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Vladimir, 67, does not understand what
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is happening.
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It has been said a hundred times: work transparently.
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Huge sums of public money are being allocated transparently.
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The project is, in effect, also of broad
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national importance. But no—they are stealing hundreds
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of millions, hundreds of millions.
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Several dozen criminal cases have already
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been opened.
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Court rulings have already been handed down; people are in prison.
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People are behind bars, yet there is still no order there, and to this
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day it has still not been properly established. So what is it—
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it turns out Putin is supposedly against
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corruption and constantly tells his
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officials to work transparently,
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but they do not listen to him and keep stealing anyway
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hundreds of millions.
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More likely even billions. After all, these words
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our president says about the spaceport in
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Vostochny, which, let me remind you,
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was originally supposed to be built for 150
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billion rubles, and now that amount
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has grown to a fantastic 300
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billion rubles. Dear Vladimir Vladimirovich,
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I am now going to do one
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very simple thing especially for you, since you started talking
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about transparency.
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Since you demand it and have said a hundred times
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that everything should be transparent, that people should work transparently,
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it does not get any more transparent. I will not even dig now
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into the construction contracts and throw around
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figures, although since 2012 the Anti-Corruption Foundation
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has been practically shouting that
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everything is being looted at this spaceport. So,
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I found out that for some of the facilities
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Roscosmos and its subordinate organizations
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were signing highly questionable state
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contracts worth hundreds of millions of rubles, and
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moreover, they continue to do so now.
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By now, more than 120 billion rubles have been spent on the Vostochny Cosmodrome,
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and
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that is money from the budget—from taxpayers—
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which means it is not mine alone. I will point my finger at the very
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top, almost right next to you, dear
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Mr. President, and then we will talk a little
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about transparency. So: the Vostochny Cosmodrome,
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Vostochny.
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Where, as Putin quite rightly tells us,
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everything has been stolen.
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It is run by Roscosmos, and
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who runs Roscosmos? The man you yourself
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appointed.
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Dmitry Olegovich Rogozin, together with his friend
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robot Fyodor, who is going to conquer
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deep space.
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For the first time in the world, on August 22 we are launching
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this machine, which is called, well,
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the space robot named Fyodor.
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The device will operate in a mode of complete
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replication of a cosmonaut's actions, first
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from the station, because it will then be possible
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to control it directly from
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the mission control center. In the future, we plan
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that this machine will
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provide for us and
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and help us conquer deep
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space.
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[music]
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Unfortunately, we do not have such a highly paid
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robot in our military-industrial complex, so we will do it the old-fashioned way.
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We take the official income declaration by hand.
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Of Roscosmos chief Dmitry Rogozin. He
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worked there for just over a year. Let us
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see how much our
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space manager earned: 29.5
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million rubles was Rogozin's income for 2018,
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and it says directly that 23.5
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million of that came from his main place of work,
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that is, from Roscosmos, and another 6 million
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came from God knows where.
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That is 2 million rubles a month, 100,000
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rubles a day. We are all for transparency, but
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maybe that is exactly what you are supposed to pay a man
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who is planning to master deep
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space with the help of robot Fyodor. Next,
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let us take a look at how much the director
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of NASA in the United States earns. Their
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spaceports seem to be doing better than ours, and
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they carry out far more launches than
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we do. But, you see, the director's salary is
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at most around $250,000
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a year—that is, about 16 million rubles a year,
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which is one and a half times less than
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our Rogozin's. Which, by the way, is extremely
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interesting in light of the fact that, for example, with
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ordinary engineers, the situation is exactly
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the opposite: an engineer at NASA earns on average
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$82,000 a year, that is about 430,000
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rubles a month, while at a Russian
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Roscosmos enterprise
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an engineer, for some reason, earns 60,000
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rubles a month. But let us return to our
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Rogozin and keep looking at what one can
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earn in a state
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corporation. We continue reading the declaration.
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We compare the "Vehicles" section
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for 2017 and 2018 and see that the Rogozin family
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has somehow multiplied
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with brand-new cars. Dmitry Olegovich himself
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saw fit to acquire
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a Mercedes S500 4MATIC; one like that in a mid-range
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configuration costs around 12 million
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rubles. And his wife became richer by a whole
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Range Rover—that is about
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8 million rubles. And by the way, robot Fyodor's
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car is much more modest. So then,
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Dmitry Olegovich,
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why not buy the lad a G-Wagen too? If you
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managed, after working a year at Roscosmos,
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to spend only about 20
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million rubles on cars, why is robot Fyodor any worse?
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Especially since when he flies off
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to conquer deep space, his ride
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will be left to you.
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[music]
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classic
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pharmacies
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But that is not all—we continue.
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We look at the disclosure forms, and there it is: a dacha, a dacha.
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A dacha? What dacha? It wasn't there before, and yet—
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now let's turn to Roscosmos and the Vostochny Cosmodrome.
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Vostochny.
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It appeared, so we decided to ask around.
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To ask about it. You see, even Putin
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demands transparency, but absolutely
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no one—not the FSB, not the Presidential Administration,
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not the Accounts Chamber, not the Prosecutor's Office—apparently
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knows anything about Dmitry Rogozin's brand-new dacha.
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It's unclear what to do.
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You might as well ask Robot Fyodor, and that's exactly what we did.
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We did, and it turned out that as part of
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preparations for a mission into deep space,
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our unique robot flew straight over
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his boss's dacha.
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Unfortunately, our advanced technology
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is powerless against tall trees, but
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we still managed to make out a few things.
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We're in northern Moscow, just beyond the MKAD (Moscow Ring Road),
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in the Khimki area, and here is Rogozin's nearly 800-square-meter
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brand-new country house.
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It stands on a pleasant wooded plot of 25 sotkas (about 2,500 square meters, or 0.25 hectares),
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which also appears in Dmitry Olegovich's latest
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disclosure forms. But when we got there,
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we found a surprise waiting for us.
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A month ago, Rogozin expanded his
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holdings by exactly two times, and now it's
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a half-hectare plot, and as you can see,
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construction is in full swing here, just like at the Vostochny Cosmodrome.
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They're putting up some kind of gazebo.
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There are building materials everywhere, and in the back you can already see
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an already completed, impressively sized
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banya (Russian bathhouse/sauna).
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Let's make another pass with the drone—
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maybe we'll spot something
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interesting. And yes, we notice a path
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leading somewhere unclear at first.
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Let's look closer, and we can clearly see
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a gate to the neighboring plot, and on the other
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side of the fence—just look—there's actually
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a well-worn little path there.
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Very interesting—who is Rogozin such close friends with
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that he even connected their plots, and the house
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is quite substantial—larger than Rogozin's own,
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in fact 808 square meters. The answer to that
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question can usually be found in extracts from
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Rosreestr (Russia's property registry).
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But not this time, because according to
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the official documents,
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all of it is owned by a private individual.
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I hate this. It is incredibly infuriating. We
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run into this more and more often
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when we investigate Russian crooks: they
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classify themselves in official documents.
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As if they're so important, so grand,
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and as if all the intelligence services in the world have one goal:
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to find their dacha. Rogozin, by the way, also hid his own
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giant 350-square-meter apartment
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in exactly the same way—there too,
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now there are only anonymous 'private individuals.' And
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if they're hiding something this aggressively, then of course we
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become even more interested—naturally we want
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to get to the truth. So let's look for
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clues. We carefully examine everything
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that might point us toward even the slightest
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useful lead. Now look here:
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on the classified plot, we noticed
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several cars. One of them is a Range Rover,
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exactly the same one listed in Rogozin's
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disclosure.
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The second clue is running around nearby:
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it's a dog, very much like the one that appears in
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Rogozin's Twitter under the name Ponchik.
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And we find the third clue in this
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photo from Rogozin's Twitter. The caption reads:
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"Dmitry, Tatyana, Nicholas, and Poncho Rogozin
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wish you, friends, a Happy New Year."
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As we now understand, this photo was taken
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right here, by this bench on
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the plot of that mysterious private individual.
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Everything matches perfectly here, but even so,
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one important question remains:
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Comrade Rogozin, where is Nicholas the dachshund?
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Mental.
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We've gone to great depth here, and
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the water pressure is enormous.
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That very dachshund—the one you submerged and then
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supposedly took home—where is Nicholas? We see the shepherd dog,
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we see Ponchik running around, Robot Fyodor is also
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out in plain sight for everyone to see.
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But where is the dachshund? Two years have passed. And as for
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the plot, one thing is clear: Rogozin
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has been using it for several years. And who is actually
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hiding behind the coded label
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'private individual'? We know that too. In our own
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working archives, we
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found that four years ago
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we had already obtained an extract for this house. Back then,
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apparently there was no such grave threat to
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national security, and the owner of this
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808-square-meter mansion was still
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listed under his real name: Serebryakov,
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Gennady Nikolaevich.
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According to Rogozin himself, this is his father-in-law,
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his wife's father. And just so no one would think
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he was some kind of businessman or oligarch,
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it is specified that Gennady Serebryakov is a former
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KGB officer. He is now 81 years old. He bought the dacha
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at 77, so there is not the slightest
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doubt that here too
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the money of our chief space boss was used. By the way,
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since it made it into the frame, the neighboring
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800-square-meter house was bought in 2017
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by Rogozin's aide in the government,
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government service,
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Valentin Semyonovich Vasilkov.
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Now Vasilkov, by an amazing
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coincidence,
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works as the head of administrative affairs at Roscosmos, and
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his salary there is also similarly
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enormous—around 20 million rubles (about US$200,000 at a rough current rate). Well then,
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it's time to talk in detail
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about the money. Rogozin's property—a half-hectare plot of land
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and an 800-square-meter house—is worth 200
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million rubles, and that is a very conservative
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estimate. Right now, this neighboring empty plot of land is listed for sale
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right now.
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the price tag is more than 3 million rubles for
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one sotka (100 square meters) of land. Rogozin's elderly father-in-law's plot and
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we estimate it at 150 million rubles, and making that estimate was
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very easy for us: we found a listing for
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the sale of that house, a much more
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old
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and well-maintained one, for 135 million rubles.
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So, dear Vladi-
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mir Vladimirovich (Vladimir Putin's patronymic), and, I am sure, the whole country
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is putting this simple question to you:
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from the standpoint of your
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favorite principle of transparency, which you demand
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from others to work more transparently, can you explain the appearance
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of this property in the family of the head of Roscosmos (Russia's state space corporation)?
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350 million rubles' worth of assets. What appears in the
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official declarations is three times more than
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Dmitry Rogozin
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a government official could have earned in his entire
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life. But besides that, you know, we are also
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greatly troubled by the official salary of 23 million rubles.
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Can you explain to us
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why you set the salaries of the director and
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deputy director of Roscosmos higher
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than that of the head of NASA? No, we are not against
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a large salary, but why is it insanely
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high?
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Do we really have that much extra
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money in our budget? It is very important to explain this, because
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how can you demand
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transparency from people at the bottom
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if, at the very top, openly, we have just now
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used nothing except
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the published declaration, and yet things so clearly
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do not add up? Well, and if
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you cannot explain it and bring transparency,
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then Dmitry
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Olegovich Rogozin is absolutely right to propose naming
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the Vostochny Cosmodrome after you.
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A failed project that was built
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several years longer than promised, whose cost
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doubled, and during whose construction
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billions were stolen.
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Well, of course it should bear the name
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Vladimir Putin.
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Subscribe to our channel. Here
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they tell the truth.