Alexei Navalny on the program “Morning U-Turn” on October 22, 2011

The slogan is “Stop feeding the Caucasus.”

Listen, I don’t like how it looks on TV.

I have a feeling it might now

switch over.

Isn’t it glitching?

No, no, I just can’t tell whether

the second person will be visible. It will

be visible.

It will, yes.

Okay. Listen, let me turn on some more light

too.

Uh-huh.

For TV,

yes, it will

this is interesting to a huge

number of people.

Well, just in time for

Yes. And a reminder: Kharitonov is at 8:30.

[clears throat]

Well, there’s no news flash yet.

Maybe it’s some kind of...?

No, no, no, it’s Reuters, CNN, Saudi

Arabia, a crown—one of them

is still talking about that. And overall,

knowing our viewers, everything here is built around

the fact that last week, over the course of two evenings,

on Let Them Talk (a popular Russian TV talk show), there was the family of

Alexander Malinin. And, as is customary on

Andrei Malakhov’s program, eternal life

was granted to everyone gathered there, so to speak.

Children born out of wedlock, abandoned husbands and wives,

forgotten parents. The list could

go on, and our viewers really

love that sort of thing and watch it eagerly. So it’s

not surprising that these episodes of Let Them Talk

even beat, in the ratings,

the hugely popular The Voice.

And so, of course, Andrei Malakhov

is once again among the leaders, according to nationwide

figures. An episode of Let Them Talk on

Channel One about the personal life of

Alexander Malinin was watched by more than 30% of

the TV audience, or every

ninth resident of the country.

Ups and downs.

On Monday they showed us, in detail, for half an hour,

Vladimir Putin. Anyone who wants

can consider it an interview.

We got a good look at his massive

boss’s office, utterly

sterilized somehow, devoid

of life. Even

come in,

you’ll be sitting nearby, by the way. Very convenient,

just in case. Yes, just in case,

yes,

then everything’s convenient.

So, has anything

changed in our lives in the meantime?

Well, as we figured out, in Saudi

Arabia it wasn’t the king who died, but the crown

prince, apparently. Just one short

Reuters flash. I

mean, has anything changed?

You mean with regard to our

broadcast? Why, could something replace it?

I don’t know.

You flagged the question.

And in the middle of the hour, the news will run

a report that will pour water right onto

Lyosha’s mill. Five

men from the Caucasus beat someone up in the metro.

By the way, I listened to the news today

that you were talking about, and I just thought,

wow, Varfolomeev is really stoking things up

to the fullest. So, Dranzi,

and on Twitter, after I wrote about this

news,

and we have a complicated relationship, he

writes: “Wow, Varfolomeev is basically calling on people

to campaign for our rally

today.”

Uh-huh.

And what did you do?

I just wrote it again, that’s all.

Well, I wrote that men from the Caucasus had beaten

a Russian man there, and now there will be

even more people at the rally than there otherwise would have been.

Oh, when you...

It’s all Navalny’s fault.

Apparently. What does Navalny have to do with it? Right.

[snorts]

Will we need to put on headphones?

No, we probably won’t

be taking calls, so

I’ll be wearing them to monitor the broadcast,

but otherwise there’s no need.

Hi. [laughter]

Yes, after all it is the crown pri...

Are we already on air? In that case, taking

the opportunity, we can say hello to everyone.

Yes, we can. Since I have the chance, I want to—here we have

the Setevizor working; it’s showing us.

Yeah? And how is it there? Yes?

showi...

nicely.

The guests fit into the frame. No, the camera

catches it. Didn’t reach the table. [laughter]

Well, good.

Actually, I was convinced that most of the

comments on the website would support you.

Are there really people supporting me?

Music to my ears. [clears throat]

Turns out most are against it. That is,

when

Well, I looked at the question people are asking. We

we’ll change their minds now

there, support for the rally is around 70%. Well,

approximately. We’ll now

vote again and see.

Maybe move a little to the left.

Left means this way.

Toward me.

No, left is that way. Toward me. Closer to me,

toward me.

Turn toward the microphone.

The microphone? Well, I don’t know how

what I’m reading here, it’s as if

people specially hired by someone.

No, I just think it’s simply that the topic is like that,

an emotional one, so people are interested

in asking questions. It’s quite,

I think.

No, obviously it’s interesting.

The tone of the messages is a surprise to me

absolutely.

Yes,

yes.

And what exactly surprises you there?

I thought most of the messages would all be like:

that’s right. Separate the Caucasus from us to hell

and so on and so forth. Drive them out of here and

all that. Nothing of the sort.

Our people are sensible. There is reason after all.

Well, we’ll see now.

[sighs]

Not for nothing do I love them.

You’re reading the questions, right?

So that we don’t keep circling around and

You mean from the website?

Well, I guess if you want to.

Well, go ahead. No,

although, of course, it’ll be difficult.

Well, it’s just that if there are two of us, then you and I

will get confused about who takes what.

[snorts]

And I’ll read the text messages.

We’ll have two votes. And I’m almost

sure that at the

beginning and at the end,

yes, so we can compare,

yes,

after all, at those debates there wasn’t

a first vote, so there wasn’t enough to

understand the dynamics.

And I’m not sure it would have been

I brought in fans,

of course,

I actually had only a small

role in organizing the event at all

.

I just

8:11. Anna Trifilova and Vladimir

Varfolomeyev. This is the Saturday morning

program on Echo of Moscow. Today it’s not

quite in the usual format, and here’s why,

but in a pleasant

and here’s why, in pleasant company,

I hope. Today in Moscow there will be two

rallies at the same time. And representatives,

incidentally, of the democratic liberal

wing may end up either at one

venue or the other. At Pushkin Square

at 2:00 p.m., representatives of

Solidarnost, PARNAS, and well-known

public figures, even cultural figures, and,

will campaign for people

to vote against all in the parliamentary

elections. At the very same time, at

Bolotnaya Square there will be a rally of

nationalist forces under this banner. There will

also be a slogan, I think, against the party

of crooks and thieves, but the main message is

Stop Feeding the Caucasus. On this

slogan, this thesis, this week

even President Dmitry

Medvedev commented. Speaking at the journalism faculty,

he criticized this public

initiative, calling it, in loose

paraphrase, harmful, and saying that provocateurs of this kind

could lead our country to

collapse. This week, literally

the day before yesterday, I saw a discussion on Twitter

on this topic between

two people well known both on the internet and beyond

it, public figures. They were

Alexei Navalny and Roman

Dobrokhotov. But Twitter’s 140-character format

does not, probably, allow

the arguments of either side to be presented fully

both in favor of this slogan

and against it. And so

we decided to invite the participants in this

discussion, who, I see,

have come armed with documents and figures, to join us

on air today to talk about this in more detail

. So, Roman Dobrokhotov,

Alexei Navalny. Good morning.

Good morning.

Good morning.

Thank you for being here at 8:12, in the

Echo of Moscow studio on New Arbat.

On a Saturday.

Thank you. And thank you, Volodya, for

reading this discussion on Twitter and

bringing our guests here. You can send us

text messages at +7985970

4545 and use Twitter. The account is

the usual one.

We’ve printed out more than 20 pages of questions

from those that have already come in through Echo of Moscow’s website

. We’ll try to cover some of them.

Let’s begin, in fact, with the position

for, or in support of, this slogan

"Stop Feeding the Caucasus." Alexei,

why?

I believe that all of us need to

support the idea of the national campaign

Stop Feeding the Caucasus. And I wanted

to correct you, Vladimir, regarding

your point that today at Bolotnaya Square

some kind of nationalist

forces will gather. Normal forces will gather, because

the Stop Feeding the Caucasus campaign, from

my point of view, and this is why I

support it, is precisely prompting

a completely normal, adequate, and appropriate

discussion about issues of budgetary

equality, about why, uh,

the country’s citizens should have to support those

brazen gangster elites

who now run the entire North

Caucasus. All constituent entities of the Russian

Federation are equal. And yet, uh,

some federal subjects are more equal than others. And

on this subject there are a great many such

remarkable statements,

remarkable and interesting, but not very

accurate. You mentioned Roman and

Medvedev, who made a statement today. I would

also add to them the editor-in-chief

of the Echo of Moscow radio station, Alexei

Venediktov, who quite emotionally

also criticized me a couple of days ago

for all these things, with numbers in hand.

Well, that's just wonderful. All these

numbers in hand, whether Roman

Dobrokhotov has them, or Dmitry Medvedev,

or Alexei Venediktov — it's all from the

category of “heard the ringing, but don’t know where it’s coming from.” It’s

all a complete distortion. And I

hope that after this, this

discussion of ours will become one of the steps

toward a substantive discussion of all this. And

we will see that these figures they

cite are complete nonsense.

All right, fine. We’ll get to the numbers a little later.

Roman, why is the slogan bad?

Well, in my view, under the pretext of

saving the state budget, they are trying to

foist on us what are plainly, actually,

nationalist slogans. And I,

of course, understand that Alexei is probably

the most reasonable and tolerant of the whole

group that will gather there. But

well, let’s admit frankly that those

who gather there are absolutely the same

audience that goes to the Russian Marches (nationalist rallies in Russia),

an audience that knows absolutely nothing about the figures

we’re going to discuss today,

and for whom, in reality,

the real reason to gather is not at all

that the budget is insufficiently

balanced across the federal subjects, but rather

that they really are fed up with

people of a certain ethnicity, as

they see it, and that this is the main

obstacle in their own lives.

One second, I can’t help asking

a question. Is it the idea you object to, or

the people who are promoting it? And

Since I don’t like the idea, I’m

also wary of the people

who support it so fervently,

because it’s a very specific

crowd, and it’s pretty clear what’s in their heads.

These are the guys with imperial flags,

who, by the way, are not shy about

throwing up their arms in a Nazi salute. I don’t

know whether that will happen today, but at

the Russian Marches, for some reason, it does happen,

although the organizers try to

brush it off somehow, it does happen.

I’m sure that there — well, we can simply

look at what slogans, besides

the economic ones, will be heard at this rally.

I

Nothing has even happened yet. Why are you being so

overcautious?

No, it’s just that this slogan itself, this

slogan itself, is manipulative, because in

reality there is no such terrible

imbalance specifically in subsidies to the North

Caucasus. We’re about to go through

the numbers — they’ve just arrived, and now we

will examine them. In reality, these are far

from being the biggest

holes in our budget — the Caucasus

republics. And the money that

is spent there — yes, there are problems, there are

specific complaints about Ramzan Kadyrov,

there are specific complaints about specific

corrupt officials in the North Caucasus. But

first of all, do you think they steal less in Moscow,

or do you think that the social spending

that goes there, say, to

Ingushetia, to Ossetia — that people there live

well off, that they really don’t need

pensions, benefits, and so on? So this is

the cheapest kind of manipulation,

absolutely.

Alexei, look, now a question right away in

return to you. I’ll use what

Alexander Simanchev wrote on Twitter: how do you

explain to a liberal that such a slogan does not

lead to bloody pogroms? I don’t

know, there’s some kind of typo there

Excellent question. I have the same

question for Roman: “Rom, how am I supposed to

convince you? You keep saying,

that they’re all fascists, that they throw up their arms

in salute.” I don’t throw up my arm in any

kind of salute. I don’t do that.

I’m talking about numbers, I’m talking about budgetary

inequality, I’m talking about gangster elite

groups that siphon off this

money. I heard comments today on

Echo of Moscow in the news from the organizers of the

rallies. Everyone there emphasized that

there is no idea here of ethnic

hatred and so on. So what else should

be done? What should I do to

convince you? And how can we dispel

your myths in general — the ones that, it seems to me, you’ve

hammered into your own head and that

you keep promoting despite the

harsh reality?”

Convincing me is very simple. Just bring

to a rally like this, just once,

people who would, well,

look like intelligent, cultured people,

What, I don’t look like an intelligent person?

I can’t do anything about my face.

It is what it is — what am I supposed to do,

put on glasses so that you’ll

believe me? More so, when there won’t be

gathering there

some kind of gopnik crowd (Russian slang for loutish thugs) with one brain cell

in their heads, and that is exactly what makes up

most of the audience. Yes, there are

people there who lay claim to being highly

educated, and many of them really are

well educated, but still, excuse

me, let’s be honest,

A short remark, just a short one. Don’t you

think that you’re repeating the arguments

of members of the Nashi movement (a pro-Kremlin youth movement), who at

liberal rallies go around photographing

people whose appearance they somehow

just don’t like, and in exactly the same way then

say, “there you have it — crazy liberals.” The same thing

happens here: they themselves bring in these two or three people

and photograph them.

Roman Dobrokhotov and Alexei Navalny.

Time for the first vote.

Both times, we will essentially ask

the same question. In your view, is the slogan

“Stop Feeding

the Caucasus” relevant and justified? Accordingly, Alexei’s position

Navalny’s position, and the opposing position of Roman

Dobrokhotov. If you believe that yes,

this slogan is relevant and justified, call

660064.

Well, if you believe the slogan is

wrong, 6600 0665.

Yes, this is a relevant slogan for our times —

6600 0664.

No, it’s a bad slogan, not a good one. 660665.

Now please, let’s not talk about the faces

of the people who come to rallies. Here in

the studio, I’m apparently the only person who, judging

by that criterion, looks like an intellectual,

because I’m the only one wearing

glasses on my nose. But I’m not going to the ball tonight.

Roma has a tie, excuse me — it outdoes your

glasses with that tie of his. Let’s

now talk about the idea itself. Where did this notion

even come from that Russia — meaning,

all the other regions —

are feeding the Caucasus? Why exactly?

It’s not a notion at all; it’s simply

the figures, which show that among all our

federal districts, the North Caucasus

Federal District receives the most subsidies,

with the highest share of subsidy funding. And, uh,

the most popular figures that supposedly

refute this are the Finance Ministry’s figures

regarding

the allocation of money to equalize

budget disparities, which say

that, for example, Chechnya is only

in seventh place. And these are the figures

used by Roman, by Venediktov, and by

many others who say that

we have 77 federal subjects, and all

77 of them are subsidy-dependent federal subjects.

Chechnya is nowhere near first place. However,

that is completely wrong. And it is

a distortion of the facts; it shows that

you simply do not understand the logic of the budgetary

process and the logic of subsidies.

So, yes,

Roman hasn’t given his figures yet. What figures

are those?

Yes. First of all, this is not only about

that. To begin with, the very structure

of our economy is well known.

We live only off oil and gas.

So it is perfectly logical that a large

share of our federal subjects are supported

by that money — money that, incidentally,

is not earned for them by Moscow at all. Let’s

raise another slogan: “Stop Feeding

Moscow,” because in fact it too

is living off the backs of most

regions.

Well, as we know, that slogan

does get raised as a kind of joke. I might

actually think about it — maybe I’d even go to

a rally like that,

because in principle I support

changing the structure of taxation.

Is Russia feeding the Caucasus or not? I, I

believe that Russia feeds the Caucasus no more

than it feeds other republics

that need it. And if we

stop feeding the Caucasus, things certainly won’t get

better as a result — they will get much

worse, both for us and for the Caucasus. Now, as for

the figures. So,

indeed, the most subsidy-dependent

regions are Kamchatka Krai,

Magadan Oblast, the Republic of

Sakha, Chukotka Autonomous Okrug, Tuva,

Altai, and so on. That’s if we look at

per capita subsidies. If we

look at the absolute figures, then

the picture is actually quite interesting. The most

subsidized

regions in absolute terms are

Belgorod Oblast,

Leningrad Oblast, Krasnodar Krai, and

Tatarstan, Chelyabinsk Oblast, and, if you’ll

excuse me, what is Moscow Oblast doing

on that list, right? That is what we ought

to be talking about: where we have an absolutely

gangster-like regime right now,

no less gangster-like than in

many Caucasian districts. Surely they

could earn their own keep.

But there was a war in Chechnya, after all,

for 10 years — obviously, it needs

to be rebuilt. For some reason, nationalists

never talk about that.

Alexei, so we are feeding it after all. And

look at what

First of all, Moscow Oblast,

Tatarstan, and Belgorod Oblast are all

donor regions. I don’t know, Roman,

where you got those figures from. These regions

contribute money to the federal budget.

Second, uh,

it is fundamentally incorrect

to compare Chechnya and Ingushetia with Altai,

Kamchatka, and the Far East. And in that

sense, I simply urge everyone to look

at a map of the Russian Federation and compare

their size, climate conditions, uh,

the climate, and so on — for example, of

Kamchatka and Chechnya. Of all the

federal subjects, Chechnya is in the most

favorable climatic conditions.

It’s tiny. If we compare the spending

per resident—the objective costs that

arise, as well as the cost of maintaining

the road network, and the cost of delivering

food there—everything has to be flown in, and

so on—then we will naturally see

that the cost of supporting a person in

Kamchatka, for objective reasons, will always

be higher than in Chechnya. That’s the first point.

Second, and most importantly, these figures

are completely incorrect, because

subsidies are made up not only of this

Finance Ministry transfer, but also of investment

programs from Rosneft, Gazprom, and so on,

when Ramzan Kadyrov demands that

Rosneft build them a new

oil refinery with a capacity of 8 million

barrels of processing, considering that in

Chechnya there are only two of them. Those figures are not in your

table, but they do exist. When, two

weeks ago, Vnesheconombank

provided loan guarantees and allocated 10 billion

rubles for the construction of resorts in

Chechnya, those 10 billion rubles are not in your

figures. And when we look at

the enormous amount of money that

is allocated to the so-called Chechen

police, which in practice are illegal

armed groups and simply

bandits who answer

exclusively to Ramzan Kadyrov, not the Interior Ministry

and so on—those figures are not in your

table. If we add up all the expenditures

made up of targeted

programs, corporate investment programs,

direct budget transfers,

and security spending, we will see that

the disparity is so colossal that

no other federal subjects come anywhere close

to Dagestan, Chechnya, and

Ingushetia.

All the figures you cited

for some reason related to Ramzan Kadyrov.

Let’s talk about this character in more detail.

It would be very hard to accuse me of supporting

Ramzan Kadyrov, because my

colleagues in the movement and I are among the few

who sincerely and openly

hold actions directly against

this former fighter from Basayev’s ranks. We

know all about him. And it’s not

just budget financing that raises questions about him;

there are even more serious issues regarding

the torture of people, and so on, and so

forth, and so forth. Yes, we’re the ones talking about that,

and if we want, we can discuss it

in more detail. But, actually, in the Caucasus

there are other republics as well. By the way, regarding

that same Ramzan Kadyrov.

For some reason, the leaders of nationalist

movements—the ones who, together with you,

took part in the Russian March (an annual nationalist rally), went to

pay their respects to him and then came back with

enthusiastic reviews of what a

wonderful, strong leader he is and how one ought

to be more like him.

Excuse me, but I’m still more interested in

the financial aspect.

No. Then this turns into a kind of

hypocrisy, when first they say:

"Stop feeding the Caucasus," meaning

the entire Caucasus. Then it turns out that this means

Ramzan Kadyrov. Then it turns out that

Ramzan Kadyrov is a hero altogether."

Am I understanding you correctly that it would be more honest

for Alexei to actually change

the slogan?

Yes: stop feeding Kadyrov. Excellent.

Why? Go ahead,

Roma, let’s not twist things.

Either we are talking about the figures and about

the unfairness of allocating this money,

or you’re asking me to take

responsibility for the statements of some

other people. That has nothing

to do specifically with you. Okay. There are

complaints about Ramzan Kadyrov. Call

your rally: Stop Feeding Ramzan

Kadyrov. What are your complaints? For example,

specifically against Yunus-Bek Yevkurov, for instance,

We have exactly the same complaints both about Yunus-Bek Yevkurov and about the leaders of

Dagestan

as well. And this is not

exclusively about Ramzan Kadyrov; it is

about the fact that entire

elite groups have formed. In other words, it’s not just

one family or two families; these are whole

clans, unfortunately. And what has formed,

most dangerously of all at this point, is essentially

a dependency mentality that

is being sustained by, well,

entire generations, entire groups. In other words,

the idea is basically being promoted that

let’s go on living like this forever, and we will keep

being given money solely because

we’re not blowing things up. Listen,

And in Moscow there’s no dependency mentality?

In Moscow.

If we’re going to talk about Moscow,

then let me say this about stop

feeding Moscow, yes, one moment. So,

the slogan is: "Stop feeding Moscow."

Is anyone actually using such a slogan?

Exactly. And rightly so.

Yes. As a Muscovite, I also say: "Stop

feeding Moscow." And this disparity,

this budgetary disparity in favor of

Moscow, has likewise brought nothing

good for you. What have I, as a

Muscovite, gotten from this money? Nothing but

traffic jams, higher prices, and

a decline in quality of life. So that’s

perfectly fine. Some people say:

"Stop feeding the Caucasus," others say:

"Stop feeding Moscow." Together, we are all

talking about budget inequality. Together, we are all

talking about injustice. We

are holding a rally about budgetary

the Caucasus separately when it comes to inequality,

because the Caucasus is an obvious symbol

of budgetary inequality. It is the clearest,

as I already said, this is an ideology that

is being promoted in the Caucasus now. It is already,

unfortunately, supported by millions of

people living there, namely that

let's simply treat them this way: whoever is not with

us is beneath us, and we will extort

them, and if you do not give us

money, then we will, uh, start

shooting at you. You see, well, yes, here we

have three federal subjects. Our

radio listeners are the population. You, your

republic says: "Give us money and we

will build a bridge." My republic says:

"Give us money and we will build a hospital."

And Vladimir Varfolomeev says: "Right, give

me money, I'll buy myself Porsches and Cayennes,

a traumatic pistol, and drive around

around you shouting: "Whoever is not with us is

beneath us! And if you do not give me money,

then I will stage terrorist attacks." Well,

excuse me. Then all our

radio listeners say: "Stop feeding

Vladimirov,

what complaints do you have, say, about

Ingushetia?"

Look, right now, let me remind you,

Roman Dobrokhotov, Alexei Navalny. Here

I would not want to drop one topic that

came up a minute ago as a subtopic. And here

Pavel Sokolov is writing precisely about

that. Maybe the slogan should instead be:

"Stop feeding thieves, and whether they are from the Caucasus

or Russian, that no longer matters."

Well, as I heard in the news today,

from the Moscow authorities, there

this rally includes all three slogans.

Stop feeding crooks and thieves, stop

feeding bandits, stop feeding

corrupt elites, and so on. That

is, this slogan includes three

different sets of various ideas

being promoted. However, I believe that

the basic message, "Stop Feeding the Caucasus,"

looks entirely appropriate and

But it stands completely apart

among these slogans. And indeed, it is not

unimportant if the goal is also to provoke

discussion within the Caucasus, within

the Caucasian elites and among the population

of the Caucasus, which for the most part

lives in poverty, because they are first and foremost

being robbed by those elites. We

cannot solve the Caucasus's problems for them.

They must decide for themselves

whether they are going down a dependent path and

promoting all these ideas, and they should

then understand that they will face

the fact that throughout the rest of Russia

there will be strong opposition to this, or

they choose a different path.

On the Echo website, Alfisik writes: "In the Caucasus

people live very differently, and there are no fewer poor people

there than in Central

Russia." Alexei Navalny, Roman

Dobrokhotov: "Is the slogan 'Stop

Feeding the Caucasus' relevant?" The first vote

showed the following result. Yes, it is relevant,

86%. And 14% think that such a slogan

is not relevant. But we

at the end of the discussion will hold a second

vote and compare, because we

will continue hearing arguments after

the news, when we resume.

I was hoping for about 10 percent.

I'm sorry, of course, but now the first

news item will be

about

attention.

What is it?

[music]

At the microphone is Vladimir Varfolomeev with

other news. A group of men from the Caucasus attacked

a young Muscovite in the metro.

Nineteen-year-old student Gleb

Kharitonov stood up for a girl and as a

result was himself brutally beaten. He told

Komsomolskaya Pravda (a Russian newspaper) about it.

Entering the station.

I'm not the announcer. [laughter]

Go on, tell us. We almost believed you.

Uh-huh.

Do you remember what we were talking about?

Yes, we wanted to understand which topic, with the help

of the listeners.

No, I don't remember anymore.

Well done.

Write me a letter, send me a text message. I

don't remember.

Attention.

In the end, the student was hospitalized, while the

hooligans were detained and are being held at the

police station. As expected, in the

near future a criminal case will be opened.

Russian authorities will

continue to support their citizens,

Bout and Yaroshenko, who are on trial in the United States. On

this, the day before, the foreign minister

Sergei Lavrov gave assurances. He was speaking

live on Echo of Moscow, as well as

the stations Voice of Russia and Radio Russia.

The foreign minister called the situation surrounding those accused of trafficking

in arms and drugs

unjust and promised that the country would not

abandon them. The United States has decided to withdraw all its

troops from Iraq. This will happen by

the end of December, the president announced. As

Barack Obama said, the war,

which has lasted nearly nine years, will end,

and by the holidays the troops will return home.

At the same time, the occupant of the White House promised

that America would continue to provide

assistance to the Iraqi authorities. Earlier, the United States had not

ruled out the possibility that a certain contingent

might remain in Iraq even after

2012. Finished on a rise

global financial markets this week. The main

reason was Europe’s decision to help

Greece financially. In the evening it was announced

that Athens would receive another tranche

of 8 billion euros. These funds will be made available to

the Greek government at the

beginning of November. Thus, there is

new hope for resolving

Europe’s debt problems. The markets

responded to the news with gains in

stock prices and in the value of the euro and oil.

The new owner of the CSKA hockey club

will be Rosneft. This was

reported by ITAR-TASS, citing its

sources. In this way, the oil company

will replace the power company. At present, 100% of the club’s shares

belong to OGK-3. An official announcement about

the deal and its terms may be made

in a few days. Last week

it became known that CSKA, which is facing

serious financial problems, had appealed

to Prime Minister Putin for help. As for the weather in

Moscow, it is warmer now, with daytime temperatures up to 8°C.

No precipitation is expected today.

Yes, yes, of course. Yes, I was just thinking, what was it that I picked up

like that. What

what kind of secret negotiations are these

separate ones

with the news, of course, that’s obvious trolling.

Venediktov is a nationalist too. We can

also accuse you of the fact that it was you,

raising your arm in a Roman salute.

No, wait, I’m not a nationalist. As I understand it, I’m

corrupt. With my Porsche

Cayenne I’m practically a skinhead, by the way,

a skinhead [laughter]

even if I wear glasses.

Today you can expect events

dedicated to

landscape design. And

we have to leave all of this in.

The old stuff, right?

No, well, we’re leaving the old stuff. How

do we say it correctly on air?

childhood, that is, up to 57

of a person’s life, as well as events

dedicated [clears throat] to mystical

gardens and the practice of creating shade gardens

and flower beds

three notable events are expected today

do you like it

less

Natasha is like someone from another world in Russia, spu-

Oh, there’s a completely different discussion going on there

all sweetness and light, like the president on Facebook.

It was fun.

Yes, yes, yes.

The students did great.

Well, yes. She sort of erased herself on that basis

there is. She

are ready to bring visitors into a closed-off

Iranian... to talk about the highest Saudi

representatives.

All right, courageously

I’ll tell it.

[clears throat]

Attention.

A rally will be held in Moscow today, including

slogans such as "Stop Feeding

the Caucasus." The very slogan that this

week was criticized by President

Dmitry Medvedev himself, who called it dangerous

for the country. Alexei Navalny is in this

studio, along with Roman Dobrokhotov, and we are talking about

how relevant this slogan is for

modern Russia. Irina writes: "I am

ashamed of such slogans, no matter whose mouth

they come from." Yemelya from Tomsk says, I

am against this, but where is the rule of law,

equal for all citizens of Russia? Roza

reminds us that the collapse of the USSR was accompanied

by roughly the same slogans

in the national borderlands: "We feed everyone.

Russia faces the same fate." And in this

connection, a question from one of our listeners on

the website with a very complicated username. Sorry,

I can’t pronounce it. Alexei: "By advancing

the slogan: "Stop Feeding the Caucasus,"

are you thereby supporting the idea

of separating the Caucasus from Russia? I personally

will add this from myself, yes, there is this

feeling that those who proclaim this

slogan, saying that funds are being

spent improperly, are in fact

being disingenuous and simply want Russia

to be left without the Caucasus and without people from the Caucasus here

in the rest of its territory.

Ah, well, it seems that this

listener and you, Vladimir, and I live

in completely different countries and in different

information environments. So, unfortunately,

Chechnya is now de facto not

part of the territory of the Russian

Federation. And the slogan: "Stop Feeding

the Caucasus" is, to a much greater

extent, in favor of preserving the country,

than the idea that we should keep

shoveling as much money at them as we like, and let them

do whatever they want. In other words, they have already

effectively separated. We are financing their

army, a Sharia army. Yes, we

see that they have some kind of military schools

where they are required to pray four times a day.

That is impossible to imagine

and it directly contradicts

the law. With everything that is happening, we do not have

any unified legal space. Our

is in no way connected with them

law enforcement system, judicial

system. And when we say that

Kamchatka is subsidized, well, if you

go to Kamchatka, despite

all the problems there with corruption and so

on, you still understand that you are in

Russia and you can count,

for example, on the same level of

protection from the police, the judicial system, and

so on. In Chechnya, you cannot expect that.

you can't count on that. Ask your own

listeners whether they consider it dangerous

to travel to Altai, Kamchatka,

Chukotka, or to other subsidized

regions. Everyone will say: "No, that's Russia."

But a trip to Chechnya, Dagestan, or Ingushetia

is considered dangerous by everyone, because

in practice, they are no longer really part of

Russia. That's exactly what we want to restore. We

stand for the country's territorial integrity, because

the integrity of the country can

be based only on equality and

justice. By the way, Anya, remember, we

quite recently

were asking about trips to the North

Caucasus. Not everyone, but in fact many people

would refrain from traveling there.

Well, exactly.

And tell me, what exactly will become much

safer about traveling there if we stop

giving them money? Uh, by the way, traveling to Khimki

is also very dangerous. Let's also

remember Strelchenko. And beyond Khimki it's even

more dangerous.

All right, are you seriously

trying to convince me that a trip to

Khimki and a trip to the city of Grozny are

roughly the same thing? And, uh, despite the fact

that the Khimki administration is horribly

corrupt, and apparently

real criminals and thugs

are sitting in the administration—that's true.

Is that really the same as Chechnya, where we

see that the president's motorcade is literally

a bunch of bearded

gangsters covered in what look like grenades.

Come on, Alexei, stop feeding this crook

Povarov. And for that matter, stop feeding

Kadyrov. Lyosha, once again you're conflating

Chechnya with Kadyrov. That's not the whole

Caucasus.

Ah, should I remind you, Roman, about the fate of, uh,

the editor-in-chief of the website Ingushetia.ru,

who

That was under Zyazikov; it happened under Zyazikov

now it's Yunus-Bek Yevkurov there. What

complaints do you have about

Ingushetia? There are independent

newspapers there, the same independent media, and

that same Yevloyev, I think that was the

surname, can freely exist on the

territory of Kamchatka. I assure you that on

the territory of Kamchatka, as in the rest of

the country, we have very, very serious

problems with freedom of speech.

However, in Kamchatka no one will be

shot dead before everyone's eyes, one meter away from

the president of the country, after which they will declare

that it was some kind of accidental

killing, some random shot, and

so on. That simply cannot happen.

It is impossible anywhere else in the

rest of the country to imagine that

a governor would drive around with some

people around him who are constantly

firing into the air. It is impossible to

imagine a governor of any

other region giving someone a wedding gift of

7 kilograms of gold. It is impossible

to imagine that Hollywood stars would come

to a subsidized region like Kirov Oblast, excuse me,

that WASM or some other

Hollywood celebrities would visit. It is impossible to

imagine the mother of the governor of

Ryazan Oblast giving her son a

meter-high model of a mosque made of

solid gold and studded with precious stones.

That's impossible. Come on, let's not

mock our listeners, as if

people steal less in Moscow, as if

we don't have such motorcades in Moscow, and as if

all sorts of celebrities don't come. As if in

the center of Moscow journalists aren't gunned down

in the streets.

Rom, I have never heard that in Moscow

there are motorcades with, I don't know,

friends. Friends, if you haven't heard of it, that

doesn't mean it doesn't exist. Come on. I

assure you, no one can

accuse me of, for example,

supporting Sobyanin, Luzhkov,

Putin, or Medvedev, but I have never

seen, excuse me, a motorcade of

Sobyanin consisting of 100

Porsches with just some

people

of suspicious appearance inside.

This brings us back to how we began this half

hour. Alexei, you haven't answered the question.

So, after all, what about the idea of separating

the Caucasus, which some people suspect you of

supporting? Ah, well, those who

suspect that simply haven't listened carefully to

what I write and what I say. I

am in favor of bringing back

the territories of the Caucasus that are currently

outside the legal framework into the legal

framework of Russia. I support making them

finally become proper subjects of the federation,

including in terms of budgetary

equality. And only when—uh, you see,

what is a unified country? It's not just

a border on a map. It's not

an administrative territory. It is a kind of

single legal system, a single

cultural system, if you like, uniform

laws across the whole territory, so that when I

go to Kamchatka and to Grozny, I

feel roughly the same thing. But I

won't. It seems to me that you're

avoiding a direct answer to my simple

question. As for the slogan 'Stop Feeding the Caucasus' by

putting up some kind of notional concrete wall

between the North Caucasus and the rest of

Russia—as some people propose. What is your

attitude toward that

idea? That's what I want to understand.

And as for the Caucasus, then, the idea

"Stop Feeding the Caucasus"—let me put it this way.

Clearly: it does not imply, nor does it

promote the idea of separating the North

Caucasus from the country. Let me continue. However,

in practice, the territory of the North Caucasus

effectively operates under a different legal regime than

the rest of the country. To deny that

would be foolish. That is why I believe

this needs to be formalized legally, including

officially approved. If we believe that we

need to impose martial law or

a state of emergency for the next 20 years,

then let’s impose it and restrict

the movement of people, cargo, and so on.

So I can vividly imagine how

after a "Stop Feeding the Caucasus" rally,

Ramzan Kadyrov switches to

a regular bus. Chechen teenagers,

living in Moscow,

his own regular bus

Ram switches over.

Chechen teenagers living

in Moscow sign up for the Lenin Library

(the Russian State Library).

and it instantly becomes safe to travel to

the North Caucasus, because they decide

that since they are getting fewer subsidies,

that means they will now be friendlier

toward Moscow, toward Russians. So,

Alexei, tell me honestly: what

specific goals can you actually achieve

through rallies like these?

And I believe that if I have

civil rights, I am going to

exercise them by whatever lawful means are available. I can

clearly imagine that if, say, 10

million people—if our whole country

really demands of Medvedev, of

Kadyrov, of itself, and of Venediktov

that they stop saying this nonsense and

start doing what the law requires, then I

can imagine that he will not switch to

a bus on his own. But we will either force him

to switch to a bus, or we will

remove him from office. But in my country,

forgive me, I am not prepared to put up with

what is happening in Chechnya, and I am not prepared

to feed these freeloaders. I personally pay

taxes. You understand, I am this kind of

small donor-citizen for my

country, and I do not understand why my

taxes and my money are being spent by these

You’ve moved away from Roman’s question about the goal.

Do you think that money will be returned to you,

or what, once they stop feeding the Caucasus?

We support budget equality. And I

absolutely believe that if we

manage to make this movement

truly mass-based—and as we can see from the vote,

it is already mass-based in terms of simple

moral support—we will force them

to change this budget inequality. There is no

other way. What are you suggesting I do—

come out in favor of some kind of armed

struggle, or what? What is the alternative?

No need, no need. And don’t drag

our editor-in-chief into this. Leave him out of it,

if you would. One second, now. One second.

Roman,

Here’s the thing. Roman asked

an important question about what the

positive outcome of this

public campaign under the slogan

"Stop Feeding the Caucasus" could be.

Perhaps, Alexei, you are counting on something,

but as I understand it, that is

more of a long-term prospect. A prospect. But

what could happen today already, or

what may already have happened yesterday, after

such rallies in Moscow, is that anti-Russian

sentiment in that very Caucasus will

increase dramatically. They will see how

we are here, they will lump us all together. And

Alexei Navalny and Roman Dobrokhotov

will end up in the same camp as those damned

Muscovites, those liberals and other

democrats who, in their eyes, do not like us,

the Caucasians. And that will lead only to

a surge, at the very least, in mutual hostility

toward one another. At worst, violence. In

the news, we report cases where

a Moscow student was beaten in the metro

by arrivals from the Caucasus. There will be more

stories like that. They were shouting: "Allahu Akbar,

the Caucasus is strength." And in order

to demonstrate their strength in response to

your rallies, there will be more

such stories.

Vladimir, that is an absolutely ostrich-like

position. This is already happening from the

territory of all these republics. Russians

have already been driven out of Chechnya. There used to be

300,000 of them there; now there are barely 400 left.

Now there are only military personnel there. Fine, in

Chechnya there was a war, but in

Ingushetia and Dagestan there is no one left either.

Everyone has already fled. The only people who will come here to us

are those whom you do not want to keep supporting there.

Alexei, I want to say one important thing.

After all,

the cowardly position is precisely to talk

about budget funding when what we really need to talk

about is the rule of law.

The right slogan is: Kadyrov must be held

accountable. The right slogan is

an international tribunal for Chechnya, so that

not only Chechen

leaders there, but also Russian military personnel

responsible for mass crimes,

as a result of which the situation arose

that led to

an entire generation of Chechens and Caucasians

being left without a proper education,

without a proper legal culture. Those are

the people who brought about such a

situation, and they are the ones who must be held

accountable. But if you simply restrict

budget funding for the Caucasus, I assure you,

Kadyrov's Lamborghini isn't going anywhere.

He'll keep driving it. It's just that

while the fat one is losing weight, the thin one will die first. And

ordinary Ingush guys, who are already

sitting there unemployed, will end up

without even a piece of bread for sure. And then

a real separatist

war will begin. Those poor people need to be won over

to our side too, including in

the Caucasus. Exactly. But why won't you

listen to me, my friends? I

already said that the goal of this campaign is, among other things,

to provoke a discussion

within Caucasian society. Yes, in

the Caucasus, poverty overall is much

worse than in any other republic.

The residents are poor. And it is precisely this

disproportion between the super-rich elite and

poverty that provokes this violence.

The more money we send there, the more

terrorism there will be, the more

violence there will be, and the more these

angry young men will come

here. The discussion you're going to

provoke will spread through Moscow's

back alleys. It won't go where you think at all.

Right now, this discussion is happening on

a radio station with an audience of a million

people a day. Why is that? I just

want to remind you that the Russian Marches,

which took place before, also proceeded under

perfectly respectable and in some

cases even reasonable slogans.

The Russian Marches have brought us so many

problems. Let me remind you that, for example,

Nikita Tikhonov, who murdered Stanislav

Markelov, was arrested in Moscow on his way

to a Russian March. And Russky Obraz,

the organization he was involved in,

was one of the organizations that

helped organize the Russian March together with

you, by the way.

Look, just a second. Interesting,

we've reached an important point. I wanted

to ask, Alexei, is it true what people are writing on

the internet, that you joined the organizing committee

for the next Russian March on November 4?

Ah, absolutely. And there's nothing

surprising about that. I consistently support

the idea that if you,

Roman, Vladimir, and everyone else, don't like

the Russian Marches, the only

way to make the Russian Marches better is

to come to the Russian Marches yourselves. And I

consistently support the idea that

the extremely sensitive,

important and, uh, delicate issue

of interethnic relations should not

be left in the hands of some marginal figures.

So either we discuss all of this

together, or we turn it into a taboo and

leave the right to discuss it only

to people inclined toward violence.

Okay. Now I have a question for Roman.

A reminder: in the Echo of Moscow studio are Roman

Dobrokhotov and Alexei Navalny. And

we are discussing the slogan: "Stop Feeding

the Caucasus." You said the following:

an ostrich-like opposition, when there

they were criticizing Alexei, but here that can

I think, also be turned

against you. Vlad writes to us: "As long as there is a lot of money in

the Caucasus, everything there will remain

calm." Maybe that is your

cowardly position, and out of fear you want

to keep showering the Caucasus with money,

simply so that hungry people there

won't suddenly come here and

slaughter us.

So, let me repeat: right now we are not

— we, of course, are the opposition — while

the authorities are currently flooding the entire

country with money so there won't be unrest anywhere. And

that applies to absolutely all the republics.

As for specifically

from Kamchatka—well, all peoples are fine,

all are wonderful, but it just so happens

that there are no police statistics; we

tried to find them, but it is believed that

many of those who come to

central Russia and commit

crimes—this is what people say, this is the information

that circulates, yes—that they are from the south, not

from Kamchatka, from

But that's not because—what, because they were

given too much money, they...

perhaps you're simply afraid there will be

even more of them, and you're worried for your own safety.

No, what I'm saying is that the slogan

should not be "Stop Feeding the Caucasus." It should be

"Enough lawlessness in the Caucasus, enough

lawlessness throughout Russia, Putin resign,

Kadyrov on trial." Those are

the right slogans. Those would lead to

a legal resolution in the Caucasus. But

what Lyosha Navalny is doing is

saying: let's gather

nationalist forces now, uh,

and make them more reasonable. But

listen, that's a strange

kind of logic. All these people, this whole crowd,

who come to this kind of event

one by one, are, generally speaking, overall

fairly harmless. You know, when

piranhas gather in a school, uh, that's

when they attack. So it turns out that

Lyosha is saying: "Now I'll gather these piranhas

into a school and teach them not to eat

people, but educate them, and they'll become

wonderful, friendly

little fish." But everything will happen

the other way around. Anything sensible Lyosha

says goes in one ear and out the other for them. But

they will self-organize, and then

a real bloodbath will begin in the streets: Caucasians

against Russians. Who needs that?

Come on, Rom, what kind of metaphor is that?

Some piranhas are eating someone. But that's just...

you're making it all up. It's all some kind of...

nonsense. Nobody is eating anybody. And, uh...

absolutely

necessary. And no, we don't have attacks in our back alleys.

If you're talking about attacks, then I

urge you to just google the name

Ramzan Kadyrov. And the first photo

that comes up will be Kadyrov

sitting there, hugging

Basayev. So compared with, well, with...

I don't know, with the few genuinely existing

skinheads out there, Kadyrov

looks like a real state

criminal.

There's one more important thing to say. Rom...

just said that all the republics

are the same, that they're all showered with money.

Nothing of the sort. I spent a year, for example,

in a subsidized region called

Kirov Oblast. Nobody there

is being showered with money.

Nikita Belykh, forgive me,

Forget Nikita Belykh. Let's talk

about Ryazan or Tambov instead. So,

if we look, in fact, at

firearms ownership among the population,

there are a lot of hunters in Kirov Oblast,

there are huge numbers of guns, yes, but nobody

still runs out and kills police officers.

So, utility

payments: these poor residents of Tambov,

Ryazan, and Kirov have a collection rate for

utility payments of 90%, while in Dagestan it's

3%. And some minimal quanti... I'm not

avoiding the topic. I'm saying, I'm talking about

a parasitic position, unfortunately. This

parasitic position is being imposed by the ruling, uh,

structures of the Caucasus on the entire

population. They say: "Don't pay

for... don't pay for electricity. Better

go blow something up, and then from

Moscow we'll squeeze out more money."

Friends, a question from one of our listeners.

Yevgeny Butakov asks, and by the way,

I'm extremely interested in this too. Alexei,

perhaps you have this information.

Does the Caucasus support your initiative?

And I think, really, this is not something

to laugh about. I receive a huge number of

responses, perhaps somewhat cautious ones, from

people who say: "Alexei, we

support you, just explain whether you

are actually speaking out against us because

we're Caucasians." And I repeat for the million

and first time that no one is speaking out

against Caucasians. We believe that

Caucasians should solve their own

problems themselves. And, uh, those who suffer the most

from this inequality are Caucasians themselves.

Because with our money, uh, a system is being built

of this very negative

selection. And not a single decent young

person in the Caucasus can get anywhere

without being

drawn into these gangster

structures.

Elena writes precisely about this. The slogan has nothing

to do with nationality. I myself

am from the Caucasus and completely agree. It's not feeding

the people, but an insolent elite,

thereby deepening the segregation of society. We don't have

much time left to wrap up

our conversation with today's

guests, Alexei Navalny

and Roman Dobrokhotov. It's time

for the second control vote on the

same question. You've heard the arguments

from one side and the other, and listened a bit

to the hosts as well. Do you consider

the slogan "Stop Feeding

the Caucasus" relevant? If your answer to our

question is yes, it is a relevant slogan,

call 6600 0664.

If your answer is no, then

the other phone number is

660665.

Look, we're in favor of lawful procedures,

right? Absolutely.

We're against people going out with baseball bats

or showing up in tanks

to seize money. In this connection, a question on

the website from Nadyuzhka. Let me rephrase it

slightly. Would you support

the idea of holding a referendum on this

issue?

But referendums on issues like this,

tax issues and so on, are prohibited

under our

legislation. But, say, similar

procedures that would encourage

substantive discussion, some kind of

nationwide voting, involving

a huge number of people in this so that

through normal laws,

through sensible, humane methods, these issues can be discussed

and resolved — of course we

support that.

Roman,

It's just that if there really were such a

referendum, then it would quite obviously

be understood by Russians as: do you like

Caucasians? And that is, of course, the best

way... Why are you underestimating that?

No, it's just that I live in Russia.

I simply know how people interpret certain

questions. And that is, of course, the best

way to build interethnic, uh,

peace here: ask whether people like Caucasians

or Chechens. A great way, then,

to settle all problems.

Rom, but I'm sure that if you held a

referendum asking whether people like Tuvans, everyone

would say yes, we do. Ask whether they like Tatars, and everyone

would say yes, we do. So what conclusion

do you draw from that? I... the only

conclusion I draw from it is that, uh, even in

the national republics, too

in subsidized republics, where both

the population and the ruling groups do not

engage in blackmailing the rest of the

country, they do not provoke any

resentment. What does provoke resentment is precisely

that strategic line which

has now been chosen by the leadership of the Caucasian

republics and which is supported by the

country. It turns out they all dislike it,

because of budget policy. Now I

understand. It turns out all these

shaven-headed guys we have, not

only in Moscow but across the whole country, they,

it turns out, all looked at the budget and

damn it, are staring at the budget. Why in the

years was it the same—they are looking at how

Kadyrov's birthday is celebrated and

the anniversary celebration of Grozny. They

are watching—excuse me—people, people in

Tambov, Kazan, and Kyzyl, in Tuva,

are watching how Ramzan Kadyrov

—you ask Kadyrov to stage some action. That is

specifically against Kadyrov.

Why are you appealing to some kind of dare? And

what is happening today at 14:00? Well, come

and see whether these people are up to it or not

up to it. I have been saying this here for

50 minutes already, and you do not want to

hear me.

No, put the name of the rally out there. We are there for

the simple opening of a criminal case. You

know what bothers me, Alexei? Here is

you keep repeating yourself, and I keep

having to explain. I keep

having to explain. So, evidently,

there is still some misunderstanding of what you want. I do not

know what the results of the

vote will be now, but the previous vote

suggests that, after all, 84% of people

in one way or another—86, in one way or another—

heard me, but nevertheless I will keep asking whether

they heard you, or whether it simply fit with their

some kind of

position. We do not know. I will still

continue explaining my position

even to opponents of mine such as Roman and

everyone else.

Look, over the course of our conversation

the number of those who support the slogan:

"Stop Feeding the Caucasus," has

grown. Not by much, but it has grown.

Well, then it was not in vain.

It went from 86% to 89%.

Roman,

I am saddened.

And those who are on your side,

I am saddened. Not only for you, it has

fallen below 11%. I will go hang myself. Which

rallies are we going to today?

Today at 14:00 we are going to Bolotnaya

Square. I urge Roman to come there

as well. No need to hang yourself. In fact,

what you are saying, Roman, actually in many

ways fits with—where are you going?

No, well, of course I would support the PARNAS rally,

but the main thing, it seems to me, is that

in my opinion,

[laughter]

No, really, the main thing for me is that

today in Moscow there should be no raised arms,

none at all. Look, perhaps

Alexei is actually right. More bespectacled

people, more people in ties, need to

show up, fewer of the others.

Well then, to fix

the skinheads, let us shave our own heads,

put on swastikas, and simply be more

intelligent fascists. I do not know,

whether the camera is showing me, but this

is childish,

if you go, take off your glasses just in case

.

Thank you very much. Alexei Navalny,

and Roman Dobrokhotov have accomplished a small

feat: they came to the Echo of Moscow radio studio at 8 a.m.

Anna Trifilova, Vladimir

Varfolomeev. This is the morning program. Both

of today's rallies have been approved by the authorities

.

Absolutely right.

Thank you, everyone.

Thank you. I think I may have

been shouting a bit, so I apologize.

It is fine, it is fine. But the overload

could be heard in the headphones.

A better result than that—more on this a little later

[laughter] news, news.

I will join you. Yes, of course, I

wrote down all the results.

Who?

Thank you very much.

Well then, I will be out to join you soon.

Listen, I think it is turning out pretty lively.

It was lively. Very good.

admiral, oh dear, oh dear

of the detachment and returned to Sudanaya Alley

remained in the city, presented

Well, yes,

yes.

Uh-huh.

I am ready.

Uh-huh.

Oh damn, this crown prince of the introduced

from the French language

village stories were found to be

offensive to public morality

and decency.

He imposed four fines in the amount of

50 rubles.

A rumor is spreading about the suicide of yet

another schoolgirl; the headmistress of the gymnasium (secondary school).

Something about birth there, in Evrosse

the previous forty. Yes, yes, yes. Yes,

has died.

Oh, I forgot the middle hour.

What is there?

Yes, yes. Yes, this is about the crown prince.

From Arkhangelsk, today reports sa

89%.

Maybe I’m not understanding something.

What is it that you don’t understand? It uses

the prisoners from Armonskaya.