Alexei, how did you come up with the idea of fighting corruption in major corporations like Gazprom? Why do it? I think the idea of fighting corruption has occurred to everyone. The situation is so monstrous and cynical that half the country is clenching its fists in helpless rage. The only difference is that some people are willing to spend part of their own time and energy on it, and some are not. I am. How effective has the strategy you chose been—buying a few shares in a company and then acting as a shareholder? What successes have you achieved this way? Unfortunately, this is not really a matter of choosing a strategy or a working method. There is only one possible strategy. Our laws do not allow so-called “public interest lawsuits.” You cannot defend the interests of an undefined group of people, even when those interests clearly need defending. In our courts, the first thing you have to prove is that your own rights were violated. For example, you cannot sue the Moscow city government for wasting and stealing taxpayers’ money by building a road that costs hundreds of millions of dollars per kilometer. A judge will say that this does not affect you personally, and your complaint or lawsuit will not even be accepted for consideration. That is why the only way to fight theft in state-owned companies is to become a shareholder and prove that you personally suffered specific financial harm. Thanks to your efforts, criminal proceedings have already been opened against several members of Gazprom’s management. What else do you want to achieve? What outcome do you hope for from the campaign you started? As for this particular Gazprom embezzlement case, my intentions are obvious. I want to see it through to trial. I want the crooks in the dock and I want them to receive fair punishment. What will your next step be, in the event of victory or defeat? If we win, we’ll drink champagne and open new cases. If we lose, we’ll appeal—and still open new cases. Since you began working on this case, have you received any threats? Has anyone tried to bribe you? There have been no direct threats. Through some of my acquaintances, however, “expressions of bewilderment” were conveyed. But no threats. No attempts to bribe me either. I think my motives are obvious to everyone: I’m not a greenmailer or a corporate blackmailer; money does not interest me in this context. Perhaps that is why there have been no threats so far. If I were asking for money, I’d have been hit over the head in an alley long ago. Do you think this could set a precedent for other state corporations? I would very much like that, but I am a realist. I understand that for every relatively successful action, there will be a hundred unsuccessful ones. I know who my opponents are and what resources they have. These are people who can call any judge, and that judge will snap to attention. How do you assess President Medvedev’s anti-corruption initiatives? It is honestly laughable even to talk about them. There is Baturina’s business in Moscow, built on the official position of her husband, the mayor; there is the business of Matvienko’s son, built on the official position of his mother, the governor. There is Gunvor and its oil export schemes. These people could and should be sent to the dock tomorrow. Is Medvedev unaware of this? Can you really force an average official not to steal when he sees the very top leadership and the leaders of the ruling party stealing by the billions without the slightest embarrassment? Is there an effective way to solve this problem on a nationwide scale? Fighting corruption is impossible without a free press and political competition. That is an axiom. As long as this political system remains in place in Russia, corruption will only worsen, simply taking on more sophisticated forms. What is your view of compiling various kinds of “personnel reserve” lists and “shadow governments”? And what about the fact that in some of them, people are proposing that you be put in charge of fighting corruption nationwide? This is the first I’ve heard that some shadow government has appointed me the country’s “anti-corruption chief.” I hope it’s the World Shadow Government. I could really get things moving there. In general, I have a positive view of the idea of shadow governments. The main thing is that they should not turn into a gathering of local cranks. If you join a shadow government, you should work just as hard as you would in a real one. Yes, you are not issuing decrees, but you should be studying and analyzing the decisions that are being made in detail. You should be ready to present a well-founded alternative opinion on any issue. It is painstaking work, and it has nothing in common with writing a four-page plan for how to reorganize Russia. In your view, what should the opposition be doing during a crisis? How would you assess the actions of opposition organizations—how effective are they in a time of crisis? And do you think the economic crisis helps fuel broader protest sentiment, not just local unrest? It is hard for me to give any overall assessment of the opposition. It is not even clear what the criteria for effectiveness are. Is it the size of demonstrations? Press coverage? The ability to force a dialogue on certain issues? The authorities are intensifying repression against the opposition; they are afraid of it. Perhaps that is a sign that the opposition is becoming more effective. The economic crisis undoubtedly helps increase protest sentiment overall. But it should also be noted that even under these conditions, individual opposition groups and politicians are not becoming more popular. Alexei, what prompted you to become an adviser to Nikita Belykh? I have known Nikita for a long time, and I believe in the sincerity of his intentions. I can see that he has assembled an excellent team. I find it interesting to work with them, and I want to be useful to them. Do you see it as a cynical joke by the Kremlin that Kirov Region is becoming a kind of ghetto for opposition figures? Do you think this is an attempt to buy off those who are more or less loyal? In fact, there is no ghetto at all. That is a myth. Which opposition figures can you name? Belykh himself, and Maria Gaidar. Me too, but I work on a voluntary basis. Frankly, I do not see opposition figures rushing here in droves. The region is poor, salaries are low, Belykh will not let anyone steal, and there is a huge amount of work to do. Those conditions quickly take the heat out of any personnel rush. In your opinion, does Nemtsov have a chance of winning in Sochi? I think Boris Nemtsov would have had a chance of winning the Sochi mayoral election—if one were actually taking place. But there is no election. What there is instead is a drawn-out, expensive, and scandal-ridden appointment of Pakhomov as mayor. And Boris Nemtsov is simply making skillful use of the PR opportunities opened up by that appointment.
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