“I’m often in Zelenograd and know the city firsthand”

— Zelenograd Administrative Okrug is 20 km (12.4 miles) from Moscow. Some estimates say that around 40,000 people commute to Moscow every day for work or study. People say that Zelenograd’s main problem is its transport links with Moscow. Any mayor would improve transport accessibility—if the money were available. But overcrowded commuter trains and traffic jams are really the result of a shortage of well-paid jobs. What would you do as mayor to stop Zelenograd from gradually turning into a bedroom community? — I visit Zelenograd often, and I know the city firsthand. My grandfather worked with Nikolai Zlobin, one of the city’s founding builders, and he is buried near Zelenograd. My mother finished school in Zelenograd and later worked first at the Research Institute of Microelectronics and then at the Research Institute of Microdevices. My cousins graduated from MIET (Moscow Institute of Electronic Technology) and live in Zelenograd with their families. Zelenograd was conceived and built as a center for the development of microelectronics, where the production of raw materials, components, and finished microelectronics products, specialist training, and comfortable living for residents and workers would all be combined in one compact area, with development carefully integrated into the landscape, convenient access to workplaces, and close proximity to nature. At one time, this really did give a major boost to the development of Soviet microelectronics. After the collapse of the USSR, unfortunately, many of these advantages were undermined by economic difficulties, but above all by the ineffective regional policy of the federal authorities, who failed to develop a sensible approach to the territories of the Moscow metropolitan area. In Soviet times, out of Zelenograd’s population of just over 100,000, the majority worked in microelectronics or related fields; today, that same majority commutes to Moscow for work. Intelligent people live here, and they deserve better than spending more than two hours on the road and breathing dust in traffic jams on Leningradskoye Highway on the way to and from an office in central Moscow. It would be naive to say that, as mayor, I could quickly turn Zelenograd into a new Silicon Valley so that most people could find well-paid, intellectual, scientific work locally and stop commuting to Moscow. Moscow will remain a powerful magnet for employment. We need to move in two directions: improve transport accessibility so that getting to the center is faster and more comfortable, and focus on creating jobs in Zelenograd so that a growing share of residents can work close to home. The transport problem did not arise only because of the increase in the number of cars. When the Sapsan high-speed trains were introduced, the regular schedule of suburban commuter trains from Kryukovo station to Moscow was disrupted. Many Zelenograd residents who work in Moscow would gladly use public transport, but there are too few trains, the gaps between them are too long, and during rush hour they are overcrowded. The launch of a fourth main railway track would merely restore train intervals to what they were in Soviet times. I believe the city needs convenient transport interchanges built around Kryukovo station and the Firsanovka, Malino, and Alabushevo platforms. We should also consider reducing rail fares to a level closer to the standard intra-Moscow fare. Interchanges need to be built on Leningradskoye Highway, and Pyatnitskoye Highway needs to be widened. And we will find the money for this in Moscow’s budget. — Zelenograd is surrounded on all sides by Moscow Oblast (the Moscow region). About 20,000 people live just outside Zelenograd’s borders. They take jobs from local residents and, by fair means or foul, attach themselves to our clinics, schools, and kindergartens (by some estimates, 30% of those registered with local clinics actually live outside Zelenograd). What would you do as mayor to solve the strain placed on Zelenograd’s social infrastructure by residents of Moscow Oblast? — The very fact that Zelenograd is becoming a center of attraction speaks to the city’s strong potential and its advantages over other areas in terms of quality of life. There is no point in “closing ourselves off” from the outside world: we simply need to develop its social infrastructure actively and ahead of demand, keeping in mind that Zelenograd can and should become a regional “locomotive” of development. But the problem does need to be made less acute, and that is possible. First, when planning the necessary infrastructure—schools, hospitals, and so on—the district leadership and the Moscow city government should not rely only on official population figures for those permanently living within Zelenograd, as they do now. They must also take into account the fact that the city’s infrastructure is used by residents of nearby districts of the Moscow region, many of whom obtain sham registration. It is not difficult to get registration data from the internal affairs authorities, and social institutions have real data on their actual workload. Second, I support transferring powers and funding to the local level—to districts and municipalities. Decisions about how to develop social infrastructure in Zelenograd should be made by residents, not by officials on Tverskaya, 13 (Moscow City Hall’s address). — Zelenograd’s close proximity to the region and the different business conditions there mean that businesses—those that can—are fleeing from Zelenograd to Moscow Oblast. Land payments, infrastructure costs, labor costs, and so on are often lower there. The authorities of Moscow Oblast openly say they intend to lure business away from Moscow. In Zelenograd’s case, that is easy for them—often all a company has to do is cross the road. What would you do as mayor to stop this outflow of taxpayers into the neighboring region’s budget? — Business flees ineffective management, bureaucratic extortion and rent-seeking, red tape, and lengthy approvals. My task is to reduce costs and unnecessary bureaucracy for business in the areas that depend on the city. This applies to all municipal districts of Moscow, including Zelenograd. Of particular importance will be personal oversight by the city leadership of every report of attempted extortion by officials. Further, replacing the practice of handing contracts and tenders to favored contractors with genuinely competitive and healthy bidding will give businesses, including small businesses, more room to grow. As for Zelenograd’s specific problems, order needs to be restored in the rental market, where increases in land payments are being passed on to tenants. Zelenograd entrepreneurs are also concerned about the nearly threefold increase in rent imposed by Moskomimushchestvo (the Moscow property department). It is not easy for business—especially small business—to recoup those higher costs. Rates in Zelenograd should be lower than in central Moscow. Businesses will not flee a city with a healthy business climate, no matter what incentives others offer. And it will be hard to compete for entrepreneurs with a Moscow whose authorities protect local business instead of pressuring it and treating it like a cash cow. — How do you plan to work with Moscow Oblast, including personally with the likely future governor Vorobyov, whose father you accused in your blog (and who, apparently, has a similar opinion of you)? — I will have to work with Moscow Oblast, with federal authorities, and with the Moscow City Duma. As with other issues of city governance, I will approach this from the standpoint of openness, transparency, and legality. First, these relations are defined above all by the law, which must be followed regardless of who holds the office of mayor. Second, not only does Moscow depend on Moscow Oblast, but the oblast depends on the city as well—and I think that dependence is even stronger. I am confident that I can build relations based on mutual consideration of interests. — There is a lot of talk about a possible merger of Moscow and the region. Do you support this idea, and in what form do you see such a merger? — My approach is unequivocal: the city’s territory must be developed comprehensively, through high-quality urban planning. At the same time, the development of the entire Moscow metropolitan area must be planned in a coordinated way. The current authorities still have no clear, publicly adopted strategy or program for the city’s development; no work is being done on a new master plan for Greater Moscow, and budgets are simply being spent. A good example is the history of the annexation of the territory known as “New Moscow.” When the federal authorities began adding territories to Moscow, it became clear that the project’s goals were vague and incoherent. So far, the only winners have been the developers carrying out projects in the “new Moscow” territories and the landowners. The authorities were afraid to clearly plan the future of Greater Moscow and take responsibility for its development. Moscow already has too high a concentration of population and accounts for a significant share of the country’s economy. It seems to me that further expanding Moscow’s borders as an administrative unit is strategically the wrong path. In any case, before this issue can be seriously considered and brought to public discussion, the current corrupt, authoritarian system of power in the country must change. — Troitsk, a city similar in many ways to Zelenograd, managed during its annexation to Moscow to persuade the authorities to leave it as an urban okrug with much greater local self-government. Given Zelenograd’s territorial separation, this may also be relevant here. As mayor, would you support an initiative to create an urban okrug within Moscow on the territory of Zelenograd? — The hyper-centralized model of governing Moscow created back in the Luzhkov years is cumbersome and ineffective. More decisions should be made locally, both by local deputies and by citizens themselves through local referendums, which the authorities now fear like fire. People’s participation in managing local urban development is right, sensible, and consistent with international practice. This applies to Zelenograd as well. Given both the city’s special role and its location, if residents support the decision to unite the city’s five municipal districts into a single urban okrug, that would almost certainly be the right course. We will transfer more powers and more financial resources to Zelenograd and to other municipalities. — Zelenograd’s prefect has lived here for more than 40 years, has headed the city for 13 years, and knows it extremely well. I think that if prefects were elected, he would be the overwhelming favorite. Behind him stands a large army of civil servants, and alongside them an even larger army of public-sector employees and organizations living off city contracts. On the whole, things are going quite well for them. You are seen as an outsider, a “new broom.” Convince them to vote for you. — A new broom should sweep away only the dirt. Most city employees in district administrations, prefectures, and municipalities are ordinary people who are not involved in corruption, who work hard, and who are not always paid fairly for their labor. I understand these people well, and I am sure that everyone who does their job properly and conscientiously in the interests of Muscovites, guided by the principle of serving people, should continue working for the city. Under a new administration, things will not get worse for them—they will get better, thanks to the release of funds and resources that are now being stolen or used inefficiently. As for what it means to say that “things are going quite well for them,” let me cite statistics from a recent Forbes survey: 28% of Muscovites are ready to leave Russia, and among students that figure is 45%. This is the result of monstrous economic and political corruption, the hypocrisy of those in power, and stagnation in public life. I am running for mayor to fight these phenomena, including by renewing the city’s leadership. All management positions in Moscow should be filled through open and public personnel competitions, with public oversight of the appointments made as a result. Moscow needs honest people, ready to defend residents’ interests selflessly, and committed to helping and serving them. This applies to everyone without exception, including members of the city government, prefects, and district administration staff. If someone in the city administration works well and rightfully enjoys public support, they will be able to keep their post. — For historical reasons, Zelenograd has many enterprises working in high technology. I think at least 20,000 people work at companies connected in one way or another with this field. Such enterprises depend heavily on state funding—defense, space, infrastructure projects, contracts with state corporations—and the city as a whole also participates in several major programs involving budget financing (the special economic zone, the territorial cluster, and others). Everyone understands the difficulties of working with the state, but values it as a stable source of money. You bring with you potential instability and the possibility of conflict with federal structures. Can you promise Zelenograd enterprises, many of which live largely on federal funding, that your arrival will not turn into a crisis for them? — It is true that Zelenograd is a city tied to high technology. For example, two industrial centers—one around Angstrem and the other around Mikron—provide jobs for about 7,000 people. In my view, their customers would not dare make supplies and state financing for city enterprises dependent on who becomes mayor. The factors that influence this are far more complex. At the same time, if federal funding were nevertheless reduced, I would find money in the budget to ensure employment for specialists who might otherwise be left without work. I would find those funds by reducing corruption in the city economy, because even by the most conservative estimates, 30% of Moscow’s budget is simply stolen—and that amounts to billions of dollars. If Muscovites bring the budget under their own control, they will only benefit. — A couple of years ago, speaking about the inefficiency of the Ministry of Economic Development, you harshly criticized Zelenograd’s special economic zone (and, in my view, not entirely fairly), saying that “10 billion rubles have been spent, and there is only a pit and a fence there, and officials should periodically be put into that pit to bring them closer to the harsh realities of life.” How do you now assess the efforts of federal and regional authorities to support innovation? Does the state in general, and Moscow in particular, need to support innovative business and create conditions for attracting investment into scientific research and manufacturing? In what form? — When the director of Zelenograd’s special economic zone commented on my words in 2011, he began with a telling qualification: “One can partly agree that some inefficiency, as in our state as a whole, is present...” That inefficiency is precisely what must be decisively eliminated—including in Russia’s existing special economic zones, technology parks, and innovation clusters, where all too often either mere “Potemkin villages” (facades meant to impress without substance) like Skolkovo have been set up, or the innovation infrastructure is managed with great difficulty while continuing to grind through budget funds. Unfortunately, the symbols of “innovative Russia” are still, regrettably, billboards advertising “prestigious cottages” in Skolkovo. Innovation and scientific research are a difficult sphere even for private business, and I am skeptical that the city, through its officials, could effectively decide which technologies and which specific companies should be supported with taxpayers’ money. I see my task as mayor not as investing in particular sectors, but as creating conditions for business activity to develop, reducing unproductive costs, and creating a comfortable social environment for city residents. — Your campaign slogan is “Do not lie and do not steal.” How is it possible not to lie and not to steal in one particular region if we assume that everyone else around you lies and steals? — The stagnation we now see in the country’s economy and public life will not last forever. We can change Russia. And those changes will inevitably begin in Moscow, where the standard of living is highest and where the intellectual and business elite is concentrated. My team and I have serious experience fighting corruption in state companies and public procurement. In particular, as a result of the RosPil project, corrupt and suspicious public tenders worth around 60 billion rubles were canceled. My first steps as mayor would be: abolishing censorship in city media, freezing housing and utility tariffs until an independent audit of utility companies is carried out, ensuring the preparation and conduct of fair elections to the Moscow City Duma, and making sure that any Moscow official caught using administrative resources during the election campaign or the elections themselves faces severe consequences. That is how we will begin implementing the principle of “Do not lie and do not steal” at the city level. Alexander Erlikh