Former Yabloko member Alexei Navalny is willing to engage in dialogue with nationalists from DPNI and Great Russia. But where, then, is the line between “moderate nationalism” and traditional nationalism? In this interview with I., the co-chair of the NAROD movement reflects on that question.

- Aren’t you troubled by the notorious reputation of your prospective coalition partners? - Let me start by saying that the conference taking place tomorrow is not a unifying one but, if you will, a demarcation one. In our country, as many as 40 percent of people are instinctive nationalists. But they have no political force to rely on, because nationalism in Russia means either “Sovok” patriots (nostalgic Soviet-style patriots) on one side, or various quasi-fascist groups like skinheads, Hitlerites, and other riffraff on the other. We believe new nationalists must emerge in this country—people who will clearly draw a line between pro-Kremlin pseudo-patriots and the radical groups of all these street thugs. As for reputational risks, I would say that is largely a myth. At present, the Movement Against Illegal Immigration, for example, is actually one of the least radical organizations in operation. - Alexander Belov, the leader of DPNI, has laid out his vision of “new nationalism” on the movement’s website. Do you agree with him? - Broadly speaking, yes. What exactly is wrong with it? - For example, the closing flourish of his theses: “Nation! The nation above all!” - You know, for some reason the word “nation” grates on many liberal-minded people. In America, neither the president nor presidential candidates are embarrassed to use that word. I think our reaction comes from ideological blinkers. - Or from historical memory. Your other potential partner is Andrei Savelyev, the leader of “Great Russia.” He quite openly preaches anti-Semitism. Doesn’t that bother you either? - The “Great Russia” party is a fairly moderate organization; its alleged intolerance is also a myth. Such organizations legally exist in Europe. One need only recall Italy, where far more radical elements are part of the country’s leadership. Yet this causes no problems either in Italy itself or for its partners in the European Union. Now, as for our partnership. The people gathering at the conference may have different views on different issues. They do not have to support one another on everything. Besides, the conference is not creating any new organization or any governing bodies. The coalition is more of a political club whose members are united by a manifesto of new political nationalism. - So what, in your view, is “new nationalism”? - New political nationalism in Russia is, in my view, a national-democratic movement of the European type, which, as we can see, is triumphantly advancing across Europe. It combines demands for political freedoms and equality, while also standing for social guarantees. In other words, it harmoniously combines right-conservative and liberal ideas. If you noticed, both “Russian Marches,” alongside right-wing slogans, called for the abolition of censorship, equal access to the media, and freedom for political prisoners. In other words, we believe nationalism can and should be built on the basic principles of democracy, and that it poses no threat to any other peoples. Nationalism is precisely the ideology that could, in a certain sense, unite liberals, the left, and the right. It is precisely what should become the backbone of Russia’s political system. - A textbook example: Hitler came to power on a national idea and social slogans. - A favorite liberal trump card. But that does not mean social slogans should not be advanced. History offers plenty of examples that can be used to justify any thesis. So I urge people not to appeal to history so often, but simply to make history themselves. We are trying to launch a new political movement. It is precisely the absence of legal nationalism that gives rise to crazed skinheads and Hitlerites. Either there will be a legal, reasonable movement, or its place will be taken by these fragmented, deranged groups. - Why is this coalition being created? With an eye to the next elections? - For now, the point is that nationalism must take shape as a political force. The core demands of right-wing organizations—restricting migration, sorting out the structure of large-scale property ownership, granting citizenship to all Russians living abroad, and, finally, addressing the refugee problem—are supported by many people with thoroughly democratic views. But they do not want to join purely right-wing organizations. I hope the conference will show that nationalism in Russia is represented by entirely normal people, sensible politicians capable of clearly formulating their ideas and building their political organizations on democratic principles. - Have you already agreed with your partners on a plan for joint action? - In addition to the declaration on new political nationalism, a pact on cooperation will be signed tomorrow. This is a basic document setting out the rules of the game—it will regulate future relations so as to rule out the less-than-graceful political gestures to which our politicians are prone. Further actions will be determined by the current political situation. Right now, nationalists have been completely pushed out of the political arena; they do not participate in the political process. Our short-term goal is to ensure that all nationalist organizations can take part in elections. On this point, we are in complete agreement with both liberals and the left. The coalition’s task is to secure the basic conditions for the political process to move in that direction. But that does not mean we will necessarily go into elections as a single bloc.

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