex cache showing that
it was all lies—he was a member
of the Military-Historical Society, he
belongs to that whole circle of Putin's
cheerleaders who, well, help him
use
history to strengthen his power, but
Putin's goal
the rector of this St. Petersburg
university, and in fact his influence
and administrative resources are greatly
underestimated by many people. He is an important person
a very corrupt person, a person
who is robbing St. Petersburg
University, but in some sense gives
a kind of immunity to many such pro-Putin figures
there, who sit under his wing. So
as for Sokolov
for me, this story took on the most
striking new dimensions when I, like
everyone else, saw the complaint that
had been filed against him back in 2008. Let's
read it
what another
student wrote about him—his live-in partner, who lived
with Sokolov. He grabbed me by the hands and began
tying me up with a rope that he had prepared
in advance
Sokolov went into the next room while
I was left tied up in the hallway
he returned with an iron and plugged it into
the outlet. When the iron heated up, he brought it to
my face so that I could feel the
heat coming off it, and began threatening that he would disfigure me
for life, after which he methodically began
beating me in the face, head, and nose
striking blow after blow
she filed a report with the police. This
report was submitted, and after that
there were many more scandals involving this Sokolov, but
really
he was some kind of sick pervert, I mean
we understand, family life
people
can have conflicts, but when
A person takes
an iron, damn it, heats it up, ties him up, his own
life in this cohabiting relationship movement
reenactors, definitely enthusiasts
who like dressing up in all kinds of military uniforms
from old times, reenacting
historical events. Nikita says they’re all
crazy, but that’s absolutely not true.
There are many of them there, and most of them
are completely normal people. But this guy, in
particular, somewhere in France or
Spain, they came for one of their reenactments
of the Napoleonic Wars and killed a horse. I mean,
the guy was clearly some kind of
protected, mentally unstable
unbalanced sadist. He was running around with this
red-hot iron, and the police did nothing.
And now there’s a discussion going on there, and here too
there was a discussion at the foundation too, but she
filed a statement.
So, not secretly, not because—then later
in an article I wrote that this woman filed a complaint in
2008 over a death threat, but here it wasn’t
a death threat. But this should still
work the same way: a woman comes to the police,
an 18-year-old girl at the time, and says,
“You know, this man tied me to
a chair and waved a hot iron in front of my
face, after which he beat me while I was tied to
the chair.” How could this person have remained
free?
How could this person have remained at
the university? There were a huge number of
complaints against him there.
Conflicts, fights during lectures—well, because
the whole system was protecting him.
Why was it protecting him? Because he
loves Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin
because he is a member of the Military-Historical
Society, because with this Karpachyov
he entered this kind of
political and ideological nomenklatura (the Soviet-style ruling establishment)
creative and academic—specifically Putinist
nomenklatura. There aren’t that many of them,
a marginal
media support crew. Sokolov was an important
part of it. That’s why our state
is structured this way: if you
serve them, then please—go ahead, brand people with an iron
if you like.
Burn whoever you want. If back then he
hadn’t gotten drunk but had gone out sober
to dispose of those arms and had thrown out first
the arms
and then thrown out the head, I have no doubt
that he would have remained completely unpunished, and
already we can see some kind of sympathy
toward him from the sidelines.
At first, this whole state-aligned camp
got scared: well, we’re not going to
defend some lunatic who
cut a person into pieces and ran off
to dump them in the river. At first they
distanced themselves from him.
But now it’s more like, well, overall,
you know, it’s not so clear-cut, maybe
she provoked him, maybe he was in a state of
temporary insanity—let’s feel sorry for him now, glasses
for him, let’s pass them to him, let’s watch 17 minutes
of him.
Members visit him from the detention center,
and help him there, and some boys
brought things too, some kind of support for him
was organized, and you can notice
there are definitely posters. And meanwhile, since
it was all raked together, you can read it better now:
“By law, I am entitled to this. I made a mistake once
in my life, one time, in my private life.”
Well yes, except no one tried to burn through
someone with an iron. In 2018, Maxim
Reznik
read it out in the legislature and sent a St. Petersburg
inquiry to Golikova in connection with this
inappropriate behavior by this Sokolov,
in connection with the fact that someone there was killed—or not killed—
some student, but nobody cared
because Sokolov, Putin, Karpachyov—they
are all friends with each other, and to hell with
everyone else.
You have no right to criticize our
wonderful Professor Napoleon. Does he really need
to have
to cut off someone’s arms
or someone’s legs before only then
something starts moving somehow?
The machine starts turning, and at the same time people come to him.
It’s not that anyone is demanding
that he be shot immediately. Like any
other person, he deserves at least some
lawful conditions of detention in prison, and any other
person deserves the right to a defense,
of course. But please explain to me
why everyone else, in St. Petersburg,
which is famous for the fact that they
grab opposition activists and torture them
with electric shocks, and then, as you may remember
or have probably read, in those cases they say
“You know, those electrical marks on
the person’s face and body—it wasn’t us beating him
with a stun gun, he was bitten
by insects.” And the court says, yes, yes, yes, he was
bitten by insects. Yet Sokolov—Napoleon and
the dismemberer—is being held in normal conditions, and
already now
he is being given some kind of—not exactly
sympathetic treatment, but they are somehow keeping him
according to the law.
But all the other ordinary people—according
to the law, supposedly—while the rest are tortured
with electric shocks. But with Sokolov, everything
has to be completely different. We have
some strange thing happening with
YouTube—a normal number of people were watching
it.
I was told that some kind of
freeze happened. I think that in fact our
our wonderful friends from the Kremlin are
testing some new technologies.
the fight against us may be connected with
the fact that they are artificially inflating the number of
views and waiting for YouTube to
freeze us out; perhaps that was connected to
that freeze-up. 25,000 people are
watching live. I’ll say a couple more
words after all, because I really
liked what was happening with
Maxim Galkin
You probably remember that he and I
had this discussion where he
kept teasing and mocking me in every possible way, and I
was arguing with him there too
because some time ago Maxim Galkin
was talking about how
what a good, professional,
perfectly normal host Vladimir Solovyov is
Let’s recall that video. With all my
respect for the work of Alexei
Navalny
but when he accuses my
television colleague Vladimir
Solovyov over his real estate, I
have a question: why are you accusing him?
He brings colossal ratings to his
channel. His channel, Russia-1,
sells advertising at much higher prices thanks
to Solovyov’s existence on air; it
owes him, regardless of whether
it’s a state channel or not, to pay
him big money, and Solovyov has the right
to use that money to buy real estate. One
year later—and I’m not gloating one bit—I want
to say that Maxim, to his credit, really
did well, because when he
went on one of his tours, he
was in the city of Novosibirsk
and there he was no longer saying that
Vladimir Solovyov is some kind of good
person earning great money there
He says that Vladimir Solovyov and people like him
lie endlessly on air
they talk endlessly about Ukraine
and he said what, unfortunately, he had not
said before: that in Russia there is
censorship. Let’s watch this really
excellent clip, 1 minute 18 seconds
of a great
honest speech by Maxim Galkin, and
[music]
help Ukrainians... Right now we have
censorship; not everything can be, not everything can be
said from a television screen, and I
understand them, because, you know, right now while I
can phrase it this way
when did we have it? It’s just
of course, one leader—well done—already 20
years, almost 20 years, yes, he has already been in
power and has already surpassed the previous one there
Naturally, he’s bored with those world
leaders who, naïve people, keep changing
every four years, while here we’ve already managed to
have an entire generation of people be born
grow up, finish school, have children of their own, and all
of it happened under Putin. They don’t even know
that there could be another president. They
don’t see it as a position; the office itself, as
it’s usually called, has become the most boring thing
messenger of darkness... We’re bored, we have problems
Here, you know, pensions have been messed with,
and on other scales he is deliberately conquering
America... I’m very glad that now even Maxim
Galkin seems to think that Vladimir Solovyov is not
bringing the channel money and ratings and so on
but simply keeps spouting endless
nonsense about Ukraine, which all of us are very
tired of, because all of us already have
the feeling as if we live in Ukraine
Ukraine, Ukraine, Ukraine—it’s the most
important thing, apparently, even more important than Berlin
What’s disgusting is that at Maxim
Solovyov—sorry, at Maxim Galkin
after this, who attacked him? Vladimir Solovyov
Vladimir Solovyov, Dmitry Kiselyov, and also
there’s this Artyom Sheinin
he’s somehow the most, out of all of them,
the most [__] guy. Together they
came out, condemned Maxim Galkin, and
said that there is no censorship on television
Well, what can I say? I’m very, very
glad, without any sarcasm, that
Maxim Galkin, if not yet on
television, then at least not yet on his
Instagram, but already when meeting people
is telling them the truth, and these videos of his
have simply stirred everyone up; people really
liked them because people have missed
the word “truth” coming from those
people who usually somehow
smooth over the sharp edges and say that this is not
censorship, just a great way of making
money. I hope that
with Maxim Galkin this will begin and will continue
very well going forward. Thank you
so much to everyone who watched this live stream
See you next Thursday. Bye